The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

Turning promises into protection: Niger Delta’s moment of truth

Sir: Nigeria is on the cusp of a regulatory milestone with the proposed Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Safety and Environmental Regulations (MDPSER) 2025—a draft legislation developed by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA). While the bill aims to strengthen environmental and safety standards across the petroleum sector, it also presents something more significant: a rare opportunity to reset the government’s relationship with host communities in the Niger Delta.

The Niger Delta has long carried the burden of oil production in Nigeria. For decades, communities have watched their rivers turn black, their soil lose its fertility, and their livelihoods collapse. Promises have been made—about safety, accountability, clean-ups, and compensation—but the gap between legislation and lived experience has remained wide.

Today, millions of people in oil-producing communities still suffer from the consequences of weak environmental enforcement. MDPSER 2025 must not become another well-meaning but ineffective piece of legislation. Instead, it must be bold, enforceable, and community-focused.

Consider the story of Mama Preye, a fisherwoman in a coastal village in Bayelsa. She once relied on daily catches from the creek to feed her family. Now, after paddling long distances, she returns home empty-handed. Pollution from oil operations has choked the aquatic life out of her environment. Her story is not unique—it represents countless others across the Delta. Yet, nowhere in the current MDPSER draft is there an explicit recognition of people like her.

A simple declaration in the bill affirming the protection of community health, livelihoods, and environmental rights would signal a crucial shift—from prioritising corporate activity relative to human dignity.

Illegal refining sites are another unaddressed reality. These unregulated operations release toxins into the air and water. Ignoring them does not make them disappear. MDPSER must require a comprehensive map of all petroleum facilities, including illegal ones, to be made publicly accessible. Communities should be able to know what facilities are near them and what risks they pose.

Moreover, when disasters occur, communities are often left in the dark. Spills and leaks happen with no warning, no explanation, and no swift response. To change this, the MDPSER should mandate that companies share safety documentation within seven days of any incident and allow a 30-day window for community input. And to be truly effective, these notices must be communicated in local languages that people understand.

The current draft also fails to make community participation in emergency drills mandatory. Yet, it is the locals—not external consultants—who know where children play, where elders gather, and where contamination could spread. Making community involvement a requirement would enhance preparedness and build trust between operators and residents.

Hazardous waste management is another glaring concern. The principle of “cradle to grave” responsibility is mentioned, but in practice, there is no visible tracking. Communities continue to witness strange substances dumped in the bush or waterways, turning farmland into wasteland. The law must enforce strict tracking of all waste, with quarterly reports submitted to both regulators and affected communities.

Environmental accountability must extend beyond the life of an oil facility. When sites are shut down, communities are often abandoned with degraded land and no economic alternative. MDPSER should require post-closure audits and the creation of community transition plans, including retraining, cooperatives, or access to small grants. Abandonment must no longer be an option.

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Then there is the question of penalties. When oil companies pay fines, where does the money go? Rarely are the communities involved. A fairer system would allocate at least 40% of all environmental fines back to affected communities for projects like clinics, clean water access, or soil restoration. Environmental justice must be visible and tangible.

Lastly, grievance reporting mechanisms remain a major gap. If someone in Koluama in Bayelsa State or Koko in Delta State, notices an oil sheen in the river, there is no clear place to report it. Companies must be compelled to establish transparent, independent, and community-accessible grievance systems—not just on paper, but in practice.

The MDPSER 2025 can become a landmark piece of legislation, but only if it moves beyond technical compliance to embrace the lived realities of people on the ground. It must build trust through transparency, enforce corporate accountability, and promote community inclusion.

The people of the Niger Delta have carried the costs of oil extraction for too long. Their voices must now shape the protections that govern the industry.

If strengthened, this bill could mark a turning point—not just for regulation, but for fairness, inclusion, and dignity. It could be the start of something new: a Nigeria where environmental protection is not a promise, but a practice.

•Dr. Michael Kabi,Lagos.

July 16, 2025
BRICS: Nigeria’s reawakening on the global stage

Sir: In the tide of 21st-century geopolitics, nothing remains static. Power is shifting steadily from the traditional centres of influence to new constellations of cooperation. Nigeria, under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is no longer content to watch from the margins. At the recent BRICS Summit in Rio de Janeiro, where I was privileged to serve as part of the president’s delegation, Nigeria signalled its intent to participate in and help reshape the global system.

