Category: Wednesday

  • Edo, Ondo and APC

    Edo, Ondo and APC

    By Festus Eriye

    The curtain is drawn on a strange electoral campaign and broken political limbs litter the landscape. In last week’s column I predicted September 19 would be a burial ground for fortunes.

    So it would have proven to be, if this outcome survives legal challenges that are already ongoing and may yet come.

    For now, the big losers are the All Progressives Congress (APC), its former national chairman, Adams Oshiomhole and his political family in the state. It’s isn’t just that they lost, it’s the sheer scale of Governor Godwin Obaseki’s victory they would find galling.

    In the three vote-rich local governments in the state capital, there was hardly a unit where they prevailed. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) even secured a symbolic victory in Osagie Ize-Iyamu’s home council. It was more than a setback for APC in a state it controlled not long ago; it was a debacle. Given Obaseki’s antecedents, it’s going to be a long four years for the vanquished.

    But the governor and his supporters would be wise to shelve grand victory parades until judges cast their own votes.

    It has happened a couple of times already. In Bayelsa, David Lyon was in the stadium rehearsing inauguration day rituals when gut-wrenching news came that his victory had been voided and PDP’s Douye Diri declared governor.

    In Imo State, it ended just as dramatically for Emeka Ihedioha with the Supreme Court judgment that replaced him as governor with APC’s Hope Uzodinma.

    So, in Edo the battle is over, but until Obaseki’s opponents disavow the legal option, the war is not won.

    As the governor celebrates, it would be interesting to see how he manages victory. Would he see it as a chance to build a lasting legacy or an opportunity to settle scores – a four-year window to give the ‘godfather’ a befitting burial?

    Would he be tempted to join a godfather-slaying adventure across the country? After all, he had boasted that after the Edo the next stop would be Lagos.

    PDP has long been frustrated by its inability to wrest control of the nation’s economic powerhouse from APC. Flush from victory in Edo, its leaders are said to be targeting the Lagos East senatorial by-election as the next battleground, and thereafter the Ondo governorship poll.

    In most battles in life the winner gets to write the narrative. So, for now it’s been all ‘Edo is not Lagos’ and ‘the downfall of the godfather.’ These were themes that resonated in last Saturday’s contest, but they were not the only factors at play.

    Key, was the condition of APC – a house divided against itself. It paraded a façade of oneness that didn’t last beyond the campaign launch. Thereafter those who were bitter over the manner in which Obaseki was denied the ticket adopted the classic siddon look posture.

    Their aloofness was more deadly than the open revolt favoured by erstwhile party chairman, John Odigie-Oyegun, who on the eve of the polls openly canvassed support for his party’s opponent.

    The opposite was the case for PDP which historically has been a strong force in Edo. Even when Obaseki was governor it retained its resilience and was further strengthened by his arrival with a rump of what was then the ruling party.

    Add to this the fact that Oshiomhole was now operating from a diminished position as former party chairman. He was equally labouring with the near-impossible marketing job of walking back devastating character attacks he made against Ize-Iyamu four years ago. Even when he argued he made a mistake and wanted to correct it, the typical response was: why should we trust your judgment this time?

    These were factors unique to Edo. They are not the issues in Lagos or Ondo at this time. That’s another way of saying Edo may not be Lagos, but Lagos is certainly not Edo, just as many would soon discover that Ondo is most definitely not Edo! In the end, all politics is still local.

    In Ondo, APC isn’t divided over Governor Rotimi Akeredolu. He was anti-Oshiomhole but retains the support of his party’s leaders of all stripes. On the other hand, it’s the PDP that appears to have issues of cohesion arising from scheming for control of the Southwest arm of the party and manoeuvring by those with 2023 presidential ambitions.

    Better still for the incumbent is the fact that his deputy, Agboola Ajayi, is fronting a third force challenge on the platform of Zenith Labour Party – splitting what would have been a united bloc against Akeredolu.

    But even if APC wins in Ondo it would only be papering over the cracks as it heads for the post-Buhari era. We have seen how the bitterness that attended the process that forced Oshiomhole out of office, cost it in Edo.

    That battle is going to be engaged again as the party heads to the convention where national officers to lead it into the next general elections would be chosen. It’s an event that will determine the direction in which the party’s presidential ticket could go. It could be make or break. Judging by comments of some of its leaders, the portents are not good.

    Former Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, has suggested the ruling party is already on life support – only being sustained by respect for Buhari. He echoes similar sentiments by others who question whether it would survive the president’s tenure.

    How remarkable that the more things change the more they remain the same. A little over six years ago the internal divisions that ultimately led to the downfall of the seemingly-invincible PDP behemoth were playing out in a very public fallout by the party’s leaders.

    In their arrogance they never believed they could be ousted from power. Former presidential adviser, Dr. Doyin Okupe, even famously swore he should called a bastard if APC won.

    A similar sort of conceit hangs over many in the ruling party given their obdurate adoption of hard line positions and opposition to compromise. It appears only a return to the dreary opposition wilderness may clear it. Edo was a warning shot heard across the land; I wonder if it was heard within the ruling party.

  • Supervision stops police criminality

    Supervision stops police criminality

    By Tony Marinho

    COVID-19 records deaths approaching 970,000, infections 32,000,000, with around 58,000 recognised cases and 1,200 deaths in Nigeria.

    Wow the world predicted an Edo blood bath.

    The voting citizenry took a less travelled non-bloody path.

    Security must bring the shooters of INEC officials to book

    For the violent coup plotting path they took.

    Voting numbers, security and INEC outwitted any scheme,

    Putting disaster predictors to shame.

    All party godfathers and great godfathers must retire,

    Go siddon-look because every single Nigerian don tire.

    Nigerians want their vote to count and government performance,

    Not never-ending political danfo one-chance,

    Every party must deliver more

    SDGs than anything they did before.

    Failures must be shown the electric election door,

    With election result zero score.

    Congratulations APC 1/PDP 2 Governor x 2 Obaseki

    You have a new four year perform-well key!!!’hehehehe

    No party since 1999 has served state or national enough

    The US has numerous George Floyds to mourn and fight for. Nigeria has its own victims of the uniform. And last week the nation’s condolences went to the entire FRSC membership on the murder and kidnap of FRSC members. Even before the funeral another FRSC member, a female, was videoed going berserk and manhandling/woman-handling a road-user. This disgraces FRSC and her sex.

    Force command must enforce 1] constantly sensitisation and 2] close monitoring by supervising officers over subordinates. Because an accused boyfriend could not be apprehended, why arrest, torture and kill within 24 hours the girlfriend? Where were the supervising officers reviewing the daily arrest record?

