The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Ganduje: Gazing into the crystal ball

    Ganduje: Gazing into the crystal ball

    • By Gboyega Amoboye

    Sir: Politics is said to be a game of abracadabra. Magicians would say the more you look, the less you see. Political scientists would say no permanent enemy or friend but permanent interest. If in heaven, the brightest angel could fall, the fall of Abddullahi Ganduje from the chair of the APC should not be a surprise. Give it to him he is a committed loyalist of President Bola Tinubu. His unwavering loyalty must have earned him the chairman of the APC despite his controversial image and zone.

    But as politics is already in top gear for 2027, the political chess board has called for the sacrifice of the pawn and therefore Ganduje must go to strategize for victory.

     If Benue is the food basket of the country, Kano, Lagos and Rivers are the vote baskets. A kingmaker without political base is like a voter without voter’s card. There is no sentimentality in politics. Yesterday’s man must give way to today’s man. The massive votes normally put on the table in every presidential election by Kano cannot be taken for granted. One should therefore watch out for Rabiu Kwankwaso’s foot steps into the APC. The political siren of Kano is no longer blowing for Ganduje but Kwankwaso.

    When recently the Northeast APC endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second term but was silent on Vice President Kashim Shettima, there was a protest by his supporters who could read the hand writing on the wall. It was skilfully explained that only the president could nominate his running mate and at the National Convention.

    The question may be asked that why the sudden change in music that has warranted a change in footsteps? To political observers, the gathering storm in the coalition group of Atiku/El- Rufai/ Rotimi Amaechi cannot be taken for granted though many of the gang exist in names only.

    Nasir El Rufai may be nobody in the South but could not be written off in the north where his weapon is religion.

     The former vice president, Atiku Abubakar though waning in political influence remains formidable in the Northeast where the vice president comes from. In the Southeast, Peter Obi, hitherto an ally of Atiku would remain a dark horse especially in the East and among some groups of youths and in religious circle. That accounted for his victory In Lagos, Abuja and middle belt in 2023. He could therefore not be underrated despite the mass defection from his political stronghold to the APC.

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     His undoing however might be pairing with Atiku who is becoming a political liability especially in the South. The mistake of Atiku and Obi in 2023 was to have run as individuals. But that is history. According to an ancient war strategist, Sun Izu, ‘one’s victories in battle cannot be repeated…’ so Atiku and Obi may not be able to win today’s election with an old strategy where Tinubu is already in top grand strategy. President Tinubu with the power of incumbency has been busy consolidating nationwide. The Anambra State governor, Charles Soludo who might see himself as a potential presidential candidate or vice in 2031 has vowed not to support Obi in 2027. Do not blame him. Doing so would block his dream. Of course, he has openly declared support for the president who he may need in 2031.

    Going forward and in the language of the great Dr. KO Mbadiwe there is need for APC to ‘zone to unzone’.

     Therefore, what is showing on the APC political crystal ball is a possibility of zoning the national chairman to the Northeast and the vice president to the Northwest where President Bola Tinubu got the highest number votes in 2023. He needs to do so fast to check mate El Rufai and more importantly, reassure the zone of the APC Presidential ticket in 2031as a bargain for massive support.

    That his kinsman and deputy national chairman of the APC (North), Ali Bukar Dalori from Borno has been appointed acting national chairman may be confirmation of the shifting sands under the feet of the vice president.

    Nevertheless, it may be too early to say good night to him as in politics also, the godfathers never sleep.

    •Gboyega Amoboye,

    Lagos. 

  • How Nigerian politicians deceive the people

    How Nigerian politicians deceive the people

    • By Prof. Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Sir: Every four years, a peculiar drama unfolds across Nigeria. The same actors—tainted, tested, and often found wanting—return to the stage draped in new costumes, mouthing old lies with fresher accents. The tragedy? The audience applauds them, gets excited, and joins the queue of deception. Again and again. This is not democracy—it is deception ritualized. And it must stop!

    How do politicians who plunder our hope and waste their mandates keep finding their way back into our hearts, ballots, and parliaments? Simple: They reinvent failure, market it as experience, and prey on a people battered into forgetfulness.

    So, he has held various political offices, and garnered experience. But of what practical purpose is an experience in failure? Nevertheless, Nigerians repeatedly fall for experienced politicians and public officials who have made them experience a worsening standard of living. Are Nigerian voters stupid?