This was not a routine diplomatic stop. It was a pivotal moment that confirms what many of us in the foreign policy space have long suspected: the world is fragmenting into multipolar alignments, and Africa must choose whether to be an object of alignment or an architect of it. Nigeria has made its choice. And BRICS – Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa – is the platform on which that strategic re-imagination is beginning to unfold.

BRICS, contrary to common perception, is not merely a bloc of “emerging markets.” It is the most consequential coalition of South-South cooperation in the 21st century – an economic and geopolitical counterweight to the entrenched dominance of the G7. With a combined population exceeding 4.5 billion (over 55% of the global total) and a share of more than 43% of global GDP, rivalling the West, BRICS is not knocking at the door of influence; it has entered the room and begun rearranging the furniture.

Nigeria’s engagement as a partner country at the summit was no accident. It was the outcome of deliberate diplomacy, a vision articulated by President Tinubu and his foreign policy team to move beyond symbolic attendance and toward strategic anchoring. In Rio, Nigeria stood not as a passive observer but as a country with weight, one that understands the game and is willing to play it with skill and ambition.

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Indeed, what we are witnessing under this administration is firm revamp of Nigeria’s foreign policy machinery. For the first time in years, there is a cohesive effort to align foreign engagements with national priorities, from trade diversification to diaspora engagement, and from regional stability to multilateral leverage. President Tinubu’s approach is both political and strategic: reasserting Nigeria’s natural leadership role on the continent while building new alliances that can support domestic development goals. It is a departure from reactive diplomacy to one anchored in anticipation and calculated projection.

BRICS may now be the most critical multilateral platform for Nigeria after the United Nations. It offers an arena where African agency can be asserted, not diluted, where relationships are transactional but potentially transformational.

Why does this matter to Nigerians? Because foreign policy, when done right, is never abstract. It is about access. It is about building the soft power and relationships that bring development finance to our MSMEs, open export markets for Nigerian entrepreneurs, and create policy headroom for alternative trade and technology routes. The BRICS established New Development Bank, the push for de-dollarisation, and new infrastructure financing platforms all offer non-Western alternatives that do not come with conditionalities tethered to austerity or ideological alignment.

Under President Tinubu, Nigeria is shedding the posture of diplomatic fatigue and stepping into a new era of engaged, strategic foreign policy. We are showing up, on purpose and with purpose. Nigeria is no longer content with a seat at the table; we seek to influence the menu.

The world is changing. BRICS is only one example, but a telling one. Piece by piece, BRICS by BRICS, Nigeria is recalibrating its foreign policy to reflect its aspirations, its size, and its responsibilities.

We must keep going. The stakes are too high for hesitation.

•Ademola Oshodi,Abuja.

July 16, 2025
Re: “Let Akeredolu rest in peace

Sir: I read with utmost disbelief and dismay the editorial published on Wednesday, July 9, by The Nation newspaper on the issue of a coroner’s inquest relating to the death of former Ondo State Governor, Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, SAN, CON.

For clarity, let us revisit the press statement issued by the Office of the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice of Ondo State. The release, headlined “Ondo AG Confirms Receipt of Petition Seeking Coroner’s Inquest”, stated unambiguously:

“The Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice of Ondo State, Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON, has confirmed that his office has received petitions from concerned groups requesting the invocation of the Coroners Law of Ondo State in relation to the death of the former Governor, Arakunrin Oluwarotimi Akeredolu. Dr. Ajulo affirmed that citizens have the right to request the invocation of the Coroners Law, which is designed to address public concerns surrounding deaths considered unnatural or controversial. He emphasised that under the law, any citizen or group who reasonably suspects foul play or has lingering questions about a person’s death has the legal right to demand a coroner’s inquest.”

How does this simple, clear, and legally accurate statement translate into the Ondo State Government “planning to exhume the late governor’s corpse” as the editorial suggests? Nowhere in the statement was it implied that the state government had concluded on taking up the inquest or that the administration was on a mission to politicise the unfortunate demise of the former governor.

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What Ajulo did, and rightly so, was to confirm the receipt of petitions, as any responsible attorney general is obligated to, and to reassure the public that due process, guided strictly by law, will be followed should the coroner see merit in the petitions.

