The Nation Newspaper

Category: Wednesday

  • NUC’s Core Curriculum for Nigerian universities

    NUC’s Core Curriculum for Nigerian universities

    The argument is not whether or not the National Universities Commission has the power to do what it has been doing to the universities. The truth is that the NUC has legal cover for what it has been doing. Section 10(1) of the Education (National Minimum Standards and Establishment of Institutions ) Act, Cap E3, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004, empowers the NUC to set the minimum standards for all universities and conduct the accreditation of degree courses. With this kind of power, the NUC is only one step away from designing the curriculum for such courses.

    The question, however, is whether or not the NUC has truly designed curricular offerings for university courses, sidelining the University Senate, whose primary function it is to oversee the university’s academic functions, including course offerings, examinations, and the approval of degrees to be awarded to deserving students. There was a lot of noise last week that the NUC has done precisely that.

    On reading about the objections raised by the Academic Staff Union of Universities to the NUC’s Core Curriculum and Minimum Academic Standards for the Nigerian University System, I sought the advice of some Professors, who currently teach in one premier Federal University or the other. I wanted to know the reactions of their Senate and the faculty in general to the CCMAS documents. I also read the official response of the NUC to the objections. Not done, I read through many of the CCMAS documents online at nuc-ccmas.ng.

    There are several striking findings, using the CCMAS document for the Social Sciences as reference point. First, what the NUC has developed is not anything near the 70 percent curriculum content being touted by ASUU. Rather, what the NUC has produced is a template for each course, featuring basic topics; core concepts; competencies to be acquired; expected learning outcomes; modes of student assessment; grading of courses; and student evaluation of courses. In order to underscore the ownership of the course by the course lecturer, the NUC adds: “It is pertinent to note that this CCMAS Document is expected to guide institutions in the design of curricula for their Social Sciences programmes by stipulating the minimum requirements. Institutions are therefore encouraged to take due cognizance of the CCMAS while bringing necessary innovation into the content and delivery of their programmes towards achieving the overall goals of Social Science education and training in the country”.

    Second, the template was constructed by a consortium of university professors, drawn from various disciplines; professionals of various stripes; top civil servants; and other stakeholders. Then reviewers were drawn from various universities. At least two Professors from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, participated in reviewing particular programmes in the Social Sciences. During the construction of the CCMAS documents, the NUC Board Chairman was no other than Emeritus Professor, Ayo Banjo, an illustrious scholar and former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan.

    Read Also: Future universities must accommodate technology, says VC

    Third, the Senates of some universities, including the University of Lagos, have reportedly considered and approved the CCMAS document, while others are still mauling over the infraction of their authority. ASUU on their part is right about calling for a bottom-up approach, rather than what they describe as the NUC’s “top-bottom (read top-down) or take-it-or-leave it model”.

    What ASUU has failed to acknowledge is that the real problem with Nigerian universities is the materialistic orientation of faculty and staff. Too much is going on in the search for money, including money for grades, money for the supervision of long essays, and money for virtually any favour that students seek. It is all too easy to draw from the rank of professors and administrators for a few thousand Naira to do anything, including undermining university autonomy. Inadequate and irregular salary payments are often blamed for their actions. NUC and the Joint Admissions Matriculation Board are two centralising federal institutions that have the Naira to throw around to achieve their objectives. Yet, these are institutions that exert controlling power over the universities.

    There is no doubt that the centralising tendencies of federal institutions are becoming overbearing for the universities. For example, there is an ongoing pressure on the Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital to dance to the tune of civil servants from the Federal Ministry of Health in Abuja, who scuttled the processes set in motion by the Hospital Management Board. As the story developed, it also appeared that the leadership of the Medical and Dental Consultants Association of Nigeria has been exerting its influence on the Ministry officials on behalf of the candidate they are said to be interested in. It is yet another sad story about my alma mater and the foundation of my professional career.

    There is yet another development that may have nothing to do with the NUC. It is reported that some applicants are being dumped on certain departments in a number of universities for interview as lecturers, contravening the processes by which lecturers are recruited. How many of such “dumped” applicants have been hired remains unknown. It is suspected that there is a clique behind the practice, which charges the applicants some unspecified amount. It is yet another sad encroachment on our beleaguered universities, including, again, my beloved alma mater.

    Finally, there is an important lesson about transparency and inclusivity that the NUC may have to learn from JAMB. These are among the chief strategies used by JAMB to draw the support of the universities, the media, and the general public. Nothing prevents the NUC from inviting various departments to streamline the template for their courses, which the NUC could then use as the starting point for constructing the CCMAS documents in about the same way by which JAMB constructs the cut-off marks for admission, by drawing upon input from university vice-chancellors, polytechnic rectors, and registrars.

  • Abolish constituency projects; hike education, health budgets

    Abolish constituency projects; hike education, health budgets

    You, the reader, probably work to save Nigeria from destitution and destruction. Good. Please join me at my work: Last week I saw many needy patients. Two stood out. A boy and a girl from different families, three and two years old, each came blind in one eye. On examination both children had an eye cancer – a retinoblastoma. Google it.

    There is a maliciously negligent deliberate politically driven underfunding causing lack of care for blind, mentally and physically challenged citizens in Nigeria and is evidence of underfunding medicine and education. Politicians should increase health and education budgets by reducing greed-driven political budgets. The parents will require often unavailable family, friends and other support for expensive cancer care and surgery or the affected children will be left at home to die or be victims of quackery or unrealistic miracle religious or traditional cures.

    Citizen-targeted budgets are stolen as witnessed by the huge number of Fellow Nigerians in authority and politics accused of stealing, misplacing, misappropriating billions. This must stop.

    We face a bleak future as, countrywide, doctors and nurses struggle in poor quality centres and see cancer patients daily and patients requiring expensive interventions like difficult surgery and expensive prolonged medications and specialist consultations. Poor patients cannot travel for ‘medical tourism’ strangely taxpayer money guaranteed to politicians, high civil servants and armed forces bosses for life. If that money was used properly on service delivery, no one would need to go on ‘medical tourism japa.’

    We must take better care and make better use of masses’ money than during 1999-2023 when trillions were stolen undetected from the common patrimony.

    We can first legislate to divert the N150b corruption-driven Constituency Projects from the politicians to the people’s budget, 50% for health and 50% for education and any change going to the power sector.