    The average Nigerian voter is not stupid. But he is tired. Tired of choosing between devils and darkness. Tired of hoping for change that never comes. Tired of a system that teaches him to trade his vote for a cup of rice rather than demand a future for his children.

    Our democracy has become a recycling plant of impunity. A man may wreck a state, loot it dry, and walk into the Senate wearing agbada stitched with stolen dreams. Another may abandon promises made in the glare of TV cameras and return four years later with rebranded posters and rented praise singers—untouched by shame, untroubled by conscience.

    How is this possible?

    It happens because we have normalized betrayal. Because we allow identity—ethnic, religious, regional—to triumph over integrity. Because we treat memory like garbage: disposable and inconvenient. Because we have been conditioned to believe that every thief is better than the last, as long as he’s “our thief.”

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    Nigeria’s political culture is not broken by accident. It has been carefully sabotaged—by parties with no ideology, institutions with no teeth, and elites with no shame. In their Nigeria, power is not service; it is spoils. Elections are not choices; they are auctions. And voters are not citizens; they are pawns.

    But it doesn’t have to remain this way.

    We must end the ritual of political necromancy—resurrecting the failures of yesterday to lead us tomorrow. We must reject the politics of poverty that hands out cash in the dark and steals destiny in the daylight. We must bury the dangerous idea that leadership is a tribal inheritance or a religious reward.

    A politician who has failed in office has no business asking for a second chance without confession and restitution. A people who do not demand accountability will continue to dine on disappointment.

    This is a call to moral and electoral reformation.

    Let us remember that every recycled rogue is enabled by a forgetful voter. That the ballot is not just paper—it is prophecy. And that if we do not rise to break the cycle, we are not just victims—we are accomplices. We must pressure the executive and legislative governments at the centre to urgently take practical executive and legislative steps to bring down inflation by lowering energy and borrowing costs, ending insecurity which has worsened food inflation, and to strengthen the naira to at most triple digit exchange rate against the US dollar by practically patronizing local enterprise through deliberate indiscriminate import substitution.

    The masks must fall. The music must change. Let the next election be not a coronation of the shameless but a revolution of the awake.

    •Prof. Leonard Karshima Shilgba,

    <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Burden of collective conscience

    Burden of collective conscience

    • By Bashir Bello

    Sir: Each time I walk through our streets, I am haunted, not just by what I see, but by what we have become. The number of destitute in our towns and cities is not just rising; it is exploding. They are no longer hidden in corners but are everywhere: at roundabouts, near markets, at bus stops, lying under bridges, or slumped against abandoned buildings.

    Among them are people with visible mental disorders, their minds shattered and abandoned like the rest of their lives. But even more heart-breaking are the sick and dying, young and old, clutching at life with no hope in sight. I have seen men and women with gaping wounds, untreated infections, and ravaging ailments lying in public view, deteriorating slowly while we pass by. These are not just images of poverty. They are signs of a deep rot.

    And I ask myself: what has gone wrong with us as a people?

    We celebrate something every day; be it naming ceremonies, birthdays, weddings, inaugurations or retirements. There is always a canopy somewhere, always music playing, and always a politician handing out cash to sycophants. We have perfected the art of celebration, yet forgotten the art of compassion. While some of us spend millions on one night’s luxury, others die silently because they could not afford a bandage.

    Where is the government? Where is religion? Where is the humanity we claim to possess?

    It is no longer acceptable to blame everything on “hard times.” These people are not just poor. They are abandoned. They are the result of years of systemic neglect, corruption, and a refusal by leadership at all levels to prioritize the most basic responsibility of any civilised state: to care for the weak.

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    We cannot continue like this. A society that looks away from its sick is not civilised. A society that leaves the mentally ill to roam naked and die slowly is not sane. A society that ignores children begging for drugs, food, or a kind word is not religious, no matter how many mosques or churches it builds.

    We must reclaim our moral compass. We need urgent, coordinated intervention: mental health shelters, mobile clinics for the indigent, social workers empowered to act, and local governments held responsible. If we can organise a campaign rally, we can organise street medical outreaches. If we can print billboards to praise leaders, we can print materials to educate people on how to help the vulnerable around them.

    Our silence is no longer neutral. And our indifference is no longer excusable. It is time we looked in the mirror and asked: What kind of people have we become?

    And more importantly: What kind of people do we want to be?