Truth must remain sacred in journalism.

The late Governor Akeredolu deserves our respect in death, but that respect cannot and must not be used as a shield against lawful processes anchored on public concern. The Ondo State government, through its attorney-general, has done nothing wrong in acknowledging petitions and reaffirming its commitment to due process.

The Nation must rise above partisan impulses and ensure the standards for which it is known.

Yomisaint Adebayo,Ministry of Justice, Akure, Ondo State.

July 16, 2025
Lessons from 26 years of stable democracy
- By Sunday Olagunju
Sir: On May 29, our democracy clocked 26 years and uniquely, it was uninterrupted by the military. Many Nigerians regarded it as a milestone in the political history of the country since independence, and more so, a giant stride in the quest for nation building.

Constitutionally, there is a dichotomy between the civil society, as represented by the politicians, and the military, whereby, while the politicians govern, the military defend the inalienable territorial integrity of the country.

Strict adherence to such constitutional separation of powers by the older democracies, have been the nexus between their greatness and stability as nation states. Thus, while politicians could not be entirely immune from making mistakes, or committing political infractions, they are allowed to correct themselves based on the maxim that “only a fool will hit his head twice against the same spot”.

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It has been 26 years of learning the democratic rope, devoid of undue threat or braggadocio military march against the politicians, irrespective of their human errors or mistakes. There is a great lesson to learn by some other African countries from this democratic precedence, especially those still grappling with military incursion into politics, an area exclusively the preserves of the civil societies, while leaving their own terrain of the defence of the country to suffer due to neglect.

Politicians deserve enough ample chance in the act and practice of democratic process and not just shove off in a whiff by desperate military eager to strike and seize power under a trite and least opportunity. The key to African continent’s better tomorrow does not lie in its military seeing themselves as alternate power to the politicians, but in each power, civil and military, recognizing its role and responsibilities to the populace and discharging them appropriately.

Finally, having laid the template for a stable polity as evidenced by the events of the past 26years of democratic experiments, the onus lies with the current governments throughout the country to start to build sustainable institutions as opposed to personalities or individuals that are capable of outliving any incumbent government by providing a fulcrum for the incoming administration.

This was the admonition of Barrack Obama former US President for the African continent governments. And it is the right counsel for them to follow.

•Sunday Olagunju,

Ibadan, Oyo State
July 15, 2025
Nigeria’s predicament: Why the gods are not to blame
- By Zekeri Idakwo Laruba
Sir: As I reflect on Nigeria’s present economic and political situation, I am compelled to draw a parallel in Ola Rotimi’s book, “The gods are not to blame,” a gripping adaptation of Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex. The gods, be they ancestral spirits, destiny, or structural circumstances, are not to blame for our predicament. The fault lies within us, among the citizens, and in our daily conduct. Nigeria’s crisis is not rooted in some divine curse, leadership, or preordained calamity. The tragedy is man-made, self-reinforced, and perpetuated by generations of unchecked habits.

The go-to culprit for our country’s dysfunction is always leadership. In fact, we have had our share of weak, corrupt, selfish or visionless leaders. But to lay the entire burden of national failure on leaders alone is to ignore the broader ecosystem that produces and enables them. Leadership, in many ways, reflects the society from which it emerges.

As the former national secretary of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Buba Galadima, recently argued on Arise TV, the problem isn’t merely the constitution or even the political structure. The constitution may have its flaws, yes, but no document, no matter how perfectly worded, can save a people who refuse to uphold its spirit. The rot goes deeper, into the very fibre of society.

The average Nigerian wants change, better roads, reliable electricity, transparent governance, reduction in cost of transportation, foodstuffs, but resists the personal sacrifice required to achieve that transformation. We want leaders who won’t embezzle funds, but we are ready to bribe our way out of traffic offences, rig student union elections, or inflate business invoices for profit. We demand accountability from the top while practicing impunity at the grassroots.

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What we face is not a constitutional crisis, but a moral and cultural one; an attitudinal crisis. A society where dishonesty is normalized and rewarded cannot produce integrity at scale. A nation where people cheat customers, underpay staff, evade taxes, and applaud fraudsters as “smart” will always find itself circling the drain of underdevelopment.