    A politician says he needs money to pay huge demands for financial assistance for medical treatment and education from needy constituents. Wrong. Put that money directly in education and health instead will reduce the need for constituents to beg politicians.

    Read Also: MHWUN president seeks priority for education

    On that clinic day another child, eight-year-old, had an okada run into her and a left kidney injury requiring surgery. Another huge cost. A countrywide medical experience.

    Sadly, even good intentions by politicians are sometimes thwarted by political insincerity, lip service, diverting funding or lack of ability to unite and follow through and finish projects, the uncompleted project, perhaps because the bribe had been given, on demand, to a previous office holder or nobody to supervise or answer to. No concern for citizens’ needs.

    When I was younger, around the early 80s, UCH, Ibadan acquired the first CT scan in Africa to help it as a ‘Centre of Excellence in Neurological Sciences’ based on the work of Professors Odeku, Adeloye, Osuntokun and others. Frustratingly, the CT scan lay rotting unopened in a wooden crate for 10 years awaiting a room allocation or purpose-built building. The building never came. The CT was outdated, destroyed. Waste! No allocation. Corruption! Politics, an inability to execute multiple segments of the same project.

    Elsewhere, government strangely buys non-syllabus books and forcing schools to take the useless books from a contractor who never asked what was required reading. A contract guaranteeing good education needs to become the norm. Stories of commissioners, etc. charging for books to get on book lists – a crime against the children of Nigeria! Corrupt civil servants, contractors and politicians should not dare pollute education.

    But government rot is pervasive. All government activities are corruption prone resisted by the few at great personal cost. Remember Nigerian passport palaver worldwide? Simply a lack of fast benchmarks and supervision for efficiency! Remember the unopened crates of technical equipment littered around schools in the 80s – incompetence and lack of cohesiveness of the participants -government, politics, civil servants unable to unite to reach the classroom with technical material already in a container in the school. Shame!

    Remember the 30 or 40 electricity parts containers left to rot at ports for years simply because government, the supervising ministry, the contractor and customs could not meet and unite to honestly deliver the ‘urgent Nigerian Electricity Project’ timely instead of dragging matters long enough for the equipment in the containers to be vandalised, become obsolete or stolen and resold to the contractor or government for other projects.

    The above points out the Social Development Goals (SDG)s of health, education and contractual agreed obligations of government often neglected deliberately, by incompetence, corruption or selfish alternative agendas of supervisors who see themselves but as willing obstacles deliberately set up to change the ‘honesty game’ in favour of personal gain at public expense.

    No country can grow well with more than 10% corruption in its health, education and electric power programmes. This is clear from where we actually are today in Nigeria. Our planners, politicians, failed.

    In 2023, this government inherits blackouts, no potable water, underequipped schools and hospitals, 40-100% unbridled greed, 80% poverty, 50% real illiteracy, 6m IDPs, terror on most roads, corruption and conflict, lack of cohesion, disunity, between MDAs.

    What will we say in 2027? Will we have cohesive action-packed governance or more of the same corruption and dangerous lack of unity in plan execution. Only government action now will change today’s statistics by 2027.

  • Ribadu and Nigeria’s security challenges

    Ribadu and Nigeria’s security challenges

    For pioneer Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, taking over as Nigeria’s latest National Security Adviser (NSA) was something emotional. To mark the special occasion, he embarked on a mental journey – remembering some of those who helped him on his way up. He wore robes and a pair of shoes gifted him by his late mentor, Dr. Mahmud Tukur. The cap on his head came from another benefactor, former Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Coomasssie.

    But this wasn’t just about personal achievement, it was also a time to acknowledge the weight of responsibilities that had just been thrust on him. He was taking over from Babagana Monguno who, despite occupying the position for eight years, was leaving an in-tray brimming with unresolved security problems.

    Ribadu assumes office with many questioning whether he’s the right fit for the job. All that’s academic now. He came to national prominence after being appointed EFCC chairman by former President Olusegun Obasanjo. He took to the assignment with characteristic dash only for a change of government to consign him to premature retirement. He left his career as an intelligence officer as an Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of Police. Despite the relatively senior position, some worried whether given that background he would be respected by the military hierarchy. These doubts flow from Nigeria’s past under military dictatorship, where soldiers saw the police as lesser mortals.

    Ribadu’s return to the corridors of power marks a break in the pattern of appointments to the office of NSA over the last 25 years where only former military officers were considered suitable. But such doubters forget that before the era of military domination of the position, another senior police officer, Ismaila Gwarzo, played the role for five years, first under Ernest Shonekan and later with General Sani Abacha.

    It bears pointing out that whatever influenced the thinking that only retired military officers were suitable as NSA, wasn’t supported by the reality on the ground as their leadership never delivered the pacific conditions the country needed to thrive.

    In the United States from where we copied the role, there have been as many former ex-military officers as there have been intellectuals occupying the position, with the tally weighted more in favour of the civilians. Such names as Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, George Shultz, Condoleeza Rice, Susan Rice, John Bolton etc come to mind.

    Monguno was a general who was a former director of military intelligence. So you would have expected that he would have had an easy time dealing with those from his professional constituency. But for much of his eight years in office he battled for the kind of pull and influence of some his predecessors like Col. Sambo Dasuki, Gwarzo etc. had.

    Part of that power and influence had to do with involvement in multi-billion naira arms procurement contracts. Many would remember that the office of the NSA (ONSA) under Dasuki was neck deep in the wheeling and dealing during the Goodluck Jonathan years, so much so that much of the funds that were supposed to be used to purchase arms to fight the insurgency ended up being diverted to fighting the 2015 general elections.

    Monguno clearly saw his office as more than just a security clearing house. It never happened as the service chiefs refused to be surbodinated to him. At some point when he made a move in that direction he swiftly received a memo from Buhari’s office warning him not to give direct instructions to the service chiefs, but to stay within his advisory and coordinating remit. He wasn’t also allowed to get involved in procurement as this was left to the Ministries of Defence and Police Affairs. Would Ribadu be more involved or would the last administration’s arrangements remain?

    President Bola Tinubu very early in office made it clear that he was constructing a new security architecture where coordination would be paramount. He warned that service chiefs should be ready to work as part of a team and not as rivals. What he didn’t delve into is the level of control the NSA would have over them. Would he be giving orders to the chiefs ? Would that not be veering into the turf of the commander-in-chief?

