The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Language as an instrument for cultural preservation

    Language as an instrument for cultural preservation

    • By Tolulope Sobiye

    Sir: Language is one’s identity. Language is one of the most important tools for keeping a person’s culture alive. It is through language that people express their beliefs, traditions, values and way of life. How can we ignore our language to promote the western language? How can we jettison our culture and call it barbaric? When a language disappears, much of the culture of the people who speak that language also disappears. In Nigeria, where there are different ethnic groups and languages, language plays a very strong role in preserving culture.

    Nigeria has more than 500 indigenous languages such as Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Tiv, Kanuri, Efik and many others. Each language represents the identity of its people. These languages carry stories about the past, explain customs and guide how people behave in their communities. Through language, cultural knowledge is passed from older generations to younger ones.

    One major way language preserves culture in Nigeria is through oral tradition. Before writing became common people used spoken words to pass on knowledge through folktales, myths, proverbs, songs and riddles which are told in local languages. These stories teach children good behaviour, respect for elders, honesty, hard work and cooperation. For example, Yoruba folktales often teach wisdom while Igbo proverbs express deep ideas about life and community. All these cultural lessons remain alive because the language is still spoken.

    Language is also very important in traditional ceremonies and festivals. Nigerian cultural festivals such as the New Yam Festival, the Durbar Festival, the Argungu Fishing Festival and the Osun-Osogbo Festival are carried out in local languages. During these events, people use traditional songs, prayers, greetings and chants. These expressions cannot be properly explained in English because they carry special cultural meanings. Using indigenous languages in these ceremonies helps people stay connected to their history and ancestors.

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     Language also preserves culture  in traditional leadership and social life. Traditional rulers like the Oba, Emir, Obi, Eze and Olu govern their communities using their native languages. Meetings, judgments, community rules and conflict settlement are mostly done in local languages. This keeps the traditional system alive and meaningful to the people.

    In modern Nigeria, language also helps preserve culture through literature, music and the media. Many Nigerian writers include indigenous expressions in their works to show Nigerian life and values. Wole Soyinka in “The Lion and the Jewel “ shows how culture must be preserved through language, a word like “Baale” was used in place of “chief”. Indigenous names and places like “ Sidi, Lakunle, Sadiku and Ilunjinle” were also mentioned to preserve Yoruba culture through language. Musicians sing in their local languages to tell stories, praise heroes and promote cultural pride. Radio and television programmes in Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo and other local languages also help keep culture strong and visible in everyday life.

    However, Nigerian languages are now facing serious danger. Many young people prefer to speak only English. Some parents also discourage the use of local languages at home. Isn’t that funny ?As a result, many children cannot speak their mother tongue properly. It’s sad to discover that many parents are proud to see that their children cannot speak their mother tongue. Some see it as being classy. What is happening to our cultural heritage?When this happens, cultural knowledge begins to fade away. Aren’t we aiming at language death? Some Nigerian languages are even at risk of disappearing completely. What are we going to do when this happens?

    Meanwhile, we are still struggling with  English language that we claim to jettison our indigenous languages for. We forget that when we have a solid foundation and knowledge of our mother tongue, it will help in English language acquisition.

    To protect Nigerian culture, indigenous languages must be protected. Parents should speak their native languages at home with their children. Schools should teach Nigerian languages seriously and not treat them as less important than English. Government should support local languages through books, radio, television and cultural programmes. They should also make  indigenous languages core in secondary schools.  Communities should encourage young people to be proud of their language and culture. Speakers at events should also code mix and code switch between English and their mother tongue just to show how proud they are of their mother tongue.

    To sum it up, language is more than just a way of speaking. It is the heart of culture and identity. It defines us.  The Nigerian example shows clearly that preserving language means preserving our culture and our dignity. If Nigerians protect their indigenous languages they are protecting their history, values and future.