You see it in business, in education, in religious institutions, even in our homes. The trader who mixes sand/stones in beans to increase weight; the employer who withholds salaries while funding a lavish lifestyle; the pastor or imam, even herbalist, who uses fear to manipulate followers; the teacher who extorts students for grades; the parent who teaches a child to lie to visitors, these are not the acts of the gods. They are human choices.

Much is said about fighting corruption in public office. But who will fight it in the private lives of citizens?

Corruption does not begin at the national budget office. It begins in the market stall, the classroom, the family dinner table. Before it is institutional, it is psychological. We must cleanse the mind-set that normalizes dishonesty, excuses shortcuts, and praises the rich regardless of how their wealth was acquired.

What Nigeria urgently needs is a complete national reorientation campaign, not the kind that involves empty slogans or jingles on radio, but a sustained, grassroots movement to rebuild ethical standards. We need to teach honesty not just as virtue, but as power. We must reintroduce shame where wrong is done and rekindle collective pride in doing things right.

This means rethinking our educational curricula to emphasize civic duty and moral reasoning. It means reforming religious institutions to emphasize substance over spectacle. It means putting social pressure on influencers, celebrities, and community leaders to model ethical behaviour. It also means supporting the rare public officials who dare to lead by example.

Nigeria is not doomed. It is not a failed state by fate. But we must be honest: we are dangerously close to reaping the full harvest of our collective neglect.

To change our national direction, we must start with the mirror, not the ballot box. Reforms must start in the marketplace and the family unit before they can translate to public office. Only then will the constitution come alive. Only then will good leadership be sustained. Only then will Nigeria’s story turn from tragedy to triumph.

•Zekeri Idakwo Laruba,

idakwozekeri93@gmail.com
July 15, 2025
Peller and Nigeria’s tragic reversal: The joke is on us!
- By Dayo DaSilva
Sir: There was a time when education was the crown jewel of our society. A time when scholars commanded respect and learning was the ladder that lifted families out of poverty. When children grew up wanting to be doctors, engineers, professors, not because of the pay, but because of the honour. That time is gone.

Today in Nigeria, we laugh at those who went to school. We clap for crooks, worship fraudsters and hail thugs as “honourables.” We vote in illiterates to govern literates. We watch convicted looters return as heroes, while the best of us beg for contract jobs.

Last week, a TikTok influencer popularly known as Peller staged a viral stunt: he offered a N500,000 job requiring a Master’s degree, only to mock the applicants in a video. Educated Nigerians, dressed with hope and dignity, showed up for an opportunity they thought was genuine. Instead, they became content. They were filmed, edited and ridiculed for clicks.

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It is easy to blame the boy with a phone. But the real tragedy is deeper.

We have created a culture that rewards ignorance and ridicules intellect. A country where the man with muscle commands more respect than the man with method. Where violence pays more than virtue.

Today, thugs ride SUVs. Professors queue for fuel. The joke is not on those scholars. The joke is on us. Because when a country starts mocking its best minds, it is already mocking its future.

The TikTok app itself? Built by engineers. The phone used to film the scholars? Designed by developers who studied in classrooms. The algorithm that made the video go viral? Written by educated minds in Silicon Valley.

Even the money made from the views? Processed through financial models taught in business schools.

Every part of that mockery was enabled by the brilliance of people who valued education.

And yet, in our corner of the world, we turn professors into memes. How did we get here?

We got here because our leaders, many of whom barely passed exams make no effort to protect the dignity of education. Because universities stay silent while their graduates are shamed. Because we now believe the shortcut is more powerful than the syllabus.

Integrity, once the foundation of leadership and public service, has now been tossed into the dustbin in Nigeria. In a nation where deception is often rewarded and truth is treated as inconvenience, morality has been turned on its head. The lines between right and wrong are deliberately blurred, and those who cut corners are praised as “smart.” Men with no clear educational background lead our institutions, forge certificates, falsify records and still receive standing ovations. Values like honesty, transparency and accountability once revered are now seen as weaknesses in a system that glorifies shortcuts and survival by any means necessary.

We got here because we have allowed mediocrity to masquerade as “smartness” and made it fashionable to insult what we no longer understand.