    Read Also: Lawal hails Tinubu for appointing Ribadu as NSA

    These questions are important because of the gravity of the nation’s security challenges. The Boko Haram insurgency is largely crushed but they are still a nuisance along with ISWAP around the fringes of the Lake Chad. The spectre of terror is an ever present reality given events from the Sahel right up to Libya and across North Africa. Our long and porous borders means it is virtually impossible to keep out undesirable elements who are pouring in from conflict zones earlier identified.

    Killings in the North-Central region linked to herders remain a problem. In the last three months scores of people have lost their lives to the conflict. The activities of bandits is also a headache in the Northwest and in parts of North-Central.

    Kidnapping seems to be on the wane although not totally eliminated.

    In the Southeast the problem of rampaging gunmen is linked to the secessionist agitation. This much is clear from the fact that mainstream politicians have argued that the release of the Independent Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) leader, Nnamdi Kanu, could bring an end to the killings. Would Ribadu subscribe to this line of thought or would he sustain the Buhari regime orthodoxy that insists the courts be left to decide his fate.

    Off our coasts, sea piracy is damaging our maritime prospects. But of greater worry in the South South zone is oil theft that seems unstoppable. Former Niger Delta agitator, Asari Dokubo, stirred the hornets nest recently when he accused military officials of colluding in the theft. He wasn’t saying anything new because the huge vessels that ferry out stolen crude are in waters supposedly patrolled by our Navy. Most roads in the region through which crude used for illegal refining travels have countless checkpoints points manned by soldiers, yet, the criminal activity continues.

    While so much has been said about the removal of fuel subsidy and the naira floatation, improving security conditions is intricately tied to turning the economy around. Imagine the the boost to the system if we can stamp out the theft of crude that goes on unchallenged every day. Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) officials estimated in 2022 that the country was losing as much as $700 million monthly to this activity.

    Imagine what can happen with agriculture if people in the nation’s food baskets are able to return to their farms? There can be no debate as to our ability to feed ourselves. What stands in our way is taking back our farmlands from homicidal maniacs who have scared farmers away.

    Getting wins in the area of security may not be as swift as we would all like. What would make a difference is fresh thinking. That is the biggest challenge facing the new man at ONSA. The old ideas from the military establishment are not working. He needs to deliver ideas that would produce quantifiable short term results.

    Certain measures like the state police require constitutional amendments. The good news is that there seems to be a national consensus that the time to get this done is now. Ribadu would be carving a special niche for himself if working with the National Assembly and state governments this idea becomes reality soon. The pressure is on and he must stand and deliver!

  • Passports; annual audit for MDAs

    Passports; annual audit for MDAs

    Journalists should please stop making light and sometimes sniggering, smiling or even laughing jokes when discussing terrorism, murders and banditry. Our people are dying. Some journalists may have ‘bad news fatigue’ or are immune but that is no help for the victims and their families.

     It was reported that 93,000 passports remain uncollected. Why? This government must reduce Passport Request-Delivery times to international time frames of 2-4 weeks. Where are the standard internationally acceptable ‘Time and Motion Studies’ which will reveal the need for increased capture points in all the passport offices to reduce appointment times and solar power?

    CBN’s new directive to obtain social media handles from customers seems a step too far, crossing the line of good governance. The hundreds of high-level people stealing N1-109 billion under the noses of the CBN monitoring units, the so-far negligent apex bank, have no social media handles. Such information should only be available during a police, EFCC or ICPC enquiry into individuals after a court order according to the law and not a sweeping blanket social media revelation. The CBN should hold back on that aspect of the new directives/regulations and if in doubt seek a judicial opinion from the apex court. As apex bank to apex court, could CBN not have asked an opinion from the attorney general’s office or even the Supreme Court.

    Yes, it is tempting for CBN to misuse its power by wanting to use what should be illegal even if ‘directive backed’ access to private social media handles and private groups and private sites to ensnare financial criminals through their greed-driven purchases boasted about on such social media vehicles.  But that is not the way forward to combat financial criminals. What is needed is not a ‘directive’ about customers but enforcement of the directive to banks to raise investigation and alarm when customers come suspiciously wealth.

    CBN and banks must urgently relearn follow the money in a renewed effort at financial crime prevention and not post financial criminal detection.  Nigeria cannot survive a 2023-27 round of another batch of 20 or 100 new multi-billion naira thieves.

    We must catch financial and other criminals at the first thought of stealing or criminal or terrorist activities not even actually stealing N100,000 and N1m and not only after the N100b has disappeared puncturing the economic growth of millions. Only we, in medicine, see the blood and death caused by these ‘clean harmless’ white collar financial crimes. No financial or other crime is harmless. There is always a victim and often blood on the floor.

    It is up to the banks to point out to the CBN and the police and vice versa any suspected financial irregularities in customers’ accounts immediately and not only not after billions have been stolen from citizens or when a girlfriend’s uncle reports profligate spending by the girl. It is only after this observation or a corporate investigation into financial crimes that the authorities would authorise further financial and even criminal investigation.

    Nigeria has suffered financial ruin mainly because such financial criminals, be they politicians or contractors or civil servants or middlemen or women, were not exposed before maximum damage was done. And too many then go free through legal illegality and judgmental technicality assisted by mimicking emergency medical and acting gymnastics.

    CBN, auditors, accountants, EFCC, ICPC should be warned by the citizenry, watchdogs and the Presidency which stands the most to lose in this expected era of legacy projects and acts of great citizen need.

    The presidency should direct that all MDAs obey the Annual Audit Law and should immediately have all audits should be brought up to May 2023 before any budgetary spending immediately to prevent the blame game. Subsequently they must compulsorily be DONE ANNUALLY in 2023, 2024, 2025, 2026 and to May 2027 and immediately expose corruption. One way to do this is to audit monthly or quarterly making the last quarter easy to complete.

    Read Also: Govt revokes lands allocated by MDAs

    The Presidency should direct the EFCC and ICPC to insert finanacial experts into all MDAs now with monthly or three-monthly audits, not in three years’ time investigating a three-year-old crime. Insert your men, and women, very visibly at meetings, praying they cannot be bribed, threatened or even killed. Introduce legal preventive measures to stop mega-financial crime now and not when we have been raped, robbed and rubbished by yet more in the billionaire bandits brigade.   But the EFCC and ICPC also need to keep their house clean every step of the way by adequate internal supervision and monitoring. They lack of supervision in all spheres.        