    Do senior officers ask junior officers to take them on daily or weekly review of the cells to see the incarcerated? What is the protocol to ensure monitoring of accused? Do senior officers ensure junior officers treated accused humanely?  They, the senior officers too should be charged for dereliction of duty, and bringing the force into disrepute if their juniors abuse the trust of the nation and citizens by wrongful arrest, inflicting grievous bodily harm, rape of victims arrested on trumped up charges on the roads or in raids. This is real murder, not misdeed or mistake.

    There should be no place for potential murderers or murderers in the police force/service. The signs of ruthlessness, sadism, criminality cannot be credible qualifications for being a police officer. Any deviation from normal behaviour by a junior rank or file officer should alert the immediate senior officer to make a report and make efforts to protect the public form a potential murderous person with a gun. Such identified individuals should be counselled, warned, accompanied by officers. The individual could be confined to a desk job or sacked.

    It is no use saying, ‘police in the US are doing it’. The police deaths in the US have kill training and anti-Black racist motives. It is this that has forced the Black Lives Matter movement. In Nigeria where we are all black, we cannot blame racism. Here in Nigeria will we blame tribalism? Many police traumatise their own ethnic kith and kin. Nigeria’s unstoppable troubling tsunami of family-destroying stray bullets, misfired weapon, accidental discharge, actual physical assault, and the ultimate weapons of illegality – wrongful accusation, false witness, falsifying evidence, and illegal incarceration corrupt the waters. It is obviously a misjudgement on the part of senior officers to equip such junior mentally unstable individuals with uniforms, weapons, and unsupervised power of arrest.

    Many state police headquarters have Police Hospitals. They require a MENTAL Health Unit with psychiatrists and clinical psychologists. Policemen bereaved of a colleague and possessing the power to kill, arrest and beat will be a life-threatening danger to society when enraged by loss of colleagues in criminal attacks. That police personnel requires to mourn, counselling and comforting.

    Remember Dele Udoh, the Apo Six, and many victims of checkpoint and police crime. Please Google the late Nigerian athlete 400m Olympian in 1980, Dele Udoh. He had a pregnant wife when he was killed at 24 in 1981 in front of the National Stadium, Surulere. His African American wife, Angelle, 37 years later through Taiwo Abiodun’s article in The Nation on December 30, 2018 reunited with the Udoh family. This story demonstrates the family ramifications of judicial or extrajudicial murder. Such killings affect even unborn children losing a beneficial parent, uncle, aunt and becoming an orphan, a stepchild. Such killings kill loved ones, making widows and widowers. They are preventable by authority-driven, better structured, daily intrusive supervision.

    Supervision-Supervision-Supervision is key as well as Police Arrest Computerisation/Digital Photo Records are essential. Senior police officers must surprise-visit stations to supervise and report on juniors and police station cell conditions to monitor cases and conditions and free citizens illegally incarcerated.

    A lady arrested for not wearing a mask was allegedly kidnapped by the arresting officer and raped in a hotel, released with N2,000 for her ‘forced’ services. When teams go out, surely the violence-prone members must be interviewed and prosecuted if found wanting. This is a heinous crime, well-planned and executed by an evil person – a disgrace to the uniform and country. The persistent occurrence of human rights abuses reported by victims occur mainly because police supervision is weak, and they appear to answer to no one. Such incidences tarnish work done by the many highly professional good police and other ‘uniform’ wearers also requiring more personnel, training, facilities, prisoner holding facilities, running water and generators.

  • The semiotics  of the Edo governorship  election

    The semiotics of the Edo governorship election

    By Niyi Akinnaso

    A proper semiotic study of the recently concluded governorship election in Edo state throws up many interesting electoral signs. Some of the signs were symbolic (language, songs, dance, etc.), while others were iconic (pictures, images, videos, etc.). Yet other signs were hidden from view but had significant impact on the outcome of the election. These signs were used to convey denotative (explicit, direct) and connotative (implicit, deductive) meanings.

    At the end of the day, Edo voters reacted more positively to the signs heard, seen, and Godwin Obaseki, incumbent Governor and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, by giving him as much as 307,955 votes against 223,619 votes for his rival, Osagie Ize-Iyamu of the All Progressives Congress.

    A combination of various signs was key to Obaseki’s victory. First, he successfully played up his record of achievement as the incumbent Governor by contrasting it sharply with that of his predecessor, Adams Oshiomhole. He also successfully recruited both community leaders and ordinary folks on the street from the three Senatorial Districts to provide helpful testimonials.

    The contrast he drew with Oshiomole benefitted from three background factors. One, Oshiomhole had far too hefty a negative baggage that easily drew Edo voter’s attention. One, he had become the disgraced ex-Chairman of the APC, a position to which he was dragged by the protracted cockfighting between him and Obaseki, the successor he hand-picked and imposed on the party and the voters. Their erstwhile cozy relationship fell apart with Obaseki presenting Oshiomhole as overbearing. And Oshiomhole’s style does appear to be overbearing.

    Two, Obaseki capitalized on the godfather theme to buttress the overbearing oga message, by escalating, during the campaign, a theme he has been using against Oshiomhole in the course of their fight. It was a theme Oshiomhole himself had used to kill the leadership position of Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion and Chief Tony Anenih in Edo politics. Against this background, a video message to Edo people not to vote for Obaseki backfired, leading to the refrain, Edo no be Lagos.

    Three, Oshiomhole’s marital recklessness was also invoked. After the death of his first wife, Clara, in 2010, he married Iara, a pretty lady from Cape Verde in 2015 in a Who is Who society wedding. However, the marriage did not last.The lady left him with bitter words in her mouth, according to reports. This generated a comic lyric, sung during Obaseki’s campaign to deride Oshiomhole, thus:

    Oshi ooo, Oshi ooo.

    Oshi carry money

    Marry Oyinbo

    Oyinbo run away

    Oshi dey cry

    Second, Obaseki’s self-marketing strategy was enhanced by a combination of signs used to de-market his rival, Ize-Iyamu. One, while Ize-Iyamu focused unconvincingly on Oshiomhole’s record as Governor, because he served on the administration, Obaseki focused on his own achievements as incumbent Governor, promising to build on them and do more.

    Two, Obaseki successfully used the negative language Oshiomhole employed in de-marketing Ize-Iyamu in 2016, while foisting Obaseki on the party. Both candidates were rivals in 2016 but swapped political parties for the 2020 election after Obaseki was disqualified from the APC primary, apparently to pave way for Ize-Iyamu’s candidacy of that party. Obaseki quickly defected to the PDP, which gave him its ticket.