    •Bashir Bello,

    Kaduna.

  • On shifting civil-military relations

    On shifting civil-military relations

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: In many democracies, speaking about military conduct feels like walking a tightrope. One wrong word and civic truth becomes mistaken for sedition. But in Nigeria, something rare unfolded. After publishing a piece on January 15 on the delicate lines between military presence and civil order titled “How Soldiers’ Involvement in Civilian Affairs Undermines Civil-Military Relations,” I received a message from a senior officer—not to rebuke, but to engage, from the Lagos Command of the Nigerian Army.

    The Brigadier General didn’t threaten. He offered thanks. Not with defensiveness, but with openness. He requested further information politely and professionally. And when I gave it, the response was even more revealing: acknowledgment and clarification that the uniformed men involved were from the Nigerian Army Engineer Corps, and assurance that internal mechanisms had been activated to address the reported misconduct.

    That would have been noteworthy enough. But what followed was quietly profound. In the following weeks and months, soldiers in the area became visibly more restrained. Even after one of their motorbikes was allegedly stolen by unknown civilians—an act of brazen provocation that might have triggered collective punishment in other places— surprisingly, there was no reprisal attack. No intimidation of the community. No retaliation cloaked in uniform. Just presence and a remarkable calm—an unbelievable restraint. And the community in Ikorodu area of Lagos was grateful for that.

    I dare say that the perception of the military changed from one of apprehension to respect from then on. It confirmed that the shift in attitude in the previous weeks was not a mere fluke or weakness, but dignified caution and focus on professionalism which must never be taken for granted.

    This is what civil-military healing looks like not in grand headlines, but in the pause between provocation and power under dignified control. It didn’t come through silence. It came through language. Through the willingness of a citizen to speak, and the humility of an institution to hear and initiate relational repair. 

    It is not about branding the Army as a villain all the time. We must commend them in their service to the nation, especially when their contact with the civic space is imbued with empathy, where critique is seen as care, where visibility doesn’t provoke but protects, and where citizenship meets command with mutual dignity.

    In many contexts, public critique of armed forces is either met with silence or escalation. But the Nigerian Army keep demonstrating that it is a respectable and responsive institution that doesn’t just default to defensiveness but open to civic engagement. They acknowledged. Clarified. Acted. The Army’s quiet restraint wasn’t weakness. It was moral strength of the highest order.

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    This was not a revolution. But it was a rebalancing. And in a country where relationships between citizens and security personnel are often shaped by fear or force, that shift matters.

    What we witnessed was a “dignity ripple effect”—when honest citizen observation leads not to shame or denial, but to quiet self-correction. No press release was issued. No medals handed out. But restraint is sometimes the most radical form of reform.

    To the Nigerian Army: thank you. For listening. For showing that adaptation is not weakness. For proving that when uniform meets humility, even hard histories can pivot toward trust. I appreciate the Brigadier-General for demonstrating that the military is not beyond civic feedback, and that honour lies not just in battle but in behaviour.

    Nigeria needs more of these moments—where civil-military trust is restored not just by law, but by empathy, respect, and courageous dialogue. When citizens speak up, and institutions respond with dignity, democracy deepens.

    And that is what peace, in its most grounded form, looks like.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Children’s right to education must outweigh political optics

    Children’s right to education must outweigh political optics

    • By Jacob O. Sule, Esq

    Sir: In Abuja, the seat of federal government, over 400 public primary schools remain closed, leaving tens of thousands of children out of school since March. While the city pulses with political activity and multi-billion-naira infrastructure projects, its most vulnerable citizens, primary school pupils, are paying the price for institutional neglect.

    The indefinite strike by primary school teachers, which has persisted for over 100 days, is rooted in unresolved issues around the national minimum wage and months of unpaid salaries. The Abuja chapter of the Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) has consistently raised the alarm, but what has been met with response from the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) has been political rhetoric and administrative detachment.

    This is not just a labour dispute; it is a full-blown education emergency. Children missing out on foundational learning suffer academic, emotional, and social setbacks that many never recover from. A functioning education system is the bedrock of development. Roads and buildings may beautify a city, but they do not educate a child or uplift a community. As Mahatma Gandhi once said, “The future depends on what you do today.” By keeping these children out of school, we are mortgaging the nation’s future for superficial gains in the present.