     One reason for our high white collar crime rate costing billions annually and ruining our citizenry and the naira is that anything without violence and some actions even with maximum violence like so-called ‘political election related crimes’ appears trivialized by the courts. Steal a billion and almost get congratulated. Steal a goat and get seven years. This is middle ages justice.

    A man found guilty twice of money laundering N240m was initially sent to jail for 42 years and a N240M fine has now been jailed 42 years or the option of a N240m fine in a case in Akwa Ibom. This is two steps forward and three steps backwards. Where is the punishment? Meanwhile the man has ‘fallen sick’ as usual in such cases. They are never sick before being accused and getting to court. Maybe all courts have a virus?

  • Terrorists Test Tinubu’; Lifejackets; Naira; FEC; NASS

    Terrorists Test Tinubu’; Lifejackets; Naira; FEC; NASS

    The most important yardstick of good governance for this 2023-2027 government will be to bring down the murder/attack rate by terrorists and ‘Buhari and the Bandits’. THIS IS WAR! Already over 120 in June and over 1,500 murders since January and roughly 80-100,000 in 10 years.

    The Tinubu government must urgently introduce 2023 military tactics including high speed arrival at the battlefield and ‘hot pursuit’ and ‘blocking the exit’ ‘CATCH AND CONTAIN’ not ‘scatter and escape’ strategies.

    Politicians realise the value of speed and use jets. The government must also timeline 2-4 weeks to upgrade and deploy elite ‘-5,000 strong maximum force in groups of 100’ quickly with high speed helicopter travel, night goggles, heat-seeking backup equipment to follow motorcycle trails, and buy satellite spy time from other countries for review, research, detection, trailing capture or termination with extreme force. This 2023-27 government must ‘take off the gloves’ and introduce a speedier, warlike, decisive approach or President Tinubu will become just another ‘Condolence President’. No Western Government would tolerate such mayhem. ‘THE TERRORISTS TEST TINUBU’. Only President Tinubu can pass this exam. Five million IDPs in and out of IDP camps want to go home.  

     This 2023-2027 government at local government and state levels could easily have prevented the recent 108 mostly female and children drowned out of approximately 250 by insisting on ‘LIFEJACKETS FOR ALL’.  NIGERIAN WATER USERS: GET A LIFEJACKET! This worldwide need was amplified by the drowning of over 500/750 illegal immigrants, mostly women and children off Greece. The survivors were mostly men. Why? No one needs to drown!

     Several years ago, an American ambassador predicted N500:$1 even though it was N150-200:$1 at the time. His prediction was unusually frank but it took an extra 10 years to achieve. We are achievers in Nigeria!

    As usual the announcement was met with emotional resistance. All good Nigerian economists, especially late Henry Boyo, had already offered solutions, as did ministers notably Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala seeking more savings to boost foreign reserves and grow the Sovereign Wealth Fund.

    However, there was little positive done. Many politicians are apologising for strategies sabotaging savings negating security and exacerbating unrest and poverty.

    All these are included in ‘Economics in Politics Course 101’, a course not taught to politicians. Even if taught, such ‘Financial Legacy Lessons benefiting Future Citizens’ are beyond the intellect of most self-enrichment politicians.  Apologies for failure to grow a ‘Sovereign Wealth Fund and Foreign Reserve growth’ do not save a drowning naira. Action does!

    As a result, we face a catastrophic but a wholly preventable N677-750:$1, down from $1:N0.8 when General Gowon first led our economic ‘failure to save’ by stating that we had more money than we knew what to do with. Seriously? In the 60s we bought 10-shilling Postal Orders at Sabo, Yaba Post Offices countrywide. A compulsory Sovereign Wealth Fund then, not nuclear physics, would have $1,000million+ now. A financial paradise deliberately lost! But Nigeria did spawn over 200 dollar multibillionaires. Maybe they could build up our SWF?

    But someone would probably have stolen the SWF by now anyway.  

    When will we learn dire predictions require drastic action to alter tragic consequences and not just looting the sinking country?

    Yes, US gave an accurate naira flop prediction, now surpassed. Congrats.  But we did not prevent the catastrophe. Instead, ignoring economists like late Henry Boyo, they converted Central Bank of Nigeria, a fortification against financial instability, into their dollar ATM serving themselves. Rightful citizens were blocked. Domestic dollars were diverted to cabals which added N300+ to the N412-450 dollar price and sold at N750- N800, ‘FINANCIAL TERRORISM’, ‘Monetary Mass Murder’.

    Now again, foreigners, JP Morgan no less, announce that N600 will be the ‘true value’ creating ‘The Nigeria of Our Dreams-turned-nightmares’.

    Again, we have a chance at ‘National Fiscal Freedom’ in spite of our debt as we have a new sheriff in town – 2023-2027 Government, but largely old wine in new skins and very expensive recycling since political time began. The 2023-2027 government must clear challenges created by past political figures, Agency Heads,  Civil Servants and the ‘Contractor Class’ filling corridors and behind corridor curtains. Can their brains change to become ‘Nigeria’s Fiscal Future Legacy Oriented’?

    Politics is the only profession not requiring relevant subject course material like ‘Politics, Economics and SDGs Course 101’ for winning elections but then it is a neglected  essential for mandate fulfilment. Politicians need education.

    President Tinubu can employ anyone. Past presidents have found Nigerian jewels who later served internationally.

    ‘President Tinubu Legacy’ requires the next generation of Ransome-Kutis, Soyinkas, Okonjo-Iwealas, Akunyilis, Adesinas, Nnajis, Amina Mohammeds swamping his cabinet now, not seasoned politicians. Cabinet, the Federal Executive Council is not a cooking class. It is life and death. Today, two bright ministers cannot save President Tinubu’s reputation. Every executive council member must shine brightly. The 2023-27 FEC will be only as good as the weakest minister.

    The NASS has immorally expensive with a poor service delivery record for cost requiring self-inflicted cost-cutting, slashing Salaries-and-Perks-and-Pensions, SAPP, by 75%, sitting allowances only, a single house – Representatives. If not, Nigeria will die, strangled by the noose of a bloated democracy.

    Nigeria cannot afford a single weak link in achieving the multi-ministerial SDGs. Every minister and ministry and agency head must face and answer ‘WHAT ARE YOUR SDG STRATEGIES’ weekly, monthly, annually till 2027? We cannot only pray for change. We MUST WORK FOR CHANGE. CHANGE THE PERSONNEL.     