    •Tolulope Sobiye,

     <favour0405@gmail.com>

  • Security issues in Okunland: Memo to two lawmakers

    Security issues in Okunland: Memo to two lawmakers

    • By Dr Jaiyeola Lewu

    Sir: I am Ambassador Jaiyeola Joseph Lewu from Kabba town in Okunland of Kogi State, a retired career ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and a senior colleague of ambassadors Shola Enikanolaiye and Rotimi. Amb Kayode Shinkaiye from Odo-eri and I were colleagues in the Foreign Service as we joined the service when we graduated in 1972. 

    I have been following the great work and the philanthropic services that you have been rendering our people in Yagbaland in particular and in Okunland in general. I have not been fortunate enough to meet with you personally but I am availing myself the opportunity of sending this message to express my sincere appreciation for your consistent dedication to representing your constituency exceedingly well and for helping so many people to better their lives and lifting them up from poverty and despair.

    May God in His infinite mercy reward you.

    The insecurity problem in Okunland is enormous and I have been following the efforts which your good self and Distinguished Senator Karimi have been taking towards combatting the suffering of our people in the hands of terrorists/ bandits. I wish to doff my hat to you both. As the Kogi government seems to leave our people to their fate rather than tackling the issue headlong, I would like to suggest the following:

    First:  A collective approach is needed by your good self, Senator Karimi and all other Okun members of the national and state assemblies to approach both the Minister of Defence and the Chief of Army Staff to establish strong military outposts in each of the five Local Government Areas in Okunland to rid our land of the terrible terrorists/bandits.  Although two military posts are reported to have been established, one at Egbe and another one Olle or so in Bunuland, each local government area should have well-manned and equipped outposts due to the large areas of Okunland.

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    Second:  Prevail on the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, to train and equip adequately youths in Okunland as effective vigilantes, rather than sending Fulani vigilantes to Okunland with AK47 assault rifles and who do not know our territory well but rely on our unarmed local youths to show them the hideouts of the terrorists/ bandits. Our youths, who are the locals on the spot, know the terrain better than strangers. So, let the NSA help in this regard.

    Third: Approach the Kogi State governor to complement your efforts and those of the federal government to ensure that Okunland is protected from terrorists/kidnappers who are invading our land from Niger and Kwara states. Our people are peaceful and have no arms to defend themselves; thus, they should not be left alone by the state government to fend for themselves.

    Fourth:  Encourage the youths, both men and women, at ward levels, to be courageous enough to act as community intelligence people who will be invaluable assets to our law enforcement agencies towards ridding Okunland of terrorism and kidnapping. When they see something unusual or suspicious, they should report it immediately.   The price of freedom, it has been said, is eternal vigilance.

    Finally, fifth:  Stage town hall meetings with our traditional leaders, local government chairmen and the people to encourage them to be vigilant and protect their communities. During this period of security emergency, let yourself and other assembly members and Senator Karimi focus on security projects as your main constituency objectives, particularly since there can be no development without security.

    •Dr Jaiyeola Lewu,

    Former, Nigeria’s Ambassador to Brazil, Paraguay, and Bolivia,

    Abuja.

  • President Tinubu: A stumble, a nation’s test

    President Tinubu: A stumble, a nation’s test

    Sir: It began in Turkey—not with a speech or diplomatic breakthrough, but with a stumble: A brief moment when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appeared to lose his balance.

    It was fleeting, the kind of human moment that should have disappeared with the next news cycle. Instead, it ignited Nigeria’s digital space.

    Within hours, social media was flooded with reactions. Some laughed. Some mocked. Some speculated about health. Others turned the incident into memes and exaggerated narratives. A simple misstep became a national spectacle.

    But this is not the first time. During a previous national ceremony, a similar moment occurred. Then, President Tinubu responded not with anger, but with history.

    He reminded Nigerians of his role in the struggle for democracy, of the risks he took, the exile he endured, and the resistance he was part of during military rule.

    He spoke as someone who had paid a price for the democratic space Nigerians now freely occupy—even the freedom to criticise him.

    Yet today, the same man is reduced to hashtags.