    The shenanigans surrounding Obaseki’s disqualification no doubt drew some sympathy votes. Some voters wondered how Oshiomhole could sponsor Obaseki four years ago to be Governor with the same qualifications only to find him unqualified in 2020. The saga even drew the prestigious University of Ibadan to certify Obaseki’s degree from the institution.

    Thus, while Ize-Iyamu appeared stuck on Obaseki’s putative disqualification, the latter wisely sidetracked the qualification issue by focusing his campaign ads on the positive testimonials Oshiomhole gave him in 2016, while battering Ize-Iyamu during the same 2016 campaign. The contrast was too sharp for voters to ignore, and it worked in Obaseki’s favour.

    The implication for Oshiomhole’s image was strikingly obvious. The adverts portrayed him as speaking from both sides of the mouth, one praising A, while condemning B, and the switching four years later to condemning A, while praising B.

    As a result, Obaseki successfully turned the election into a plebiscite on the relevance of Oshiomhole in Edo politics, having been earlier relegated in national politics by his removal by a Court of Law as the Chairman of the APC.

    Obaseki’s contribution to Oshiomhole’s political demise is noteworthy. To start with, he refused to swear in the legislators reportedly sponsored by Oshiomhole. Second, he got the party executive in Oshiomole’s ward to expel him from the party. The expulsion was eventually dragged up to the Appeals Court, which ruled that appropriate procedures were followed and, therefore, the expulsion was upheld. The story threw the National Executive of the APC into turmoil until President Muhammadu Buhari stepped in to get a Caretaker Committee set up.

    There were also hidden signs involving intrigues and permutations for the 2023 presidential election. There are viral stories online naming some key APC governors, who reportedly worked behind the scenes for Obaseki’s victory, with the hope that he would later cross over to the APC to assist in their presidential ambition.

    Several lessons stand out about Obaseki’s victory and the APC’s loss of Edo to the PDP, thus constituting the South-south into a solid PDP bloc. APC leaders should have seen this coming. They should have called Oshiomhole to order early enough. They should have stepped in to stop his slow but gradual roasting by Obaseki. The party has a chance now to set the path straight for 2023 by preventing situations that would make party members engage in anti-party activities and by atoning member’ grievances and settling various intra-party disputes.

    True, the election was adjudged to be free and fair and Obaseki’s victory resounding enough to warrant the concession of the rank and file of the APC, including the party’s candidate. Nevertheless, the political party remains the weakest link in Nigeria’s democratic growth. The shenanigans surrounding APC primaries and the ease with which members switch parties belie the standard of party politics in the country. Clearly, the political party remains only a platform for participating in elections. There is no party loyalty, because there is no ideology or set of values to which party members are philosophically or emotionally tied.

  • The Northern question in Nigeria

    The Northern question in Nigeria

    Niyi Akinnaso

     

    WE have the largest number of poor people in the world, most of them in Northern Nigeria. Nigeria also has the largest number of out of school children, virtually all of them in Northern Nigeria.

    —Nasir el-Rufai, Governor of Kaduna State, at the Northern Youth Summit on Saturday, July 6, 2019

    In the North-western and North-eastern parts of Nigeria, more than 60 per cent of the population live in extreme poverty … the 19 Northern states, which accounts for over 54 per cent of Nigeria’s population and 70 per cent of its landmass, collectively generate, only 21 per cent of the total sub-national IGR in the year 2017.

    —Aliko Dangote, speaking at the Kaduna Investment Summit on Wednesday, April 3, 2019.

     

    From time immemorial, regional problems have been central to the formation and development of kingdoms, empires, and modern states.  However, the nature and effects of regional problems vary across time and space. In some cases, the problems are complicated by religion. In other cases, ethnicity is a key factor.

    There are also cases where social and economic divisions loom large just as there are others where the desire to preserve people’s rights and liberty is foregrounded.  Sometimes, one or the other of these factors could be highlighted to mask the others. Any of these factors could derail the unity or development of a kingdom, empire, or state. A convergence of two or more factors could pose even more serious challenges.

    For example, in the Southern United States, the desire to preserve slavery for economic reasons led the 13 Confederate states in the South to fight a bitter civil war, although apologists of the war often couch the reasons in terms of the preservation of liberty and independence. Residues of the division between the South and the rest of the United States loom large today, especially in race relations and democratic politics.

    The regional problem is even more pronounced in contemporary Italy. It was Antonio Gramsci, who problematized the regional issue in that country in his now famous The Southern Question, published in 1926.

    In the essay, Gramsci not only highlighted the social problems of Southern Italy, where he came from, he also outlined a theory by which class-regional alliances were employed by the Fascist government to maintain a hegemonic hold on power. The alliances involved creating a bridge between the Northern proletariat and the Southern peasantry.

    Yet, despite the Italian government’s investment in the South to pull up the region, its backwardness relative to Northern Italy continues to stand out.  As indicated below, many factors are responsible for the fate of Southern Italy, making it one of the less developed areas in Europe.

    If Northern Nigeria and Southern Italy were flipped, then the Italian situation would provide an instructive analogy to the regional problem in Nigeria, where the focus has been on the Northern question. To be sure, certain features are unique to each of the two regions in their respective countries, but there are interesting shared features to justify such an analogy. Correspondingly, Northern Italy compares to Southern Nigeria in developmental strides, including industrial growth, per capita income, contribution to GDP, and so on.

    First, both Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria share higher unemployment and poverty rates than other regions in their respective countries. On the one hand, the unemployment rate in Southern Italy has ranged between 15  and 20 percent in the last five years, while the average unemployment rate in the country as a whole is about 9 percent.

    On the other hand, the average unemployment rate of over 35 percent across Northern Nigeria has been consistently higher than the rest of the country at about 27 percent. When underemployment figures are factored in, over 30 percent of Southern Italians have little or no employment, while over 50 percent of Northern Nigerians are in a similar category.

    It is not surprising, therefore, that the poverty rate in Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria is much higher than the rest of their respective countries. Furthermore, the risk of poverty is also considerably higher in both regions than the rest of the country. That risk is accentuated by relative lack of education.

    Second, both Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria are more educationally backward than the rest of the country. They contain the majority of out-of-school children and school dropouts in their countries. Unfortunately, the situation has been getting worse, rather than better, in Northern Nigeria, as indicated in the opening quotes.