    The Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC), mandated to ensure equitable access to quality basic education, has been too quiet in this crisis. As the federal oversight body, UBEC must reassert its role, not only in funding but in enforcing accountability. It must demand that local education authorities meet their wage obligations, provide emergency support where needed, and ensure no child remains outside the classroom due to administrative lapses.

    The current crisis calls for a recalibration of policy priorities and the courage to confront hard truths. The ongoing shutdown of primary schools in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) must be treated as a national crisis. When children are denied access to foundational education for extended periods, the consequences are long-term and severe, academically, socially, and emotionally. The learning gaps created during this period may never be fully recovered, and the cost to the nation’s future cannot be overstated.

    At the core of this crisis is a failure to meet basic obligations to educators. The welfare of teachers must be recognized as central to the education system’s effectiveness. No learning can take place without motivated, supported professionals in the classroom. Governments must fulfil wage obligations promptly and fairly. By ensuring teachers are paid consistently and competitively, the system will be better positioned to attract and retain qualified educators who are critical to long-term reform.

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    Public spending must reflect our national priorities. At a time when political infrastructure projects dominate the FCT’s headlines, the absence of basic investment in education is both glaring and indefensible. Funding should be reallocated from non-essential construction to urgently improve school infrastructure, recruit more teachers, and strengthen classroom learning. The FCT’s budget should make a clear and visible commitment to restoring and advancing education outcomes.

    The Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) must actively intervene, both through emergency financial support and strengthened oversight. This includes enforcing transparency in fund disbursement and working closely with the FCT Administration to ensure accountability. A robust, collaborative framework is essential to avoid future shutdowns and restore confidence in public education.

    Every week, these children are locked out of classrooms, and the learning gap widens. Families unable to afford private schools are pushed further into cycles of poverty and inequality. A 9-year-old in Kuje or Bwari council areas who has been out of school for three months is not just behind in math and reading, he is increasingly disengaged from society.

    In the race to develop Abuja, we must not forget who we are building it for. Let that legacy be one of restored classrooms, empowered teachers, and children whose futures were protected, not postponed. Education is not just another line item; it is the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and progress.

    •Jacob O. Sule, Esq.,

    United States.

  • From Tehran to Kano: When distant war feels personal

    From Tehran to Kano: When distant war feels personal

    SIR: On the dusty streets of Kano and Katsina, something unusual stirred recently. Young Nigerians took to the streets with placards and flags, not in protest of local injustice, but in solidarity with a country thousands of kilometres away. The recent Israel–Iran conflict may appear distant from our national realities, but its emotional gravity has settled with surprising intensity in northern Nigeria. If we are not paying attention, we may miss how foreign wars are beginning to reshape the psyche of our youth.

    Beneath the slogans, however, a deeper drama is unfolding. These demonstrations speak more to frustration, identity, and dignity than to Middle Eastern geopolitics. On northern social media feeds, Iran is no longer just a nation; it has become a symbol of audacity against Western dominance. For young Nigerians raised on broken promises and economic hardship, that audacity feels intoxicating, while Israel appears through popular reels as the unrestrained aggressor, making the moral equation seem simple and irresistible.

    The danger is not the sympathy itself but the way it is manufactured. Protesters are not studying the history of Zionism or Persian nationalism. Their information arrives in 30-second clips, forwarded voice notes, and swipe-friendly graphics. Emotion outruns fact, half-truths harden into conviction, and misinformation settles in like cement. This is digital allegiance—global causes adopted with little capacity for weighing them.

    Solidarity can be noble, but solidarity born in ignorance distorts priorities and leaves young minds open to anyone who can package a narrative with stirring music and simple villains.

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    From Tehran to Kano, the war is not ours, yet its embers glow on every phone screen, shaping emotions in real time. That is not a failure of curiosity; it is a failure of leadership, education, and storytelling. If this drift continues, we will nurture citizens fluent in performative activism, yet helpless against the crises burning at home—citizens ready to chant for distant fires while the ones next door consume their future.

    What, then, is the remedy? The government must speak plainly, act decisively, and, above all, deliver visible results that prove change is possible. Media houses should trade glamour for depth, adding context to headlines and puncturing viral fiction before it spreads.

    Schools, clerics, and parents need to teach digital literacy with the same urgency once reserved for reading and writing, so that young people learn to question sources rather than accept them at face value. Civil-society groups, artists, and entrepreneurs can craft narratives that make fixing local problems feel as heroic as cheering foreign skirmishes. Only then will righteous anger turn back to the issues imperilling everyday Nigerian life.