  • Osun APC: Softly, softly

    Osun APC: Softly, softly

    This is not the time for reckoning of the fortunes and misfortunes of the All Progressives Congress in Osun state. Nevertheless, any intervention in the politics of the state must acknowledge the successive losses of four major elections in the state in the last rounds of elections: the governorship election; the presidential election; the National Assembly election; and the state’s House of Assembly election. It is no exaggeration to assert that APC was wiped out completely.

    The situation calls for sober reflection, rather than grandstanding or divisive rhetoric. As I will point out in the near future, it is myopic to conclude that the losses were due to factionalism alone. True, the recalcitrancy of the two principals in the conflict fuelled the split of party members. However, even more important factors contributed to the losses. Of course, the Peoples Democratic Party took advantage of the factionalism within the APC to enhance their chances in other areas.

    I was charged with the conduct of the opinion poll for the state. It was clear from the poll that care must be taken to avoid defeat. I explained the details of the areas in which the PDP had competitive advantage to the Governor. However, he chose to ignore the poll for reasons I will explain later.

    It is against these backgrounds that I comment briefly on recent political developments in the state. The first was the party restructuring committee set up by Governor Gboyega Oyetota before the Tribunal judgements were exhausted. It was headed by Professor Isaac Adewole, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan and former Minister of Health. Not a few observers thought at the time that the committee was hastily set up to preempt the eventual return to Osun by former Governor Rauf Aregbesola, after the expiration of his ministerial term in Abuja on May 29, 2023.

    True to form, Aregbesola did show up in Osogbo and Ilesa about a week or so ago. He visited traditional rulers in both towns and addressed a large gathering of supporters, typified by artisans and market women. His apology was couched to appeal to this group of supporters, who are likely to conclude: “O ti bebe. Aforiji lo ku”.

    However, it was igbimo agba, led by Chief Sola Akinwumi that responded. In the eyes of the elders, Aregbesola still was not contrite enough. Some even thought he took back as much apology as he gave. In their own judgement, he should formally apologise for his “misdeeds” before he could be re-admitted to the party. The question is: Where did he go?

    While holding judgement on the position of the elders regarding Aregbesola, the Chairman of the party, Tajudeen Lawal, was firm about sanctioning those engaged in anti-party activities. In a statement that lacks institutional memory, the Chairman said: “Meanwhile, we must be clear about this, we are not restructuring the party. The party is intact in Osun under Baba Bisi Akande and Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola.” Yet, “restructuring” is one of the tasks before the Adewole committee. Elsewhere, the Chairman made it clear that he was focused on those who served in the administration of Governor Oyetola.

    Be that as it may, a party which lost four critical elections in a row in one electoral cycle cannot afford to take the high road in reforming the party. Rather, it must work toward inclusiveness. That’s why the idea of sanctions should not be the starting point of negotiations.

    Perhaps a lesson for the party Chairman is in order here. Governor Oyetola reached out to the former SSG, Moshood Adeoti, who defected to the ADP in the 2018 governorship election and nearly cost Oyetola the election. He did not make any noise about it. Unfortunately, however, negotiations fell through, when the Governor refused to welcome Adeoti and his supporters to the APC with the customary welcome back jamboree. The rest is history.

    The truth is that if the APC in Osun must make progress, the dividing line between Ileri and Oranmiyan must be blurred. Besides, there is no way progress could be made if the two leaders of these factions do not talk to each other and to their supporters. This must be the focus of party leaders in Osun. It is not going to be easy. But it must be done.

  • History and mythology of the first 100 days

    History and mythology of the first 100 days

    The 100-day mark of a President’s term is an arbitrary and artificial milestone, which has neither constitutional nor statutory significance. Besides, it has no root in Nigerian politics. Yet, it is the stuff of the critical press in contemporary Nigeria as it seeks to emulate the American press, where the 100-day benchmark for initial appraisals of a President’s achievements was rooted.

    The history goes back to the first 100 days of the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, elected to a first term in November 1832. It was in the midst of what has come to be known as the Great Depression. It was virtually the worst of times in American economic history. Between election and inauguration on March 4, 1933, Roosevelt literally went into seclusion to work out ways of getting out of the depression. That’s what enabled him to start with a flurry of legislations that reversed the disastrous trend in his country.

    Within 100 days of assuming office, Roosevelt saved the failing banks by first declaring a bank holiday, which allowed the banks to take stock and start on the way to recovery. To aid the banks’ recovery, he took the United States off the gold standard. Besides, he succeeded in getting groundbreaking legislations passed for farmers, homeowners, and the unemployed. He also passed amendments to the much hated Volstead Act meant to aid the enforcement of the legislation prohibiting the manufacture, transportation, sale, and consumption of alcoholic drinks in the United States.

    Roosevelt accomplished so much in his first 100 days that the American press deified him and used his accomplishments as the gold standard for evaluating successive Presidents. However, no President has since come close, not even Ronald Reagan, the two-term 40th President, generally considered to be successful. The truth is that the circumstances of Roosevelt’s presidency were unique. He faced and overcame a domestic upheaval during his first two terms and was enmeshed in World War 2 during his third and fourth terms. Of course, he remains the only American President to serve more than two terms. He died in office during his fourth term.

    Yet, the 100-day benchmark lives on. With many journalists divorced from its history, it has conveniently become myth. Like all myths, it is recycled again and again until it became a darling of the Nigerian press. In less than three months, the Nigerian press will be ready to evaluate the first 100 days of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. Journalists will jump over themselves in pointing out what he should have done within the period but failed to do as if all of Nigeria’s problems could be solved in 100 days.

    Those who want to do that are free to do so. But I am not for that, and I have advised the President not to fall for the 100-day myth. Nigeria is different with unique social, economic, and political situations. Besides, the aftermath of the highly contested presidential election, which brought Tinubu to power, and the strictures it has widened along ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages require caution. That’s why I have suggested that he should target the first six months of his administration as a benchmark.

    Read Also: Adeleke: I’ll render account after 100 days

    Within this period, Nigerians should know where he plans to take the country. Fortunately, in two key speeches on inauguration and Democracy Day, he has provided indications of where he plans to take the country. The outlines of the plan should be clearer within the next six months. He should also have had his full cabinet and key advisers in place within the period. I take the six-month benchmark after Dr. Henry Kissinger, who once suggested that the first six months of a new administration are the most crucial for its successful take-off and future accomplishments (thanks to Professor Ladipo Adamolekun for drawing my attention to Kissinger on this matter).