    A recent letter by legendary Civil Servant, Ahmed Joda, to the Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, shows that the situation in Northern Nigeria is rooted in history as it is in Southern Italy. According to Joda, who was the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education in 1971, only 250 candidates from the North were found qualified and were awarded Federal Government Scholarship in that year, whereas 2,750 candidates from the South got the same award.

    Of course, Northern leaders cried lopsidedness then and the Federal Government, controlled by Northerners most of the time since then, has used several methods to “compensate” the North. Almost 50 years later, the change has been for the worse, rather than for the better.

    Again, el-Rafai sums it all up in his speech to the Northern Youth Forum: “Northern Nigeria has become the centre of drug abuse, gender violence, banditry, kidnapping, and terrorism. We have also been associated with a high divorce rate and breakdown of families.” The situation compares to some extent with Southern Italy noted for organized crime, drug abuse, and “underground” economy, often controlled by the Mafia.

    Yet another feature shared by Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria is a state-dependency mentality by which the people wait for government largesse—government jobs or share of government funds. The result is unbridled corruption and appalling lack of transparency. The almajiri image of begging for food with bowl-in-hand is symbolic of the state-dependency mentality of the region. While the Governors and Emirs distribute the largesse in Northern Nigeria, the Mafia does the same in Southern Italy. The result at the end of the day is little or no development of the region.

    Dangote’s injunction to Northern leaders is now more urgent than ever: “Northern Nigeria will continue to fall behind if the respective states governments do not move to close the development gap”.

     

     

  • High noon in Edo

    High noon in Edo

    Festus ERIYE

     

    TWO outcomes are possible as Edo State holds its much-anticipated governorship election: Governor Godwin Obaseki pulls off the most stunning upset since David and Goliath, or he’s shown up as an upstart who bit more than he could chew.

    His predecessor, Adams Oshiomhole, a past master of the political put-down, has dismissed him as “a snail in a contest with tigers.”

    But, from shutting out majority of elected House of Assembly members to taking the battle to his erstwhile benefactor, the snail has shown he’s not scared of mixing it up with the tigers.

    The stakes are high and September 19 could become the graveyards of political fortunes. Little wonder the contest is so tense and potentially explosive.

    The governor, a businessman parachuted into politics by Oshiomhole, has burnt every bridge on which he journeyed to high office and is battling to retain power in the company of strange bedfellows who just a few months ago were giving him a fail grade on all governance indices. Lose on Saturday and he’s finished politically.

    His ‘take no prisoners’ style has seen him fire appointees at will, demolish properties of foes and pick fights with whoever stood in his way.

    The election is also do-or-die for the former All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman. If his side loses, Obaseki would be emboldened to obliterate all remaining vestiges of his political empire.

    After all, the governor has openly boasted he would bury his old master politically this weekend. Unfortunately for Oshiomhole he no longer has the APC chairmanship as a bulwark against the antics of a hostile home governor.

    For Osagie Ize-Iyamu, APC candidate and Obaseki’s direct rival, there’s not much to lose beyond a personal ambition slipping out of reach if he falls short again on Saturday.

    But just like in 2016, he feels that the prize is within reach and is pulling out all stops to claim it. With such determination which opponents dub desperation, sparks are bound to fly.

    Anyone who watched part or all of the debate between the candidates last Sunday couldn’t have missed the animus between them. Their exchanges dripped of contempt for each other. This was more than annoyance generated in the heat of the moment; it was something more visceral.

    But Saturday’s poll isn’t just about two bitter rivals going toe to toe, it’s also about providing answers to so many questions thrown up by this unusual electoral contest.

    For instance, was Obaseki right in the strategy he deployed to fight this battle? Dismissing Ize-Iyamu, he created a gallery of demons with Oshiomhole as chief villain and decided to run against him. The assumption is that the former APC chief is so hated in the state that merely tossing his name about would guarantee victory. We would soon find out.

    Some would argue that it’s the height of hubris to be so dismissive of a rival who has been in politics longer than you, just because of a three-year plus occupancy in the governor’s lodge.

    Obaseki and his backers have also created a catchy slogan “Edo is not Lagos,” playing on the emotive issue of ‘godfatherism’ to tar Oshiomhole as a wannabe political big boss bent on importing a controversial formula from a foreign land.

    This is a direct reference to the fate that befell former Lagos State Governor, Akinwumi Ambode, after his political family headed by APC National Leader, Bola Tinubu, denied him the re-election ticket he sought.

    While the slogan may be convenient for Obaseki at this time, it bears pointing out that it was Oshiomhole’s ‘godfatherism’ that foisted the political neophyte on his party four years ago – an action that drove Ize-Iyamu and many others to PDP. Today, ‘godfatherism’ has a rank smell in the governor’s nostril.

    But there’s another way in which the former Edo governor’s name is driving this contest and may ultimately shape its outcome. On Monday, John Odigie-Oyegun, himself a former APC chairman and governor of the state released a statement backing the PDP candidate.

    To justify openly campaigning against his party’s candidate, he sneered at what he called “primitive loyalties” and talked about how he had never hidden his displeasure at Obaseki being “forced out” of the party.

    Oyegun, whose dislike of Oshiomhole who succeeded him as party leader is well-advertised, then invoked President Muhammadu Buhari’s admonition to party faithful last year in Imo State to “vote your conscience.” Faced at that time with a factionalised party, all the president was required to do was ask supporters to vote the APC ticket down the line.

    Not long afterwards in Abeokuta, when then Governor Ibikunle Amosun’s supporters miffed at having lost the ticket to Dapo Abiodun, began hurling missiles at a rally where Buhari was speaking, he again admonished the irate party men to “vote for whoever you like.”

    It remains to be seen whether Edo APC members would heed Oyegun’s bizarre political advice – even when Buhari is presented as the originator of the idea of giving your party less than enthusiastic support.

    But the former ruling party’s national chairman isn’t the only one suspected to be playing dog in the manger. The events leading to Obaseki’s loss of the ticket split the ranks of APC governors with some suspected of being cool towards working for Ize-Iyamu. But unlike Oyegun who has nothing to lose, none of them can openly canvass support for Obaseki. What they are doing in secret is a different matter altogether.

    As part of their old fight with Oshiomhole, some won’t shed a tear if the APC candidate loses. After all, several weeks ago the Director-General of the Progressive Governors Forum, Salihu Lukman, was openly berating him for campaigning too aggressively for Ize-Iyamu.

    In the end, Edo people will make a choice between a governor who claims he’s entitled to a second term because of performance, and a challenger who says he can do better because the incumbent has failed.