    • Bunmi Apata, bunmiisaac.apata@gmail.com
  • Nigerians and the increasing heatwaves

    Nigerians and the increasing heatwaves

    By Abiodun Salako

    Nigeria is increasingly grappling with severe heat waves due to climate change, urbanization, and environmental degradation. In 2025, NiMet had forecast ongoing heatwaves nationwide, with certain areas reaching temperatures up to 42 degrees Celsius.

    Extreme heat increases health risks, especially for vulnerable groups such as older adults and those living in substandard housing. To safeguard Nigeria’s healthcare system, the government should adopt a Heat Action Plan (HAP), upgrade facilities, and integrate climate change considerations into the medical curriculum.

    One key measure is for the government to develop a national heat action plan (HAP). Despite being one of the countries most disproportionately affected by climate change, Nigeria does not have such a plan. Incorporating HAP into the National Adaptation Strategy and Plan of Action on Climate Change for Nigeria (NASPA-CCN) would greatly reduce the rising health and infrastructure risks posed by heat waves.

    The HAP should include awareness campaigns, sector coordination, and training for healthcare workers. The plan should also support urban planning, cooling centres, and heat risk reduction. Together, these measures will reduce heat exposure, illness and deaths. The HAP should be implemented locally by the state ministries of health, particularly in states vulnerable to heat-related health issues, such as central and northern regions.

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    Nigeria’s healthcare infrastructure requires a structural shift. Only about twenty percent of the approximately 34,000 primary healthcare centres (PHCs) are functional. The Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare needs to upgrade the existing PHCs urgently.

    The upgrade should involve incorporating heat-mitigating designs and renewable energy sources to ensure uninterrupted healthcare delivery during extreme heat events. PHCs, as frontline responders, are essential in addressing climate-induced health challenges. Adequate and well-trained healthcare professionals are also key to increasing capacity and handling emergencies effectively.

    Moreover, integrating climate change into medical education is crucial. The Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria and the National Universities Commission should collaborate to include climate change in the medical education curriculum.

    Nigeria’s medical education curriculum does not adequately address climate change issues for resilience in preventing and responding to climate-related health risks. Ensuring healthcare workers are better equipped to recognize, prevent, and manage climate-related health issues enhances overall system resilience.

    Around the world, top medical institutions now have courses on climate change in their curricula. A growing number of institutions are following suit because they recognize climate change’s increasing impact on public health. Common methods include stand-alone modules, electives, workshops, and modifying existing core curricula to include climate change and health components.

    Nigeria must uphold health rights by developing a HAP, enhancing healthcare infrastructure, and integrating climate change into medical education. These measures are indispensable towards building a healthcare system resilient to climate-induced stresses.

    • Abiodun Salako, asalako@studentsforliberty.org

  • Nigeria: Why BRICS observer status matters

    Nigeria: Why BRICS observer status matters

    • By Anagba, Joseph Obidi

    Sir: The countries that comprises BRICS – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa as well as its six coalition members (Egypt, Ethiopia, United Arab Emirates UAE, Iran and Saudi Arabia, pending) and Indonesia which joined in 2024 are an informal grouping of emerging economies (mostly in the Global South, save for Russia) are hoping to increase their sway in the global order. Established in 2009, BRICS was founded on the premise that international institutions were overly dominated by Western powers and had to cease to serve developing countries. The bloc has sought to coordinate its member’s economic development and diplomatic policies, new found financial institutions and reduce dependence on the US Dollar.

    The term was originally coined by Goldman Sachs economist, Jim O’Neil in a 2001 research paper, in which he argued that the growth of what was then the “BRIC” countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) was poised to challenge the dominant Group of Seven (G7) wealthy economies to build an alternative to replace World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and push for reform in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).

    In its 2024 Summit in Kaza, Russia, the following countries were invited as partners and observers, they include Belarus, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan and Nigeria. Their classification as partner nations allows them to participate in the 2025 BRICS Summit holding from July 6-7 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil with a focus on Global Governance reform as well as cooperation among Global South Community.