    Let us be honest. In African culture—especially in Nigeria—age carries meaning. Leadership carries meaning. You may question authority, but you do not ridicule elders. You do not strip leaders of basic human dignity, even in disagreement.

    President Tinubu is not just a political figure; he is an elderly statesman and the sitting president. Mockery may feel like political expression, but it also reflects a loss of cultural restraint. Criticism is legitimate. Humiliation is not.

    There is also a national dimension. However divided Nigerians may be politically, the presidency represents the state. When Nigerians publicly demean their own president, the image of the country itself suffers. Those who think they are only attacking Tinubu may not realise they are also diminishing Nigeria’s institutional dignity.

    However, respect does not mean silence, and dignity does not erase accountability. The moment should not be weaponised for ridicule, but neither should it shield the government from legitimate scrutiny.

    Some Nigerians now ask bluntly: Is Tinubu fit for the seat? That question must be answered with history, not emotion.

    Tinubu’s political journey did not begin yesterday. He served as a senator. He governed Lagos State. Under his tenure, Lagos laid foundations for becoming Nigeria’s economic hub. He built political structures, mentored leaders, and played a central role in the coalition that birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC). He navigated complex political battles and ultimately won the presidency after one of the most competitive political journeys in Nigeria’s history.

    It is intellectually dishonest to claim such a figure rose without political skill, strategic thinking, or administrative experience. The record exists. The political structures he built exist. The leaders he influenced exist.

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    This does not make him beyond criticism—but it does place current narratives in perspective.

    World leaders stumble. Joe Biden has stumbled. Barack Obama has stumbled. Leaders are human before they are offices. A physical misstep is not proof of incapacity.

    If falling were a qualification test, many global leaders would fail. So why should Tinubu’s stumble be treated as a national crisis or a national comedy? It is neither.

    Nigeria faces serious economic and social challenges, but it is not alone. Inflation, debt pressures, insecurity, and global instability are realities many countries face. The presidency should therefore be judged by policy outcomes, not viral clips.

    Let citizens assess reforms, security strategy, economic management, and governance delivery. Let debates be grounded in data, not memes. History—not hashtags—will be the final judge.

    Tinubu’s stumble in Turkey revealed more about us than about him. It exposed our impatience, our anger, our digital culture of mockery, and our fragile relationship with leadership.

    Citizens must criticise constructively, demand accountability, and push for better governance. But we must not destroy the dignity of national institutions in the process.

    Because when the presidency is reduced to ridicule, the state itself weakens. And when a nation learns too easily to laugh at itself, it may soon find itself with reasons to cry.

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun, exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Nigeria’s great economic rebound

    Nigeria’s great economic rebound

    Sir: Nigeria may not be out of the woods yet, but under the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the country is showing real promise.

    At some point in the Buhari presidency, he openly admitted that though he knew even before he was elected that Nigeria had serious challenges, he didn’t expect the magnitude of the challenges he encountered in office. Despite the challenges, the current administration is showing a marked departure from its predecessor in two key areas that may yet be the most defining for Nigerians: security and the economy.

    Insecurity in Nigeria has really spiralled during the past decade. Terrorism in its many forms has made many parts of the country insecure, causing Nigerians indescribable anguish at home and imponderable embarrassment abroad by casting the country as critically unsafe.

    Before the advent of the current administration, communities in Southern Kaduna, Benue State, Plateau State, and many other states spread over the core north were regular stomping grounds for criminals of all shades and stripes. While it would be premature to state that the criminals have been conclusively routed, it is clear that they have been largely put in their place, underlining the mammoth efforts that have gone into containing a problem that once threatened the very existence of Nigeria.

    For many Nigerians, poverty remains a costly bed mate. The Nigerian economy was practically in tatters before the current administration came to power.

     Any decision bordering on the removal of fuel subsidy was bound to be critically unpopular, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took the unprecedented step of removing it.