    Some important programme outlines to be unveiled within this period should include (1) the unification of the exchange rate; (2) the national security outfit; (3) devolution of more powers to the states; (4) the reallocation of resources so that states could realise their potentials; (5) plans to generate employment; and (6) plans to improve power production and distribution, without which no much could be accomplished.

    With the inauguration of the tenth National Assembly yesterday, June 13, 2023, draft legislations, where necessary, on these matters should begin flowing in.

    The President’s announcement of the removal of fuel subsidy has generated even more positive review at home and abroad than anticipated. This should be followed by the unification of the exchange rate. It is understandable why no further step has been taken beyond the President’s announcement of his plan on this matter in both the Renewed Hope manifesto and and his inauguration speech. It is necessary to purge the Central Bank of its Governor’s shenanigans, which the President has embarked upon. However, the outlines of the unification of the exchange rate should be ready before the conclusion of the ongoing investigation of the CBN Governor and unveiled as soon as a new Governor and Board are appointed.

    This leads to yet another issue. Nigerians and international financial institutions are waiting anxiously for the unveiling of the President’s economic team to lead the economic reforms. This is necessary so that input that could not reach the President directly could reach members of the team. Besides, the announcement effect of a strong team has a way of reassuring the financial market just as the President’s mere utterance of four words, “fuel subsidy is gone”, led to a huge gain in the Stock Exchange the following day.

    Tinubu needs more time beyond the imported 100-day benchmark. That’s why I concluded my first essay during his presidency with the following words: “Finally, I implore the Tinubu administration to shun the artificial benchmark of 100 days and instead benchmark six months for charting the full course of action for his administration. Within this period, it must be clear to his cabinet, the National Assembly, and the public where he plans to take the nation” (Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria’s 16th leader, The Nation, May 31, 2023).

  • Bitter two-term lessons from Emefiele and Ojerinde

    Bitter two-term lessons from Emefiele and Ojerinde

    June 12, Democracy Day appears to here to stay. Hurray even as we mourn the needless dead and suffering. The journey has not been a huge success and many in the political class have abandoned the citizens’ plight and instead concentrate on inbreeding and an unsustainable greedy self-service evil financial strategy requiring urgent review downwards -75% reductions in salaries and perks and pensions and one legislative house, preferably House of Representatives over Senate. Politicians must remember their feet are firmly in the blood of our heroes, the martyrs of the democracy struggle – Chief MKO and Mrs Kudirat Abiola, Pa Alfred Rewane and maybe 200-500 estimated dead. Politicians must develop Nigeria before themselves. Continuous massive political greed will get us nowhere in this ongoing democracy struggle.  

    The unceremonial exit of CBN governor, Godwin Emefiele, nine years in office, through suspension and arrest with handcuffs nearby raised many questions. Too often, such spectacles lead to nothing but still question the moral character, personal wealth and practices in the CBN. Is he alone? No! Time to examine the CBN as it supervised the long-standing naira instability and collapse and the hopeless financial status of 150+m Nigerians.

    Can Emefiele say he left the economy better than he found it? Certainly a few will praise him. Is it true that some receive a constant supply of dollars, denying genuine clients, at CBN rates only to punish citizens countrywide needing dollars for education, business or pleasure, all human rights?

    The almost permanent extortion by this network, call it black market, cabal or ethnic network strangles Nigerians forced to buy at the black-market rate of 70% higher than the CBN rate.  

    Our money is devalued, robbing Nigerians of the value of cash earned by daily struggle. In fact to buy the same dollar we had in 1980 [$1= N 0.8],  2013 [$1=N159] now in 2023 we pay 1$=N750-800 while the CBN’s chosen get it at N400+ and turn round, add N300+/$1 thus impoverishing the citizenry and rubbishing the value of salaries except that of politicians who already extort unspeakable riches as extortionist Salaries And Perks and Pensions SAPPing Nigeria dry.   It is a clear case of one person working and another waiting in the shade to gain hugely from what was supposed to have been available from every bank.

    The new acting CBN Governor has a suitable CV, as did his predecessor. He has presumably sat at meetings where Nigeria’s future was determined. He must know the ropes and may find it difficult to claim ignorance of CBN negative actions. Will he spill the beans? Does he want a clean-up?  

    Being a Yoruba like the president, will he be changed for federal character reasons – a thing totally ignored by ex-President Buhari probably to prevent another coup against him?

    Read Also: Emefiele: Don’t make him a hero

    Whatever the security services, the court and the president finally do, we hope that the following financial goals will be met. The elimination of ethnic-based blackmailing black-market rates crippling Nigerians. Make available dollars for genuine citizens and eliminate round-tripping leeches sucking our financial blood. Target foreign reserves as a strategy to strengthen the naira. From earnings over the last 60 years, the foreign reserves account should be approximately $200b. This cannot be achieved overnight except in a dictatorship or a rare case of unity of cross-party political thought towards creating a financially sound ‘Greater Nigeria’ agreed by the ‘President Tinubu Fiscal Stability Team’ with CBN leadership, cross-party cooperation of politicians in NASS, states and LGAs. The aim is to find legitimate ways to increase the percentage of dollars earned from all sources which must be deposited in foreign reserves deliberately and incrementally. A failure to cooperate IN ‘FOREIGN RESERVES GROWTH STRATEGIES 2023-2027’ will lead to a further catastrophic fall in the value of life, work and wages and overvalued dollars with many more millions poverty struck.    

    There is one glaring overlooked lesson of the ‘Emefiele Case’ and the ongoing infamous Prof Dibu Ojerinde father/sons JAMB case exposed by the honesty of his successor Prof Is-haq Oloyede. Please make him, Oloyede, minister of education to clean up the Ministry of Education. That glaring lesson is the desirability for ‘experience in office’ versus the huge damage caused by blindly offering second and sometimes third terms without financial and moral audit. There are hundreds of Nigerians qualified for every high-level job. This is why such two-term examples should be quoted in the campaign for ‘ONE TERM ONLY’ in most posts.