    Politics isn’t always rational and often mirrors the aphorism about beauty being in the eyes of the beholder. One man’s ‘performer’ becomes another’s ‘disaster.’ But this ‘beauty contest’ may just be determined by more than what you see – the x-factor of intriguers working behind the scenes.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Stop Nightclub ‘Music Violence’

    Tony Marinho

     

     

    COVID-19 records deaths approaching 930,000, infections 29,000,000, with around 57,000 recognised cases and 1,200 deaths in Nigeria.

    World Health Organisation, WHO, appoints three African centres for disease control as specialised continental reference sequencing research laboratory for emerging pathogens. Two in South Africa and the third is the renowned Redeemer’s University African Centre for Excellence for Genomics of Infectious Diseases (ACEGID) under Professor Christian Happi, who is keen on relevant African science development especially for female scientists. This facility offers cutting edge molecular science to Africa. The centre handles gene-sequencing training and research in and out of medicine in African virus genes for quick diagnosis to facilitate diagnosis and vaccine development. Professor Happi’s lab has just developed a 15-minute Covid Virus strip paper test for international validation.

    Latest Covid19 Fact check: Please wear a mask, it appears to allow you a small inoculation and time for your body to raise immunity! The heavier the Covid virus load the more serious the illness. True. Masks reduce virus load reaching the healthy wearer. True. Masks reduce virus load that the Covid virus carrier can spread. True. A very low virus load may be like an inoculation, a vaccine. Highly probable. A vaccine gives a tiny part or number of an infecting bug, like Covid virus, which is too little to cause illness but enough to stimulate an immune reaction. Highly likely. This mechanism may be responsible for the reduction in disease severity among mask wearers as compared to non-wearers who fall ill. Preliminary results say ‘True’. So, wear a mask, please.

    Compressing people into smaller spaces for business gain, overcrowding, must not be acceptable legally, medically, or humanely. Cramming citizens of different sizes into one-size-fits-all ‘crush hour’ traffic transport and aeroplanes made for the smallest person is no longer acceptable.  Poorer people deserve more space when they travel.

    It disgusts me to see people crammed into public transport worldwide. For example, like being crammed sitting and standing in four carriages in a three-hour UK train journey with three almost empty first class carriages. The same for economy cramped seating while the first class section is empty.

    I am tall. The seat is small and my knees jam into the front seat, painfully immobilising me for eight hours. Why do small short engineers design seating for air, train, and bus chairs worldwide.

    The human race needs more space and is too submissive to money buying space.

    Another shutdown benefit is the ‘Silence of Covid19’. The great ‘Covid Calamity’ to many was the closure of nightlife. The world quietened at night. Club crawling, brawling and drunkenness stopped! Good! But that Covid calamity did what government regulations refused to do. Why do governments refuse to enforce their citizens ‘right to quiet’, preferring to support ‘noise pollution’ and ‘music violence’ inflicted on communities around nightclubs?

    The Covid calamity brought wonderful ‘silent nights’ and peaceful, sleep-full nights worldwide exemplified by the residential areas of Ikolaba and Bodija, Ibadan Oyo State and Admiralty Way, Lekki Phase 1. The silence of Covid descended like a sledgehammer on the malicious unnecessarily loud and too numerous loudspeakers blaring in those areas. It ended the 7pm and -4am daily nightmare. As nightclubs noisily reopen, government must access the criminal culpability of the disgraceful behaviour of club managers.

    It highlights the impotence, irrelevance and irresponsibility or collusion of the supervising authorities in government secretariat Ibadan and Alausa Lagos. Why allow an uncontrolled nightclub in Bodija or on Admiralty Way without enforcing indoor speakers and soundproofing and a ban on outside loudspeakers and then charge high ground rents for tormented neighbours? Governors must rescue sleepless babies, children, students doing WAEC, JAMB and university degrees etc. and grandparents denied rest and the sick with cancer denied a peaceful death because of noise pollution 1-2 kilometres away in the nightclubs callously inflicting music violence.

    Lagos shut down Quinox on Ozumba Mbadiwe for obstructing traffic and being a public nuisance. Time to threaten the nightclubs of Admiralty Way and Bodija and 10,000 clubs nationwide. Make noise inside not outside your club building.

    Club owners make money legally. They do not live in Bodija or on Admiralty Way and go home at 4 am where there is no sound. It is illegal and criminally prosecutable for Nigerian governments to allow nightclubs to inflict ‘Music Terrorism’ on children, pregnant mothers and hospitals with patients requiring rest. Why inflict noise trauma all night, night after night Monday to Monday every day every week, every year?

    Uncle Bola Ige, a then serving Minister for Justice, murdered on December 23, 2001 would have been 90 on September 23. Justice has not yet been served to his killers and their sponsors. God comforts the family.

    Uncle Bola was many things to many people. Personally, I had the privilege of driving him from Ibadan to Lagos one Sunday to discuss with Vice-Admiral Mike Akhigbe the ill-fated release of Chief MKO Abiola. As a literati member, Uncle Bola was at Bode Sowande’s Odu-Themes at Orita-UI hours before being arrested later and incarcerated for three years. The scene when we were called to Oluyoro Catholic Hospital along with Dr Toks Abiose and Dr Funso Onafowokan is still vivid with the distraught family children, politicians and police mournfully milling around the trolley. At midnight we drove his body to Anatomy, UI and later stood with Dr BGK Ajayi as family representatives at his post-mortem. Chilling times.

    Life has become even cheaper since you left, Uncle Bola.

  • Speculations on the  Coronavirus toll on Africa

    Speculations on the Coronavirus toll on Africa

     Niyi Akinnaso

     

    Did the scientists cry wolf, who spelled doom for Africa as the scourge of the COVID-19 infections ravaged the world? A random look at the predictions reveals a scary outcome. For example, the regional World Health Organisation for Africa predicted in April 2020 that the coronavirus cases in Africa could increase exponentially from mere thousands in mid April to as high as 10 million within three to six months.

    The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa postulated a more dire prediction. According to its own modelling, Africa could see 1.2 billion infections and 3.3 million deaths under the worst-case scenario. Modelling by the Imperial College London completed the picture with 300,000 deaths under the best-case scenario.

    Well, it’s been over 8 months since the virus was discovered and over six months since it first landed in Africa, via Egypt on February 14, 2020 and followed by the second case in Algeria on February 25. Nigeria recorded its first case two days later. As in Algeria, the patient was an Italian, returning to the country from Italy, where infections were already growing. Although the global outlook is scary at over 27 million cases as of September 7, 2020, only just over one million of them have occurred in Africa, instead of the predicted 10 million.