    Read Also: Nigeria on ‘healing journey’ to $1trn economy by 2030 – Presidency

    The uproar, which was great, has remained even in the face of the president’s defiance, which he has expertly melded with other decisive steps to rescue Nigeria’s economy. The result of such firmness is that for the first time in many years, the Nigerian economy is producing shoots of recovery.

    As per The Economist, which has heavily criticized the Nigerian government in the past, the Nigerian economy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is showing signs of recovery.

    The British journal pointed out the abolition of the fuel subsidy and abandonment  of the multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, which has  largely allowed  the naira to float, as key to the forceful signs of economic rejuvenation noticed.

    For a publication that has previously stuck a boot into successive Nigerian governments, this is no idle commentary on a key aspect of Nigeria. It definitely means that the country is on the right path.

    A lot of work remains to be done to completely rescue Nigerians from poverty and set the country moving in the right direction. It is never going to be easy, but with the right amount of decisiveness, Nigeria can continue to engineer a rousing departure from its dark and dreary recent past.

    It is only hoped that the ominous politics of 2027 will not derail a promising project.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Of drug abuse and gambling

    Of drug abuse and gambling

    Sir: The fight against illicit drugs in Nigeria has been persistent, intensified, and increasingly impossible to ignore. Over the years, the federal government, through the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), has implemented several measures aimed at reducing both drug demand and supply. While notable progress has been made, emerging patterns, particularly the strong link between drug abuse and gambling, continue to pose serious challenges.

    Various strategies have been deployed to curb drug trafficking and abuse. Drug supply chains and trafficking routes have been disrupted and tighter regulations and monitoring mechanisms have been introduced to prevent recurrence. These efforts have led to the interception of major drug routes and the arrest of key drug dealers, significantly reducing the availability of illicit substances in many areas. Despite these achievements, drug demand remains a major concern, especially when addiction progresses to dependence.

    A critical issue complicating the situation is the close relationship between illegal drug use and gambling. In today’s digital age, drug users are often exposed to gambling platforms within the same online environments where illicit substances are promoted or discussed. Gambling, in many cases, becomes a means of generating funds to sustain drug use and maintain addiction. This cycle is particularly common among individuals already struggling with dependency.

    Stress, personal challenges, unemployment, and persistent overthinking are major contributors to the initiation and continuation of drug use. These pressures can push individuals toward substance abuse as a coping mechanism. Over time, this dependence may expand into gambling addiction, especially when financial difficulties arise. Gambling is often perceived as a quick solution to money problems, but it typically worsens the situation.

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    Drug use and gambling tend to reinforce each other, creating a dangerous cycle. Drugs may be used to cope with gambling losses or emotional distress, while gambling is used to finance drug consumption. Gradually, both behaviours become normalized as temporary “feel-good” solutions. Unfortunately, this normalization masks the long-term damage being done.

    The NDLEA has consistently played a vital role in addressing this crisis by raising awareness through various media platforms about the harmful effects of drug abuse and its impact on overall well-being. Public education remains a powerful tool in discouraging substance abuse and promoting healthier coping mechanisms.

    While Nigeria has made commendable progress in disrupting drug supply and enforcing regulations, addressing drug demand and its link to gambling addiction remains critical. A holistic approach that combines enforcement, mental health support, public awareness, and rehabilitation is essential. By tackling both drug abuse and gambling together, Nigeria can reduce their combined impact and promote a healthier, more resilient society.

    •Ojoma Omale, Kogi State.

  • Nigeria & Turkey: Strategic partnership or transactional diplomacy?

    Nigeria & Turkey: Strategic partnership or transactional diplomacy?

    • By Felix Oladeji

    Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s signing of nine bilateral agreements, signals both continuity and evolution in Nigeria’s foreign policy orientation. The accords span defence cooperation, media and communication collaboration, higher education partnerships, diaspora policy, halal quality infrastructure, and joint institutional ties between foreign affairs and diplomacy academies; while also establishing a Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO) aimed at bolstering economic cooperation.