    One of the most visible opportunities of participation is trade diversification which exposes Nigeria to large fast growing markets beyond our traditional Western partners in US, EU, and UK. It also offers potentials for increased exports (oil, gas, agricultural products services) imports of machinery, manufactured goods and technology. Another advantage of joining up with the BRICS coalition is that it will open up Nigeria to access to loans and infrastructure funding from BRICS New Development Bank (NDB) which serves as a potential counterbalance to the traditional lenders such as IMF, World Bank etc. possibly with fewer political conditions.

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    Furthermore, BRICS offers Nigeria investment inflows, attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from BRICS nations, particularly China and India in critical sectors like infrastructure (rails, ports and power) manufacturing and agriculture (potential investment access in processing and storage). In addition, Nigeria will collaborate with BRICS member states known for their technological advancement and skill set development where our vibrant human resources and youths can acquire latest skills in ICT, fintech, agro-tech, and renewable energy with this leading industry partners especially from India and China. Nigeria potential admission into the BRICS fold could enhance its participation in the body’s initiatives to reduce reliance on the dollars for trade and finance, mitigating forex volatility risk for Nigeria.

    Nigeria invitation to the coalition could bolster its political and strategic relevance in a multi-polar World Order. BRICS represent a push for a less Western dominated global system. Nigeria could leverage membership for greater voice in global governance, especially on reforms in the United Nations Security Council, World Trade Organisation (WTO) on trade deficit, tariffs and climate change re-negotiation.

    In a world of war-craft and geopolitics, Nigeria’s invitation could strengthen it alignment with other developing economies on common interests like fair trade, climate justice and seek development models from some of the coalition members. Nigeria’s partner’s status could serve as a tool to diversify diplomatic ties and reduce over reliance on western powers, enhancing strategic autonomy. As Africa’s largest economy and most populous black nation on the planet, joining BRICS could solidify Nigeria’s continental leadership credentials working along South Africa, Egypt and Ethiopia as well as Uganda to find home grown solutions to Africa’s numerous problems.

    On a whole, BRICS presents Nigeria with a complex mix of significant opportunities and substantial risk. Engagement with the bloc is inevitable due to its economic weights, but the form and depth of that engagement either in (full membership, observer status, or bilateral ties) remain contentious. Nigeria’s decision will hinge on a careful assessment of its national interest, domestic priorities, risk tolerance, and the evolving geo-political landscape. The debate reflects Nigeria’s broader struggles to define its role in a fast shifting multipolar world.

    •Anagba, Joseph Obidi.

    Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution,

    Abuja.

  • Still on Makinde’s  N63.4 billion renovation of Government House

    Still on Makinde’s  N63.4 billion renovation of Government House

    • By Adedokun Seyi

    Sir: Oyo State government’s claim that foreign exchange volatility justified its lavish N63.4 billion renovation of the Government House is more than flimsy – it is unapologetic prodigality. To put it bluntly, this one-time redirection consumes nearly all of the N65.2 billion the state generated internally in 2024. That sum didn’t build schools, didn’t bolster healthcare, didn’t power economic engines, but it is to redecorate the governor’s residence.

    Any justification rooted in forex swings conveniently ignores that every sector – roads, health, education, moved forward despite the same currency turbulence. Only this one building got the bailout.

    If history has taught states anything, it’s that superficial grandeur rarely translates into long-term prosperity. What lift societies is not ornate ceilings or imported tiles in government residences, but bold, strategic investments that place citizens at the centre of development. That is the irreversible truth, Governor Seyi Makinde’s administration seems to have ignored with the N63.4 billion renovation, an allocation nearly matching the state’s entire Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) for 2024. When a state chooses to spend what it earns in a whole year on refurbishing a building few citizens will ever enter, it raises serious questions about its vision, values, and priorities.

    If Oyo had allocated N63 billion to off-grid solar or gas-powered micro-grids, it could have brought dependable power to hundreds of communities, powering cold storage for farmers and boosting agribusiness. According to Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics, the multidimensional poverty rate stands at over 63% of the population, with Oyo State’s poverty index hovering around 25%–30%, depending on the metric used. A modest N10–N20 billion seed could kick-start a state-owned textile mill-carrying cotton from Oke Ogun through production, employing thousands, diversifying the economy, and reducing dependency on imported fabrics.

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    Food security was also pushed aside for chandeliers when Nigeria needs about N1.5 trillion annually for agricultural investment. While Oyo could not plug that entire gap, spending out of N63 billion would have meaningfully improved irrigation, mechanisation, and storage for its dominant rural population, 60 per cent of who depend on farming.