    Whatever happened to the predictions? We should not be cavalier in answering this question. Rather, a two-prong approach is needed in order to have an balanced answer.

    First, what factors led to the dire predictions? There are three major ones. One, there are far too many crowded spaces all over Africa, which could accelerate the rate of infection. Cities, towns, and villages promote crowds because of inadequate housing, poverty, and the pressure of communal culture. Besides, Africans by and large are communal, rather than individualistic, people. They congregate in small spaces in the cities, towns, villages, and even at home.

    In Nigeria’s depressed communities, for example, many low-income workers congregate in Face-Me-I-Face-You type of accommodation, where single rooms facing each other house different families, each of which may contain as many as six or more occupants. There could be up to ten such rooms, five on either side of a shared narrow hallway. Occupants share a common kitchen and one or two bathrooms behind the house.

    Beyond living spaces, shopping malls, local markets, neighbourhood stores, motor parks, and other crowd-pooling spaces are also potential  super-spreading sites for the coronavirus disease.

    Two, the health infrastructure in Africa is generally weak in several ways. The few good hospitals are inaccessible to the public, while the so-called General Hospitals and Primary Health Care Centres lack necessary equipment, health workers, necessary staff, and medical supplies. The WHO, which monitors global health systems, was rightly concerned that Africa’s health infrastructure might be unable to handle a pandemic as ravaging as COVID-19. But the continents with stronger health infrastructure have succumbed to the virus at much higher rates than Africa.

    Factor number three is the combination of poor leadership, weak institutions, and rampant governance failure across the continent. It was feared that many African leaders may not be able to rise to the COVID-19 challenge and that those who could muster the political will might be hampered by weak institutions, corruption, and poor implementation.

    It must be emphasised, however, that the dire predictions of high infection rate on the continent was somehow hedged. Michel Yao, Head of Emergency Operations for WHO Africa, indicated that the high figures predicted for Africa resulted from a provisional modelling. Therefore, the resulting projection could change, if the people changed their behaviour in  time. That was the case during the Ebola outbreak, leading to a crash of worst-case scenarios.

    This leads to the second perspective on the predictions. Why have they not come true so far?

    One popular explanation is the role of cross-protective immunity based on the exposure of Africans to a variety of infections to which they have developed some immunity. However, in the absence of any scientific study, cross-protective immunity lacks explanatory power as protection against COVID-19. From what we know so far,, this virus respects only a scientific approach rather than mere speculation.

    Another explanation is based on Africa’s demography. It is argued that Africa’s large young population, that is, people aged below 25, who constitute about 60 percent of the total population, has prevented the explosion of infections. Besides, it is also true that fewer Africans enter the old age bracket of eighty-something years, which has been proven to succumb readily to the virus. Africa’s average life expectancy of about 62 years is lower by 10-20 years than in other continents. Healthy life expectancy is even shorter as over 10 percent of living years in Africa is spent in poor health.

    Viewed from this perspective, demography is actually a double bag for Africa. On the one hand, the predicted youth advantage for the continent has yet to be fully tested as much of the continent has been on lockdown or one type of restriction or the other. Let’s see what happens when schools and universities reopen in the last quarter of this year. The ongoing experiences in Europe and North America already show that youths not only get infected, they stage or attend super-spreading events. The greatest fear is that they may go back home to infect the elderly.

    On the other hand, Africa has held its head up with its weak health infrastructure and crowded spaces. Although more deaths are recorded among the elderly, the younger population manifests the highest rate of infection on the continent. This may get worse when schools reopen fully and all restrictions are removed.

    In the meantime, credit should be given to African leaders at federal and state levels for quickly enforcing lockdowns and enforcing relative compliance with risk-mitigation measures in the urban areas. Surely, these measures have kept infections down. It is also important to continue to shield rural farming communities from the virus, by keeping city dwellers away in the meantime.

    True, we have learned a lot about COVID-19, but so much still remains unknown. The dire predictions must be kept in the bag, rather than completely discarded, until a safe and effective vaccine is available.

  • Victory over LSFVCB; Mali  

    Victory over LSFVCB; Mali  

    Tony Marinho

     

    COVID-19 records deaths approaching 900,000, infections 28,000,000, with around 56,000 recognised cases and 1,200 deaths in Nigeria.

    The suspension of the executive director of the Lagos State Film and Video Censors Board (LSFVCB) for ‘unilaterally’ imposing the double taxation of five per cent across the industry appears to be ‘scapegoatism’ as part of political damage control. The ‘double tax’ forced targeted the group to go to court, at great expense, to get a judgment in its favour. Why so late a reversal and apology only under pressure! Before that we had usual arrogant disrespectful threatening government LSFVCB letters, ‘Demand Notices’, ‘Deadlines’, ‘Fines’ and ‘Punishment’. No ‘Please’, ‘You are Requested’ and ‘Thank You’. SERVICOM should teach governments good letter writing and change ‘Demand’ to ‘Request Notices’ and learn the manners governments teach children in school. This bludgeoning of the ‘citizen down with covid lockdown’ with the cudgel of government was calculated. It just backfired because citizens fought back. Congratulations, citizens! Should the supervising commissioner not resign?

    No commissioner can be so incompetent as not to have pre-knowledge that an agency planned to levy citizenry of 5% of their earnings amounting to many hundreds of millions through an illegal ‘creative double taxation’ ? No pun intended. The action has ‘brought the state into disrepute’ and at a time when governors more sensitive to the needs of the Covid-ravaged people are setting up ‘Anti-Double Taxation Boards’. How can an agency create taxes ‘alien to the law’ without the buy-in of relevant ministries, governor, and other ‘powers that be’? Everybody loves money, honey!!! No IGR stream can escape approval and scrutiny. Though wrong, why do they never start small 0.1, 0.5, 1.0 but begin with a stupendous 5%?

    Through the Freedom of Information Act, FOA, we demand the minutes of the meetings and names of government- protected officials who created the mess and the agency lawyers who advised and accountants who calculated the ‘mouth-watering incomes. They are all indictable for ‘aiding and abetting’ the measure against the citizens of Lagos State. Such require exemplary punishment, censoring as a deterrent for other similarly-minded government officials. This is not an error, judgment lapse or misplaces zeal to serve the state. It is an illegality called extortion. All legal fees expended should be reimbursed by the government as a goodwill gesture and apology. Let the agency face Abuja for its share of the already existing tax.