    On the surface, this diplomatic milestone reflects a shared commitment to deepening bilateral ties in strategic sectors from security to education. Reports indicate that the communications memorandum, for instance, will facilitate exchange of expertise, training programmes, workshops, and best practices between media professionals in both countries, fostering institutional linkages that could enrich domestic media ecosystems. Meanwhile, the defence cooperation framework has potential implications for military training, joint exercises, and knowledge transfer in tactical and strategic defence capacities.

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    But beyond the celebratory headlines lies a broader question: what kind of international partnership is Nigeria cultivating, and to what end? In a global order defined by shifting geopolitical alignments, partnerships are rarely neutral. For Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, the stakes are high. Its longstanding diplomatic relations with Turkey, dating back to 1960, have over the years encompassed trade, investment, and security cooperation, culminating in energy ties that saw bilateral trade with Türkiye approach significant volumes in 2025.

    The creation of JETCO and spate of sectoral agreements point to an aspiration for deeper economic integration with Ankara reportedly committing to a $5 billion trade volume target with Nigeria. Such a target, if realised, could reshape Nigeria’s trade architecture by diversifying partnerships beyond traditional Western and Asian markets, and by positioning the country as a regional economic anchor with strong external demand.

    Yet strategic diversification carries with it practical and philosophical challenges. On the one hand, expanded defence cooperation — in training, intelligence exchange, and joint capacity building can strengthen Nigeria’s ability to address internal and regional security threats. On the other, it may risk overreliance on external military frameworks or dilute Nigeria’s articulations of defence autonomy. The delicate balance between benefiting from strategic partnerships and maintaining sovereign agency is one that African states, including Nigeria, must continuously negotiate.

    In an era when global partnerships are increasingly transactional, Nigeria’s engagement with Turkey provides a case study in balancing immediate geopolitical benefits with long-term strategic interests. The summit in Ankara may have ended with inked agreements and photo opportunities, but the real work lies in ensuring that these pacts translate into tangible outcomes for citizens — from improved security infrastructure and economic opportunity to enriched academic environments and stronger media ecosystems. Without such results, even the most ambitious bilateral agreements risk remaining symbolic markers of diplomatic goodwill rather than engines of national advancement.

    •Felix Oladeji,

    Lagos.

  • Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    Kwankwaso: Karma not betrayal at work

    • By Abba Dukawa

    Sir: The public fallout between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf (AKY)’s and his political mentor mirrors familiar fractures from Rabiu Kwankwaso’s past, notably his bitter split with Abdullahi Ganduje. Once again, a protégé has chosen a different path. The question is whether AKY’s move represents calculated independence or a strategic checkmate in a long political chess game.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s defection to the APC has reignited a debate in Kano politics: was it a betrayal of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s trust, or the inevitable outcome of political pragmatism? To some observers, it looks less like treachery and more like poetic justice—a lesson Kwankwaso himself has long taught others.

    Political independence is the ability to govern based on personal conviction and the interests of the electorate. Blind loyalty, by contrast, subordinates public interest to the will of a godfather. One is autonomy; the other is submission.

    In a subdued and emotional interview with BBC Hausa—his first since AKY’s exit from the NNPP—Kwankwaso expressed deep hurt, describing the defection as an unimaginable act of betrayal. He insisted Kano remains NNPP territory and warned that Abba would face consequences, accusing him of “handing over Kano’s mandate to the Gandujiyya camp.”

    Kwankwaso claimed the issues leading to the defection could have been resolved through dialogue and repeatedly questioned what went wrong and who was to blame. Yet his continued public lament only reinforces a perception of desperation, as though he fears losing something more than political relevance.

    While his emotional appeal may resonate with loyalists, Kwankwaso is hardly alone in having felt betrayed in Kano’s turbulent political history. Ironically, many accuse him of the very conduct he now condemns.

    Kwankwaso’s political ascent in 1999 was aided by figures such as Abubakar Rimi, Hamisu Musa, and Musa Gwadabe. Once in power, he dismantled the structures that supported him, side-lining these benefactors and rendering them politically irrelevant. None truly recovered from that fallout.