    Emefiele’s predecessor, CBN Governor  Sanusi’s regime  demonstrated the stupendous power of the governor and CBN by granting N400m to University of Ibadan, N400m to University of Nigeria, Nsukka and N4,000m [yes N4 billion] to Ahmadu Bello University Zaria among other CSR strategies. Talk about crumbs and cake.

    One wonders what Emefiele did with such CSR funds in nine years and who benefitted?  Were the funds used to weaponise politics or to empower the youth? Why can registered approved NGOs, like Red Cross and Blue Crescent not receive CBN’S CSR grants? Is the money in the CBN the property of the CBN governor or is he chief minder of our money?

    Worldwide central bank governors are somewhat revered and only infrequently addresses the press on the economy especially in times of crisis. We rarely heard from Emefiele who presided over a catastrophic fall in naira value. Limit CBN governors and many others to one term to prevent massive power-driven damage and ‘Oga Forever -At-The-Top Syndrome’    

  • How support and sabotage greeted fuel subsidy removal

    How support and sabotage greeted fuel subsidy removal

    “Fuel subsidy is gone”
    —President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in his inauguration address on May 29, 2023

    He took his eyes off the teleprompter and looked straight at Nigerians watching him at home and abroad and, unequivocally, uttered four words in a measured tone, riddled with a note of finality: “Fuel subsidy is gone”. Anyone who thought that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu spoke off the cuff that day, and that he should not have done that, did not understand the new President’s deliberative decision-making process and that he does not say what he does not mean.

    To be sure, the entire inaugural speech contained major indications of the direction of Tinubu’s economic policy to which the stock market responded positively with a gain of N1.5tr the following day. Nevertheless, the pronouncement on the withdrawal of fuel subsidy generated initial controversy. Despite wide positive support at home and abroad, the opposers chose to ignore the revelation in the same speech that no provision was made for subsidy payments in the budget Tinubu inherited from his predecessor, former President Muhammadu Buhari. They also ignored the warning by Buhari that subsidy would be removed in June by his successor.

    Nevertheless, within a few days, the opposition began to wither, giving rise either to questions about timing or to suggestions as to how the effects of subsidy removal could be ameliorated. To give room for further negotiations, scheduled for June 19, 2023, between the government and organised labour, the NLC called off its strike planned for Wednesday, June 7.

    In the forefront of support for subsidy removal is the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation Limited, which quickly rallied oil marketers to arrive at a new pump price of petrol. Within 72 hours of the President’s speech, a new pump price regime was published to stabilise the market and save consumers from shylock petrol stations, most of which shut down operations within hours of the speech to create artificial scarcity. Above all, NNPCL issued a robust statement of support for the policy.

    At the other extreme, the Nigeria Labour Congress, the Trade Union Congress, and the Nigerian Union of Road Transport Workers stoutly opposed the removal of subsidy. In Akure, Ondo state, taxis were stopped from working a day after inauguration. The few ones that attempted to work had their passengers forcibly removed and their vehicles seized. However, the NURTW’s gira-gira in Ondo state fizzled out by the end of that day and everything returned to normal.

    Read Also: BREAKING: Tinubu signs bill raising judges’ retirement age

    However, the NLC persisted in its obstructionist posture, which the President bluffed off with stout resolution that the removal had come to state. Besides, the NLC was exposed for its duplicity: All major political parties supported the removal of fuel subsidy during the campaign, including the Labour Party with which the NLC was aligned. Why oppose the policy now at the point of implementation? Would they have opposed it had Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the LP, won the election?

    Be that as it may, the reported attempt by the Central Bank Governor, Godwin Emefiele, at sabotaging the President’s plan to unify the exchange rate policy would have adversely affected fuel subsidy removal, by further destabilising the market, if not quickly exposed like the Daily Trust did on June 1, 2023, barely 48 hours after the inauguration. The paper reported exclusively that the CBN hastily sold the dollar at N631. The paper quoted one of the customers as confirming that “they applied and that their request was fully granted at N631 as against N461.6”. Although the CBN denied the story, the paper quickly responded that it stood by the story. There has been no counter-denial by the Central Bank.

    Nevertheless, the President reportedly reiterated his determination to unify the exchange rate policy at a meeting with the CBN Governor after the publication of the story. To many observers, the story has rekindled the call for Emefiele’s resignation or termination as the action recalls his failed cash swap policy, not to speak of his failed bid at running for President against the CBN Act, which emphasizes the independence of the Central Bank from partisan politics. For example, Premium Times, which has long advocated the removal of the CBN Governor, reiterated its position, by calling for the immediate removal and even prosecution of the CBN Governor and setting in motion the reform of the Central Bank.

    The truth is that fuel subsidy removal has come to state, notwithstanding the efforts of opposers and saboteurs of the policy. Today, informed citizens and the international community have rallied round the President over the subsidy removal policy. For example, the World Bank has pledged its cooperation in achieving the removal of subsidy and in assisting in the provision of necessary palliatives.

    Moreover, financial institutions, such as Price Waterhouse Coopers, have suggested various palliatives that could cushion the effects of subsidy removal, including increase in the minimum wage; high tax exemption; and availability of foreign exchange for importers of diesel used to power the engines used in production. These, of course, would be short-term measures since the President has a bold economic plan that will channel the funds released by subsidy removal to necessary areas of the economy.

    Fortunately, the President indicated willingness to review the minimum wage and work is ongoing on the project and other possible palliatives. In the meantime, states and local governments have a duty also to align with the Federal Government in providing palliatives as they would be the direct beneficiaries of the funds released by subsidy removal.

    Already, some states have come up with interesting palliatives. For example, Kwara state has suggested a three-day working week to cushion the effect of subsidy removal, while Oyo state has set up a committee to review the minimum wage in the state.

    It cannot be emphasized enough that the removal of subsidy far outweighs the perpetuation of subsidy regime, which distorts the economy and entrenches corruption, by putting oil money in a few hands. For example, about N5 trillion was spent on fuel subsidy in 2022 alone. That is even more than the total budget of all 36 states. It is even crazier than that. For some time now, Nigeria has been paying fuel subsidy from borrowed funds! There is no better time to remove fuel subsidy than now.  

  • Saraki or Lawan: Which model for 10th NASS?

    Saraki or Lawan: Which model for 10th NASS?

    The business of electing the next heads of the Senate and House of Representatives is currently trailed by plenty of intrigue and drama. In other climes this would be a straightforward matter because of the established legislative traditions.