    Meanwhile in Ibadan, Oyo State we have our own taxation problems -a ‘Generator Tax’ and ‘Yellow Line’ invasion -an imposition that Governor Makinde, an engineer and oil expert, may not have heard of from his officials as he has not yet cancelled them. Please governor, act quickly before business is silenced and killed in Ibadan. Thank You!

    The naira, already battered beyond belief and trying to claw its way back to respectability faces further insult by ridiculously high Ministry of Information-imposed for NCC fines [N5m] and now irresponsibly high claims for ‘damages’ in the order of billions. Courts and companies are being rubbished. Stop it!

    The Mali coup is a jolt back to the greed-driven militaristic past, long on virtuous vocalising but short on moral vow-keeping for African countries. We never learn. Good governance stops coup-making. Serving soldiers and politicians will fear a repeat of the ‘1960-80 African Coup Epidemic’ with the bloodshed. The young may welcome it. The middle aged will be cautious and the aged will despair. Nostalgia is felt only by coup-beneficiaries. Politicians claim there are too few beneficiaries from military rule while politics fills many stomachs. Stomach infrastructure?? Both fail the meagre requirements of the suffering citizens. Greed runs like a flooded River Niger in coup and political regimes and broken promises litter the dead dreams of neglected citizens. The hard road to 2020 Africa from 1957-60s post-colonial African rule has demonstrated to ardent militarists and broad-minded politicians that the mere speaking of good intentions through military decree and political manifestos have consistently largely failed to run any government in high gear to catapult it into the 2020s as a powerful proud national entity. Akinwunmi Adesina, re-elected president of the AfDB is trying to change that narrative. Congratulations.

    Look around African countries. None has harnessed its full 1960s potential -an indictment on leadership! Yes, Rwanda suffering wounds from 800,000 graves is making strides and today the government schools are better than the closing private schools. For most, the stranglehold of the colonial ‘masterland’ stifled creative continental freedom of thought, with systematic assassination of leaders including Lumumba – 34 years, Olympio 60 – years, Balewa – 53 Ngouabi – 38, Sadat – 62, Ghaddafi –69, Doe – 39, Kabila – 61, Habyarimana – 61, Ntaryamira – 39, Muhammed –  38 and the celebrated Sankara – 37years all fallen to the staccato of orchestrated gunfire, interference from abroad or ethnic or personal disagreements in-house. We can boldly add MKO Abiola. For others, total freedom from colonial control meant maximum plunder and the rape and acquisition of the country in much the same way as colonial King Leopold acquired Congo for himself. For others it was a balancing act between foreign interference and a conundrum of local agenda. In Nigeria it manifests as ‘maximum greed, minimum nationalism’ and an inherited and imposed misapplied misnamed ‘Federal Unitary System’ paralysing good governance. Africa’s laterite earth is soaked with blood of unnecessarily suffering millions of leaders and followers and still the current leadership and followers fail in just leadership and good elections.

  • Lessons from the U.S. on reopening tertiary institutions

    Lessons from the U.S. on reopening tertiary institutions

    Niyi Akinnaso

     

    I HAVE had over 50 years of continuous relationship with universities at home and abroad. True, my role in the university system has changed over the years, the university still remains my world. I am, therefore, anxious to see universities reopen as soon as possible. The question is how soon will that be?

    Although the Presidential Task Force on COVID-19 admitted that consultations with major stakeholders in higher education are ongoing, it still could not pronounce a definitive date for reopening universities. Accordingly, last Friday, August 28, 2020, I argued during a virtual meeting in favour of delaying reopening universities in Nigeria until January, 2021.

    Since that time, however, the global trend seems to favour reopening universities this September, for in-class learning, some for online learning, and yet others for a hybrid of the two. Indeed, some universities in the United States and elsewhere have reopened already. Here in Nigeria, some states, including Lagos and Osun, have set reopening dates for this September. It is clear, therefore, that the reopening of universities nation-wide is imminent.

    Accordingly, it is important to emphasize the factors that must be taken into account in addition to whatever guidelines the Federal Government may provide.

    The key factor to consider is the behaviour of the coronavirus, known as COVID-19, which led to the closure of universities in March in the first place. Within the last six months, the virus has infected about 55,000 people in Nigeria and killed over 1000, male and female, young and old. The global picture is even more disturbing. Over 25 million people have been infected and over 850,000 have died of the coronavirus disease. True, those with pre-existing conditions, such as heart, kidney, or lung disease, are predisposed to death once infected, the fact is that the virus has killed just about anyone, young or old.

    Although the figures in Nigeria seem to be going down, the reality is that the number of tests conducted so far in Nigeria is far too few, compared to the total population. After six full months of testing, less than 404,000 samples have been tested among a population of about 200 million! This translates to an average of about 67,000 tests per month or just over 2,000 tests per day.

    What is even more worrisome is the apparent dereliction of many states in the collection of samples, despite attempts by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and the PTF to ramp up testing by expanding collection centres to various Local Government Areas and increasing the number of testing centres.

    The immediate consequence of this dereliction of duty is that there will be vectors of the coronavirus disease in various communities, who are spreading the disease. This is a very serious problem because quite a number of those infected may be asymptomatic, that is, they may not readily manifest signs of the disease and, therefore, transmit it unknowingly.

    The real danger of reopening in this situation is the variety of opportunities that university campuses offer for the spread of the virus. First, classrooms, dormitories, dining rooms, sports arenas, and parks provide spaces for the virus to spread, partly because they offer opportunities for close contact and partly because students are difficult to control once left by themselves. They belong to the care-free group, typically between 15 and 25 years old.

    This is where we can learn from the experiences of universities in the United States, which have reopened. Within two weeks of resuming classes, American Colleges and Universities reported over 10,000 COVID-19 cases in 36 states. For example, as of August 30, 2020, the University of Alabama reported 1,368 cases among faculty, staff, and students since August 19, 2020.

    These figures should be understood within the context of 26,000 coronavirus cases and 64 deaths reported by The New York Times in a survey of about 1,500 American Colleges and Universities since the pandemic began.

    The recent infections since the universities reopened in August occurred because faculty, staff, and students converged on their institutions from various destinations across the country, bringing along with them the coronavirus infection and infecting others around them on campus. Classrooms, hostel common rooms, dining halls, and party venues provided super-spreading spaces for the infection.

    In order to avoid this problem altogether or in reaction to it, some universities called off in-person classes for undergraduates alone, while others called off in-person classes across the board. Yet other universities decided to provide only online classes for the entire 2020/2021 academic session, taking the lead of Cambridge University in England and the California State University System in the United States.