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    History appears to be repeating itself. A leader who once thrived on alliances has repeatedly abandoned them after consolidating power. Ali Sani Madaki has openly accused Kwankwaso of hypocrisy, arguing that someone with such a record lacks the moral authority to lecture others on loyalty or betrayal.

    This pattern extended beyond Kano. In 2019, Kwankwaso was accused of distancing himself from Atiku Abubakar after securing his own political interests in the state—an act many viewed as a serious breach of trust.

    Compounding this is Kwankwaso’s long history of party switching: from PDP to APC, back to PDP, and now NNPP. These moves, often driven by personal ambition, weaken his credibility when criticizing defections by others—especially when his political protégé followed him through many of those same transitions.

    Governor Abba Yusuf’s silence since leaving the NNPP speaks volumes. While he denies being under anyone’s control, few dispute that Kwankwaso shaped his political career. AKY’s loyalty was once unwavering—sometimes to the point of personal sacrifice and public humiliation.

    Yet history shows that loyalty to Kwankwaso rarely guarantees lasting trust. Many who once defended him eventually fell out after warning of his autocratic and self-centred leadership style. Figures like Rabiu Suleiman Bichi and Professor Hafiz Abubakar—who even resigned as Deputy Governor to demonstrate loyalty—raised these concerns long before they became widely acknowledged.

    Kwankwaso would be wise to stop issuing coded messages that could provoke damaging disclosures. The stakes are high.

    Ultimately, the decline of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is not the result of external opposition but internal decay. A movement built on control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung—not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

    What we are witnessing today may not be betrayal at all—but karma, long delayed, finally coming full circle.

    In the final analysis, leaders are judged by their outcomes, not just their platforms. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision engages the present and invests in the future – it’s not about rejecting the past. When intentions are clear and service is key, change is a step forward, not a betrayal.

    •Abba Dukawa,

    Abuja.

  • Strategies for power, energy and security

    Strategies for power, energy and security

    • By Engr Bright Mills

    Sir: Nigeria is blessed with abundant energy resources: oil, gas, sunshine and human capacity yet the average citizen lives with darkness, high fuel prices, and growing insecurity. This contradiction raises a painful question: Why does a resource-rich nation struggle to meet its most basic needs?

    When private electricity Distribution Companies (Discos) took over from the Power Holdings Company of Nigeria (PHCN), Nigerians were promised efficiency, improved supply, and expanded generation. Instead, the situation has worsened. Electricity has become more expensive, more unreliable, and increasingly beyond the reach of ordinary Nigerians.

    At the time of privatization, expectations were high that power generation would move far beyond the long-standing 5,000 megawatts. Years later, this goal remains largely unmet. What has grown instead are estimated bills and tariffs that do not reflect actual consumption, further burdening households and small businesses already struggling in a tough economy.

    Electricity infrastructure handed over to the Discos was built with taxpayers’ money, yet consumers continue to pay for inefficiency; worse still, most Discos lack the financial and technical capacity to provide basic necessities such as free prepaid meters for customers.

    Against this backdrop, there is a strong case for rethinking Nigeria’s power sector structure. One practical solution is for the federal government to revive NEPA as NEPA Plc, in partnership with global electricity giants such as Siemens and ABB. These companies possess the technology, experience, and capital needed to modernize Nigeria’s power grid and expand generation sustainably.

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    Under this model, Discos that wish to operate should be required to build and maintain their own power infrastructure, rather than relying on assets that belong to Nigerian taxpayers. A stronger, restructured NEPA Plc would also have the capacity to provide free prepaid meters, eliminating estimated billing and restoring trust between consumers and power providers.

    Additionally, government should liberalize the importation of prepaid meters. Allowing consumers to purchase meters independently will encourage competition, drive prices down, and protect citizens from exploitation.