But we must not stay here. To every scholar at Peller’s interview who was mocked that day, you are not a fool for showing up. You are the reminder that hope still lives. You stood with dignity. You believed in process. That is never a mistake.

To the students burning midnight candles in poorly funded classrooms, keep going. Your efforts may not be trending, but it is not in vain. And to Nigeria, no nation can rise above the quality of minds it mocks. If we continue to shame scholars and crown scoundrels, we will remain a country spinning in reverse, loud, lawless and lost. Until we restore dignity to education, we will remain ruled by those who cannot spell the word dignity.

•Dayo DaSilva,

dsv123ng@yahoo.com
July 15, 2025
Why Nigeria must embrace, not discourage, solar adoption

Sir: Nigeria faces a persistent electricity crisis, with millions lacking reliable access to power. In this context, the federal government’s recent blanket advisory warning against rooftop solar installations, coupled with proposals to ban solar panel imports and impose taxes on households and businesses that adopt solar has sparked widespread concern among renewable energy stakeholders and citizens alike. These moves, rather than addressing the root issues of energy access, risk deepening the country’s power woes and stifling innovation.

Nigeria’s grid is notoriously unreliable, leaving millions dependent on costly and polluting generators. Government and private on-grid electricity companies have consistently failed to provide stable, affordable power, pushing citizens toward solar alternatives. While the government seeks to promote local solar manufacturing by proposing a ban on solar panel imports by 2025, domestic production capacity remains insufficient and unsupported to meet demand, threatening supply scarcity and price hikes.

Beyond the rumoured attempted import bans on solar panel, there are reports of some state and even federal government allegedly considering taxing households and businesses that install solar rooftop solutions. These punitive approach discourages citizens from investing in clean energy solutions that could alleviate their energy challenges – thus effectively penalizing those seeking self-reliance, increasing job creation, stimulating productivity, and finding leisure and rest – away from the troubles and insanity of life.

The government’s sweeping advisory against rooftop solar, aimed ostensibly at curbing substandard installations, risks undermining legitimate solar adoption at such a critical time. These policies or advisory as they claim – appear aligned with entrenched electricity providers who may view decentralized solar power as a threat to their market dominance.

Rather than fostering an enabling environment for renewables, the government whether – state or federal government should not be seen erecting regulatory and financial obstacles that hinder solar adoption in Nigeria.

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What should be done? Rooftop solar is a globally proven, scalable solution for homes and businesses, especially where grid power is unreliable. The government should remove all thoughts, actions and attempts to introduce punitive taxes on solar adopters and instead provide incentives to encourage uptake. Secondly – policies to boost local manufacturing of solar components in country must prioritise, and balance with pragmatic support for imports to ensure immediate access to affordable solar technology.

Thirdly, agencies like Nigerian Electricity Management Services Agency (NEMSA) and Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) should be supported to enforce quality and safety standards without discouraging legitimate providers. Support licensed professionals and quality installers rather than issuing blanket advisories that create confusion and fear.

Federal and state governments should dismantle unnecessary regulatory hurdles and punitive taxation that disincentivize solar adoption. Provide tax credits, subsidies, and clear guidelines to accelerate renewable energy deployment, as outlined in Nigeria’s 2025 Solar Policy framework which includes tax incentives to make solar affordable and accessible.

Rooftop solar is globally recognized as a vital and scalable solution for households, SMEs, and institutions seeking reliable and sustainable power. Discouraging solar adoption through import bans, punitive taxes, and blanket advisories in a country plagued by electricity shortages is a classic case of “problems meeting poor solution thinking.” If the government cannot solve the power crisis, it must not stand in the way of those who can. Nigeria’s path to energy security lies in embracing—not obstructing—the renewable revolution.

•Donald Ikenna Sustainable Nigeria, Abuja.

July 14, 2025
U.S. visa policy: Let’s rethink, not retreat

Sir: When a doorway narrows, the instinct is often to rush through or to step back. But sometimes, it is an invitation to reflect. The recent update to the United States visa policy for Nigerian citizens, which now limits most non-immigrant visas, including student and exchange visas, to a single entry and a three-month validity, has understandably prompted concern among aspiring scholars and their families. For many, especially those preparing for a study abroad experience, it feels as though the world has become smaller.