    What must be borne in mind here is that these American Universities have sufficient resources for testing, tracing, isolating, and treating infected students. For example, the University of Alabama offered return-to-campus COVID-19 test for its entire population of 38,563. Another university designated one of its off-campus structures as Isolation Centre for positive cases. Most Nigerian universities lack these resources.

    The probability of the coronavirus following some faculty, staff, or student to some university campus in Nigeria is very high, regardless of the negative test certificates they may bring. The focus, therefore, should be on enforcing the risk-mitigation measures and early detection of infection cases within the campus.

    A key risk-mitigation measure that may pose a serious challenge is social distancing in hostels, classrooms, and dining halls. One way of ensuring compliance with this measure is to reopen the universities in phases. The problem, though, is that a number of university courses are interconnected such that a 400-level student may need a 200-level course. On the other hand, some faculty may not be able to carry their full load of teaching if all classes are not running. Yet, some phasing is necessary as many universities may not be able to accommodate all their students at once and still be able to maintain social distancing.

    Perhaps the greatest challenge for Nigerian universities is how to detect, track, isolate, and treat infected members of the university community. In order to meet this challenge, the NCDC should make each university a sample collection centre. Each university should, in turn, identify the nearest testing centre and plan a relationship with it ahead of resumption.

     

  • The Coronavirus diaries (17)

    The Coronavirus diaries (17)

    Festus ERIYE

     

    WITH COVID-19 Nigeria appears to have pulled off a trick that’s near impossible: shut your eyes long enough and a problem disappears. Throughout August the number of new infections crashed nationwide, but it wasn’t a pattern revealed by increased testing.

    In Lagos, for long the epicentre, the state government shut a couple of isolation centres as the numbers of prospective tenants fell. It was those same positive statistics that authorities cited as grounds for ordering reopening of schools on September 14.

    Shortly before he announced he had tested positive, Commissioner for Health, Prof. Akin Abayomi, said infections had peaked. “Our observation is that Lagos has passed the worst of the pandemic, it has passed the peak and is now on the flattening stage and over time will experience a downslope of the virus then the end of COVID-19,” he stated.

    Now it appears all is not as it seems. The Presidential Task Force on COVID-19 (PTF) says falling numbers is down mainly to a decline in testing by states – Lagos included. At the committee’s briefing on Monday, Head of Disease Surveillance for the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Elsie Ilori, confirmed that “very low number of samples” were collected in August.

    Bear in mind that the government’s target is to test two million Nigerians and scale up to four million. As of yesterday only 403,347 samples have been collected nationwide.

    According to Ilori, there was a decrease in sample collection in just seven states in July but this rose to 32 states in August. In the last thirty days none of Nigeria’s 36 states gathered up to 1,000 samples.

    “In July, Kogi had 19 out of 20 local government areas without samples collected. Also in August, no local government in Kogi collected samples. In Katsina, only 24 local government areas collected samples – Jigawa (22), Kano (20), Taraba (16),” she revealed.

    “Even though in Lagos all the local government areas are collecting samples, the number of samples collected was quite low. So, that brought down the number of samples collected for August.”

    From the early days of the outbreak, Kogi had been very reluctant to get involved. These statistics show nothing has changed in its resistance to any inquiry that suggests the presence of COVID-19 cases in its midst. The five cases credited to it on the NCDC charts remain unrealistically unchanged more than two months after.

    The decline in testing could be interpreted in two ways. It’s been caused by a drop in the number of persons reporting COVID-like symptoms. It could also be down to coronavirus fatigue, causing governors and the governed to press on with daily life, irrespective of what’s going on with the virus.

    We seem to have arrived smoke and mirrors territory where testing can be manipulated to produce an alternate reality. It may just work! After all, in the worst case scenario, disease produces death. COVID-19 is just another disease that kills. Without testing, there’s no proof that demise was by the virus. In a society where life has always been cheap, death by Coronavirus cannot then be more special than death by other means. Life goes on.

    Lagos insists infections have peaked in its territory and is pressing ahead with reopening of schools. The PTF would rather it made haste slowly to avoid fatalities. The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) whose members would be catering to the returning students is less than enthusiastic – describing resumption plans as “suicidal.”

    For its part, the World Health Organisation (WHO) warns no country can “pretend” the pandemic is over, saying any move to ease restrictions too early would be disastrous.

    WHO Director-General, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, said this week countries need to have “control” of the virus before attempting to kick-start their economies.

    “We want to see children returning to school and people returning to work places, but we want to see it done safely,” he said.

    However, it bears repeating that our worst fears at different points of reopening haven’t come to pass. It’s been four weeks since churches and mosques were allowed to hold services again in Lagos. So far, no outbreaks have been reported and most religious organisations have behaved responsibly with regards to observing prescribed protocols.

    In Nigeria, COVID-19 and fraud allegations have always travelled together. If it’s not those who think the whole thing is one big scam, it’s those who are allegedly making a mint out of the crisis.

    A couple of days ago, Executive Director (Projects) of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Dr. Cairo Ojougboh, reacting to claims his organisation had showered several billions of naira on staff as Coronavirus “palliatives,” claimed lawmakers equally took care of themselves.

    “In the National Assembly, each of the senators got N20 million, while the House of Representatives members got N15 million for COVID-19,” he alleged.

    It was a bombshell that was initially greeted with deafening silence – but not for long. Chairman of the Senate’s Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Ajibola Basiru, has denied he or his colleagues “collected the sum of N20 million or any sum whatsoever from NDDC as COVID-19 relief fund or for any purpose whatsoever.”

    Basiru is also challenging the accuser to provide evidence of his claim and name those he allegedly gave the sum.

    But Ojougboh didn’t say the commission paid the monies, he claims the National Assembly did. Did the legislature make any such payments? We can hazard a guess how this challenge may end.

    It’s all so reminiscent of when Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Godswill Akpabio, was in full finger-pointing flow at a recent House of Representatives hearing into the financial shenanigans of the NDDC’s Interim Management Committee.

    The moment he claimed the bulk of the commission’s contracts had disappeared into the voluminous folds of the lawmakers’ babanrigas, one of the honourable panellists who was supposed to be grilling him suddenly uttered these immortal words: “It’s enough, it’s enough. Off the mic!”  And the inquiry was truncated on that chaotic note.

    Given our national overfamiliarity with the scandalous, nothing may come of this serious allegation. But for the sake of our common health and commonwealth, here’s hoping the truth comes to light.