    Nigeria’s oil and gas sector also needs bold incentives that prioritize local production and affordability. The federal government should offer a 40 percent discount on gas and crude oil prices priced in Naira to investors willing to build refineries and gas-powered plants in Nigeria.

    Such a policy would attract more players into the sector, reduce reliance on imports, lower fuel prices, and ultimately bring down the cost of goods and services. Affordable energy is not just an economic issue, it is a direct pathway to reducing poverty and improving the quality of life for millions of Nigerians.

    No discussion about development is complete without addressing security. The rising insecurity across the country has shown clearly that the current centralized policing structure is overstretched and ineffective. The implementation of state police has therefore become a matter of urgency.

    Governors are expected to secure their states, yet they lack the authority and operational control to do so effectively. Decisions are dictated from the centre, a situation that contradicts democratic principles and weakens local response to security challenges.

    While the current president remains in office, decisive action must be taken. This is the time to act to make haste while the sun shines so that Nigeria does not end up “looking for a black goat in the night.”

    Nigeria does not lack ideas, resources, or capable hands. What is required now is political will, people-focused policies, and the courage to break away from failed systems. Power, fuel, and security are not luxuries; they are foundations of national progress. Until they work for the ordinary Nigerian, true development will remain out of reach.

    •Engr Bright Mills,

    <brightmills@yahoo.com>

  • Free meters: Why electricity consumers may pay the price

    Free meters: Why electricity consumers may pay the price

    Sir: A few days ago, the Nigeria’s Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu directed electricity consumers in Nigeria not to pay for the installation of meters. He also warned that any Distribution Company (DisCo) that violates this direction will face serious sanctions. This announcement raised a lot of controversy, with some DisCos reportedly describing it as a mare political statement. However, my main concern is: who ultimately bear the consequences? There is a proverb that says, when two elephant fight, the grass suffers. In this case, the “grass” is the Nigerian electricity consumer.

    To understand the situation properly, let us examine the core issue at the centre of the disagreement – metering.

    There are currently two major metering schemes in Nigeria.

    The first is the Meter Asset Provider (MAP), this was introduced by the Nigeria Electricity Regulation (NERC) in May 2019 under the MAP regulation. The aim is to bridge the metering gap in the Nigeria Electricity Supply Industry (NESI). Under this arrangement, the customer pays upfront for the meters while the DisCo refund the cost gradually through monthly energy token. We will come back to this later!

    The second is the Distribution Sector Recovery Program (DISREP) this is the free metering initiative, yes, it is free of charge. The DISREP is a $500m metering initiative funded by the World Bank and supported by the federal government of Nigeria. It aims to deliver 3.4 million smart meters nationwide at no direct cost to customers across Nigeria. However, just like the MAP Scheme, DisCos are expected to repay the cost of these meters over a period of ten-years. DisCos are also responsible for distribution, installation and maintenance of these meters within their franchise states.

    It is at the installation stage that the current controversy arises!

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    Let us get to the crux of the matter.

    On Thursday, the minister of power made it clear that no consumer should be charged any meter installation fee under the DISREP metering scheme, he describes such charges as illegal. On the other hand, the DisCos fired back insisting that the minister’s comments are mare political statements. They argued that, the meters may be funded under the programme, however, installation cost remain a critical operational expense.

    So when this happens, from the customer point of view, it will be interpreted as the unwillingness on the part of the DisCos to meter consumers or to slow down the metering pace. From the DisCos perspective, their major challenges lies in, cost recovery and financial sustainability as well as policy consistency by the government and regulators. They argued that if meter are provided and there is no fund for installation, the DisCos may likely face revenue losses which may affect their abilities to maintain infrastructure and improve service to their customers.

    While the federal government objectives is clearly to close the metering gap and ensure fair billing, however, lack of alignment with DisCos could unintentionally delay the very benefits the policy seeks to deliver.