As a Nigerian student currently pursuing graduate studies in the United States, I have experienced first-hand the richness of international education. Studying abroad has broadened my academic perspective and introduced me to a wealth of cultural experiences and intellectual diversity, which continue to shape my worldview. For countless Nigerian students, education abroad represents a path toward transformation, both personally and professionally. It opens doors to global networks, high-quality mentorship, and advanced research environments that can be challenging to access at home.

Yet, this policy shift highlights something we do not often confront directly. It brings into focus the risks of over-reliance on foreign educational systems without a parallel commitment to strengthening our own. While it is true that Nigerian students have made remarkable strides abroad, earning distinctions and contributing meaningfully to global scholarship, the underlying fragility of our domestic educational infrastructure has pushed many to look outward almost by default. When the terms of engagement abroad become more limited, it leaves us vulnerable.

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This moment, though difficult, offers us an opportunity for honest reflection. It asks critical questions: Why do so many of our brightest minds seek academic opportunities far from home? What systemic issues continue to limit the growth of higher education in Nigeria? And most importantly, how can we build resilient institutions that offer students world-class education without the need to cross oceans?

This is not a rejection of international education. On the contrary, I continue to believe in its power to transform lives and bridge cultures. The exposure and rigour that come from engaging with diverse academic traditions can enrich individuals in profound ways. But international education should be a choice, not an escape. It should complement, not replace, the development of strong, competitive universities within Nigeria.

We must think about long-term strategies. First, our universities need greater autonomy and increased funding, not just for infrastructure, but for research, lecturers’ development, and academic freedom. Second, we must foster partnerships between Nigerian institutions and reputable universities abroad. These collaborations can facilitate faculty exchanges, joint research, and curriculum development that meet global standards. Third, policymakers must prioritize education in both planning and execution. Our national budget should reflect the seriousness with which we view the sector. Without meaningful investment, calls for educational reform will remain rhetorical.

The Nigerian diaspora, especially those in academia, also plays a vital role. Many of us studying or working abroad are eager to contribute to the growth of our country’s educational system. Opportunities for visiting lectureships, research collaborations, or policy advisory roles should be encouraged and institutionalized. We cannot wait for perfect conditions; we must begin to build, even in the face of limitations.

For Nigerian students currently abroad, this is a moment to stay focused, committed, and constructive. The circumstances may change, but our purpose must remain firm. We represent more than just individual ambition; we carry the promise of what education can do for a nation.

Let this be a time not of panic, but of purpose. Let it awaken a collective vision to make Nigerian education strong enough to stand on its own, yet open enough to collaborate with the world. When the world narrows, we do not retreat. We rethink. We rebuild. And in time, we reopen wider doors not just for ourselves, but for those who come after us.

•Olukayode Apata, Texas A&M University, United States

July 14, 2025
Of digital learning tools in primary schools

Sir: In today’s modern world, technology plays a big role in education. One of the major changes in schools is the use of digital learning tools. These include computers, tablets, interactive whiteboards, educational apps, and online platforms. Many primary schools now use these tools to support teaching and learning in the classroom.

Digital learning tools have several benefits. They make learning more interesting and fun for pupils. With colourful videos, games, and animations, children are more likely to enjoy lessons and stay focused. These tools also allow pupils to learn at their own pace. A fast learner can move ahead, while a slower learner can go over the material as many times as needed.

Teachers benefit too. Digital tools help them plan lessons more easily and access a wide range of teaching resources. They can also use technology to check each pupil’s progress and give quick feedback. In subjects like mathematics and science, digital tools make it easier to explain difficult topics using visual aids.

Another advantage is that digital learning tools can also connect pupils to the world. With internet access, children can learn about different countries, cultures, and event. They can watch live videos, go on virtual tours, and even connect with other schools around the world. This makes learning more meaningful and helps children understand the world better.

Using digital tools helps children become comfortable with technology. These skills will be very useful in the future as many jobs now require computer knowledge.

However, there are also risks in digital learning tools in primary schools. One risk is that too much screen time may harm children’s health. Staring at screen for long periods can affect their eyes, cause headaches, and reduce physical activity. It is important to balance screen time with play and rest.

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Another problem is that not all families can afford digital devices or internet access at home. This creates a gap between pupils who these tools and those who do not. Some pupils may fall behind they cannot do their homework or practice online.