    For instance, whoever is Minority Leader of the United States Senate naturally assumes the position of Majority Leader when his party’s lawmakers have the largest number in the chamber. It is seamless.

    But here in Nigeria we manage to create a circus every four years where everybody wants to be Senate President or Speaker of the House, not on the basis of any concept of legislative seniority or expertise, but due to our peculiar primordial concerns with ethnicity and religion.

    These positions are also now means of promoting inclusion in the political process. Add to this the prestige, trappings of office and opportunities to dole out patronage and they become things that politicians can kill for.

    Beyond being avenues for people to satisfy their ego and ambition, the type of leadership that the legislative branch has, ultimately determines how successful the occupant of the executive branch would be. They cannot achieve much when they are confronted by obstructionists who are more interested in fighting ideological battles, or just want to exercise power.

    In an ideal situation the legislature exists to provide checks and balances so that the executive doesn’t veer into excess. But exercising this function shouldn’t necessarily translate into outright hostility between the arms. Unfortunately, there are those who think that the successful parliament is one that is permanently at odds with the other branch.

    Where lawmakers cooperate with the president to make laws or get things done, they are slated as rubberstamps. But while governments are more productive when these branches are working in tandem, a fine balance has to be struck such that legislators can still hold office holders to account and perform oversight functions with integrity. It requires a certain level of political maturity to pull off.

    The recognition that every administration needs a friendly Senate and House to push through its legislative agenda has forced most Fourth Republic presidents to take keen interest in those who would get to lead parliament.

    Read Also: IGP lauds NASS, stakeholders over Police Pension Board bill

    In 1999, then President Olusegun Obasanjo understood this all too well that he went out of his way to install his preferred candidates as leaders of the National Assembly. Ahead of the inauguration of the Senate back then, late Senator Chuba Okadigbo was very popular within the ranks of his colleagues.

    But the wily general knew that Okadigbo, an accomplished academic and experienced politician who had been too stridently making noises about the independence of the legislature wouldn’t be a pushover. So he deployed the great clout of his office to make Evan Enwerem run against him.

    By the time the dust settled, the president’s man easily defeated the charismatic and flamboyant politician by 66 votes to 43 votes. It was a stunning upset that left Okadigbo transfixed to his seat long after his rival had seized the gavel.

    Enwerem’s tenure would be short, truncated by corruption allegations. On his fall, Okadigbo finally achieved his dream of becoming Senate President against Obasanjo’s wishes. He would not last long on the hot seat. But while he sat there he gave the occupant of Aso Rock nightmares. His tenure was turbulent and not much was achieved because of the unceasing battles that ultimately toppled him in 2000.

    The story was not much different in the House of Representatives where Salisu Buhari who the president preferred had a brief reign, undone by a certificate scandal. With him out of the way, young turks who were determined to assert themselves installed Ghali Umar Na’Abba as Speaker. His tenure was unending battle with the executive that reached its climax with a tense attempt at impeaching Obasanjo.

    Ever since, presidents have taken an interest in who gets to run the Senate or House. That was until 2015 when the new ruling party, according established tradition, tried to provide guidance for its lawmakers in picking their leaders. Unfortunately, then President Muhammadu Buhari didn’t understand how important it was for him to get those he could work with in place.

    Despite the fact that he clearly preferred Ahmad Lawan as Senate President and Femi Gbajabiamila as Speaker, he didn’t deploy the immense powers of his office to help their emergence. His body language encouraged Senator Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara to defy their party with virtually no consequence.

    A party that had a comfortable majority in both chambers found itself in the humiliating position of snatching defeat from the jaws of victory when a rebellious rump made common cause with the opposition.

    The coalition that threw up the new leaders was not beholden to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and would thwart Buhari’s agenda for most of his first four years. The president had declared that he could work with anybody. It wasn’t long before he discovered he had been overconfident.

    Many people attribute the modest nature of achievements in his first term to a hostile National Assembly. By 2019, he had learnt his lessons and while publicly making noises about not meddling in legislative matters, was quite willing to let his political enforcers deliver the duo of Lawan and Gbajabiamila who had been thwarted four years earlier.

    What was achieved between 2019 and 2023 working with the model of cooperation and mutual respect between the arms is evident from the number of bills passed and signed into law – among them the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), the new Electoral Act and sundry enactments that amended sections of the 1999 constitution.

    Despite these results, many who pine for the days when the National Assembly and Executive were regularly engaged in arm wrestling dismissed the Lawan parliament as mere yes-men. This is most uncharitable. We have to ask ourselves what we want; arms of government working together to deliver on the people’s agenda or a bunch of egomaniacs competing to see who has more hair on their chest?

    Come next week, the Senate and House would vote to elect new presiding officers. Again, it should ordinarily be a straightforward affair with the ruling party being the biggest party in both chambers. But we are seeing elements of what occurred in 2015 rumbling beneath the surface. Despite the party stating its preferences, some of its members are working against those choices.

    Experienced politicians who should know better believe that the Saraki model of going against your party is worth reprising. In the Senate especially the suspense is being sustained by fact that the election would be conducted using secret ballot and rebellion is best executed away from prying eyes.

    However, the cast in the power struggle this time is quite different, so also is the approach. The ruling party and its leaders have made no pretence about what they want. It isn’t just about the personalities but also about lowering ethnic and religious tensions that were exacerbated during the general elections.

    Despite the air of intrigue, the smart money still bets on APC imposing its will. They understand what’s at stake; how a different outcome would leave them in the very awkward position of having all the important offices of state occupied by adherents of one religion. It would be like weaponising the faith issue all over, after barely escaping its damaging fallout at the recent polls.

    One of the aspirants, Abdulaziz Yari, argues that religion isn’t in the constitution. That’s true. But zoning is also not in the constitution; yet realpolitik has forced all parties to embrace it as an article of faith at state and federal levels – to promote harmony and inclusion.

    Luckily for the ruling party, the opposition is fractured, with divisions in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) caused by its G5 tendency coming to play again in the National Assembly contest. Those who argue that all APC lawmakers won’t toe the party line should understand it is the same within Labour Party, New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) and All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) ranks.

    Unlike Buhari who was indifferent in 2015, President Bola Tinubu understands how important it is for him to have friendly faces at the legislative end if his ambitious reform agenda is to become reality. All the signs are that he will fight to put his preferred working model in place.