    A state keen on business competitiveness would prize clean energy and value-adding industries over elaborate lodgings. The ROI could be seen immediately: lower food costs, employment, reduced blackouts, healthier rural economies, and a rising local tax base. Dollars spent on bricks and paint don’t yield returns – the returns of a nascent textile mill do. Oyo’s choice betrays a regressive mind-set by funding a palace over potential. Weighed against evidence, N63 billion should have been a catalyst, not a capstone. If Oyo’s leadership channels even a fraction of that sum into clean power, local manufacturing, food-value chains, or rural SMEs, the results would outshine any ornament-laden corridor. The difference between governance and grandstanding isn’t delivery but direction.

    If Oyo State had allocated even N20 billion of the government house renovation cost to reviving its tourist sites, building infrastructure around them, training guides, and launching a digital promotion campaign, it could have launched a mini-tourism revolution. Local airlines, ride-hailing services, hoteliers, food vendors, and artisans would feel the impact. Employment would surge. Most importantly, the economy would diversify, bringing the state closer to the elusive goal of financial autonomy. Instead, the money would be buried in marble tiles, ornate chandeliers, and banquet halls that few citizens will ever see. The economic waste is evident. The moral cost is incalculable. Tourism isn’t just about fun; it is an industry, a job creator, a cultural bridge, and a revenue stream.

    Until the Oyo State government understands this and realigns its spending from vanity to vision, the dream of financial freedom will remain as unreachable as the top of a neglected Bowers Tower. It’s time to spend with foresight. It’s time to trade polish and political aspirations for prosperity.

    •Adedokun Seyi,

     adedokunseyi6@gmail.com

  • Use of indigenous languages in primary school

    Use of indigenous languages in primary school

    Sir: I have witnessed the powerful role language plays in shaping a child’s learning journey. Using indigenous languages in primary schools presents both powerful opportunity and complex challenges.

    One of the most significant benefits of using Indigenous languages in primary education is that it immediately makes learning more accessible. For many children, entering school is their first encounter with formal learning. Children learn best in a language they understand. When lessons are delivered in a familiar tongue, especially in the early years, comprehension deepens. It is easier for a child to grasp new things when they are not also struggling to decide an unfamiliar language. I have seen children who appeared shy and withdrawn suddenly come alive when lessons are delivered in their mother tongue.

    Moreover, indigenous language instruction strengthens cultural identity and self-esteem. Language is not a medium of communication – it is a vessel of tradition and history. When a child hears their mother tongue valued in the classroom, they feel seen and respected. This fosters pride which in turn motivates learning and participation. This creates a strong foundation for literacy, numeracy and general learning.

    Using local languages also help to keep our culture and identity alive. When children learn in their mother tongue, they also learn stories, songs and traditions that are important to their communities. This builds pride in who they are.

    Studies show that starting school in local languages help children become better readers and writers. Later on, they can learn other languages more easily too.

    Despite these benefits, the implementation of indigenous languages in primary education faces several obstacles. The first and the most discouraging is the lack of trained teachers who are both fluent in indigenous languages and skilled in teaching. In many cases, speakers of the languages are elders who may not have formal training in education.

    On the contrary, those who have formal training in education may not speak the local languages fluently. Therefore, without the right training, the quality of teaching can suffer.

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    Additionally, another challenge is people’s attitudes. Some parents believe that only national or international languages will help their children succeed. They may think using the mother tongue in school is a step backward. This belief can stop schools from fully supporting mother tongue education.

    Government support is often weak. While some countries have policies promoting local languages, they do not always provide the money or training needed to make it work in real classrooms.

    And then there is the issue of learning materials. Many schools don’t have enough books, posters, or charts in local languages. Sometimes, there simply are not words in the language for modern concepts like ‘computer’.

    So how do we make it work? First, we need strong political will – government must invest in teacher training, materials and community engagement. Second, schools need help choosing the right languages for their regions especially where many languages are spoken like Nigeria. And finally parents and communities need to understand that using that mother language is not a step backward; it is a leap forward.

    Teaching in indigenous languages can make a big difference in early education. It helps children understand, feel confident, and stay connected to their culture. But to succeed, we must solve problems like poor resources, lack of training and negative attitudes.

    With the right support, we can turn classrooms into places where all children, no matter their background can thrive.

    •Adebisi-Yusuf, Noimot Ayobami,<yusufjumoke87@gmail.com>