    For Nigeria to close it metering gap, there is need for collaborative policy implementation between the regulators, government authorities, Discos and meter providers and installers. They must all agree to work together to establish a clear and sustainable funding framework that covers both meter procurement and installation.  The federal government on its part must design a financial framework that will balance customers’ interest with the sector financial sustainability.

    The ultimate goal is to provide meter to all electricity consumer in Nigeria.

    •Abubakar Ibrahim, PhD, Kano.

  • Why 2027 will not resemble 2015 or 2023

    Why 2027 will not resemble 2015 or 2023

    Sir: The coming election will not resemble either 2015 or 2023. Those contests were defined by sharp oppositional energy, moral narratives, and the promise of decisive change. In contrast, 2027 is shaping up to be a quieter, more cautious affair.

    It will not primarily be a battle of platforms or even personalities, but a contest over who is perceived as institutionally alignable. Candidates will be judged less by ideological clarity or rhetorical force and more by their perceived capacity to govern without friction, maintain elite consensus, and operate credibly within administrative and security architectures.

    This shift does not signal authoritarian closure, it reflects elite risk aversion within a strained and uncertain system. Portable mandates thrive in contexts where institutional neutrality is contested and where the costs of opposition are unevenly distributed. In such environments, politicians seek safety not in ideology but in alignment.

    Mass defection should be understood not as scandal but as communication. Defection signals recognition that a politician understands where authority is consolidating and intends to remain governable within it. This is not betrayal in a moral sense, but adaptation within a system where opposition carries asymmetric costs and where institutional hostility can be more consequential than electoral defeat.

    The more interesting democratic question, therefore, is not why politicians defect, but why mandates can survive such movement without structural consequence. Why do voters’ choices remain formally valid even as their representatives re-anchor those choices elsewhere? That is the deeper puzzle raised by portability.

    Mandate portability is uneven across the country. It follows distinct regional logics, shaped by history, elite structure, and the relationship between state and society. In the North, portability is normalised as a mechanism of access rather than ideological repositioning. It is vertically organised, mediated through recognised elites and validated by proximity to the centre.

    Defection here reflects a political culture in which representation is judged by the ability to secure resources, protection, and institutional recognition for constituencies within a highly centralised state. Alignment is often interpreted pragmatically as representation itself. By 2027, northern politics is likely to prioritise continuity of access over oppositional symbolism, making defections appear procedural rather than shocking.

    In the Southwest, mandate portability operates elite consensus. Political competition here is intense and ideologically expressive, though underwritten by strong informal networks and a tradition of negotiation beneath public contestation. Mandates travel not because ideology is absent, but because elite convergence frequently overrides party boundaries once elections conclude.

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    In the Southeast, portability is shaped by structural vulnerability. With weaker access to federal power and a long history of political exclusion, elected officials in the region often operate under heightened institutional exposure. Defection is frequently a survival strategy aimed at reducing hostility, securing developmental space, or avoiding isolation within national power structures. Such moves are often experienced by constituents as abandonment, deepening mistrust between voters and representatives. Unless credible institutional pathways for opposition are strengthened, this disconnect is likely to intensify by 2027.

    In the South-south, mandate portability is entangled with resource negotiation. Politics in the oil-producing states operates within a distributive framework in which access to federal decision-making matters more than party identity. Defection is typically framed as a strategy to maximise returns, protect local elite arrangements, and remain relevant within fiscal negotiations. Mandates move because resources do, and representation is evaluated in material rather than ideological terms. As fiscal pressures mount, this pattern is unlikely to change.

    If Nigeria’s democracy is operating with portable mandates, electoral reform must address post-election accountability rather than voting logistics alone. Party reform must confront why platforms fail to anchor behaviour. Civic engagement must extend beyond election days into sustained institutional oversight. Naming the system accurately is the first step to reforming it.

    Nigeria’s democracy is not collapsing. It is evolving, unevenly and quietly, in ways for which existing language is inadequate. By 2027, the central question will no longer be whether Nigerians can choose their leaders, but whether they can still hold mandates in place once chosen.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,  lekanolayiwola@gmail.com