Digital tools can reduce face-to-face communication. Children may spend more time on screens and less time talking and playing with their friends. This may affect their social and emotional growth. It is important to make sure that children still have time for group work, games, and discussion in class.

There is also risk of children visiting unsafe websites or seeing harmful content online. Schools and parents must work together to protect children. They can do this by using child-safe browsers and teaching pupils how to stay safe on the internet.

Finally, digital tools cannot replace good teachers. Technology is only helpful when used the right way. Teachers must still guide, explain, and care for their pupils. They must use digital tools to support learning, not to replace their teaching.

In summary, digital learning tools offer many benefits to primary school education. They make learning more fun, flexible, and global. However, they also come with risks that must be managed carefully. By using digital tools wisely and with care, schools can give children a better and safer experience.

•Noimot Ayobami, Adebisi –Yusuf,<yusufjumoke87@gmail.com>

July 14, 2025
Anioma State debate: Ukwuani people will not be silenced
- By Chukwunalu Eke
Sir: The recent public hearing on Anioma State creation, held on July 4–5, in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, has generated a wave of discontent across Delta North, particularly among the Ukwuani people. What should have been a transparent, inclusive democratic process turned out to be, in the words of the Ndokwa Neku Union (NNU), a sham. The NNU, which is the apex sociocultural and economic body representing the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people, has come out strongly against the hearing’s outcome – and rightly so. When a people as significant as the Ukwuani, who constitute the second-largest ethnic group in Delta State and the largest in Delta North, are deliberately excluded from speaking on an issue that could redefine their political and cultural destiny, one must ask: What kind of democracy is this?

According to official statements from the NNU, their designated delegate was present at the Uyo hearing but was not allowed to speak. No explanation. No apology. Just a blatant disregard for a people whose voice should have been central to the conversation. This exclusion appears too strategic to be a coincidence. It raises troubling questions about the motives behind the Anioma State project, particularly as it is being championed by Senator Ned Nwoko.

Is the goal to create a state that unites Delta North—or to forcefully realign ethnic groups based on a narrow agenda? Ukwuani people have every right to be alarmed.

Let it be clearly stated, the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people belong to the South-south geopolitical zone. Our history, identity, cultural alignment, and economic life are tied to the Niger Delta and not the Southeast. The attempt to subsume our people into the Southeast zone through the back door of Anioma State creation is not just a geographical error—it is an affront to our heritage. We are not anti-Anioma. We are not anti-progress. But we are pro-truth, and the truth is that state creation without the free, prior, and informed consent of the people is nothing but political aggression.

The marginalization of the Ukwuani people did not start in 2025. It goes back to the military era, when the old Aboh Division, where the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people hail from, was overlooked in the creation of new Local Government Areas. While other divisions evolved into multiple LGAs, the Ukwuani axis was left behind. This historical injustice has stunted development and representation in our region. Yet today, rather than address these imbalances, the powers that be would rather redraw our identity without discussion.

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The NNU has rightly demanded that Ndokwa East, Ndokwa West, and Ukwuani LGAs be split into nine local governments, three from each. This proposal is not only fair; it reflects the demographic weight and historical contributions of the Ukwuani people. It must be said that the attitude of Senator Ned Nwoko toward Ukwuani representation in this process has been deeply disappointing. His silence over the exclusion of Ukwuani voices speaks volumes. His Anioma State vision, if it continues on this current trajectory, will not unify Delta North—it will deepen ethnic fault lines.

Ukwuani people will not be used as political pawns or window dressing in someone else’s constitutional project. Our allegiance is not for sale, and our silence must never be mistaken for consent. If Nigeria is serious about restructuring, then it must begin with a commitment to inclusion and respect for all voices especially those of historically sidelined groups. The public hearing on Anioma State must be revisited. A new hearing should be held within Delta State, where all stakeholders, especially Ukwuani representatives, are given equal access to the microphone. Until then, any report or recommendation from the Uyo hearing should be Wesay it again, clearly and without fear: Anioma State is welcome, but not without Ukwuani voices, and not outside the South-south geopolitical zone. Anything else is not justice; it is colonization by another name.

•Chukwunalu Eke,

Abuja
July 10, 2025