The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Governor Umo Eno and the lynch mob

    Governor Umo Eno and the lynch mob

    By Ofonime Honesty

    Sir: In the court of public opinion, it is easy to condemn before understanding, to vilify before verifying. While Akwa Ibom State governor, Umo Eno’s decision to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) has gone down well with a great percentage of the populace, the governor has found himself in the crossfire of few. 

    I have read a couple of newspaper columns and also seen a vitriolic clip of a television interview granted by a Nollywood thespian cum politician. The views encoded in those communications were akin to brandishing hammer and nails to literally crucify a man who simply crossed a partisan line. 

    But before we sharpen our nails to literally crucify Governor Eno, we should pause and ask: is this decision justified, or are we being swept away by the tides of political sensationalism? 

    Must we always rush to judgment like a lynch mob baying for blood? Must we reduce every political calculation to betrayal without examining some of the difficult circumstances our leaders are left to navigate? What do the people of Akwa Ibom stand to gain or lose? 

    Defections are not new in Nigerian politics. They are as old as the Fourth Republic itself—driven by ambition, survival, or sometimes, genuine ideological realignment. 

    Let’s not ignore the elephant in the room—the deepening uncertainties within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Once Nigeria’s dominant political force, the party has been plagued by internal strife, dwindling influence, and a lack of cohesive direction. When a house is on fire, even rats have the good sense to flee. Why then should we expect a governor to remain trapped in a burning building out of some misplaced sense of loyalty? The PDP’s greatest undoing has been its inability to put its house in order. 

    From unresolved leadership tussles to its shrinking footprint in national politics, the PDP increasingly resembles a sinking ship, with key figures scrambling for alternatives. 

    Take for instance, a letter issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), dated June 13, addressed to the PDP. INEC was responding to PDP’s notification of intent to hold its 100th NEC meeting. 

    In the June 13 letter, INEC pointed out that the proposed NEC meeting was not in compliance with the requirements of Part 2(12)3 of the Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties, 2022, which provides that “the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Party shall jointly sign the notice of convention, congress, conference or meeting and submit same to the Commission.”

    The disputed acting national chairman of the PDP, Umar Damagun, was the sole signatory of PDP’s letter. Yayari Ahmed Mohammed is also laying claim to the national chairmanship seat. The national secretary-ship position is also involved in an unending tug-of-war between Samuel Anyanwu and Sunday Ude-Okoye. 

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    With the 2027 polls in sight, the PDP ship has become a theatre of the absurd. Any governor still clinging to its wreckage does so at his own peril—and more importantly, at the peril of his people. Of course, we know the legal implications of warring party officers endorsing electoral documents for aspirants. 

    Against this backdrop, can we honestly blame Governor Eno—or any pragmatic leader—for reconsidering his political home? If the PDP can no longer provide the stability or leverage needed to deliver for Akwa Ibom, what moral burden does he bear for seeking greener pastures? Politics, after all, is about power—and power is useless if it cannot be wielded effectively for the people. Power detests distractions. 

    The bigger picture: Akwa Ibom people cannot demand development but punish politicians who dare to cross party lines, even when such moves could lead to better alignment with federal projects or broader coalitions. If Governor Eno’s defection leads to the actualization of the Ibom Deep Seaport, I hereby endorse it. If his defection paves way for the release of humongous funds generated from 76 oil wells awarded to Akwa Ibom State by the Supreme Court since 2012, I hereby endorse it. Funds generated from the 76 oil wells, hitherto dragged by Cross River State, are stashed in an escrow account held by the presidency.

    I refuse to see his defection as mere leap into political oblivion.

    The culture of cynical condemnation without context is toxic for democracy. If we truly want genuine progress, we must learn to weigh political actions with wisdom, not just rage. 

    Let us evaluate his reasons, assess the implications for Akwa Ibom, and judge him based on his overall service at the end of his tenure—not just a single political decision. If a man switches parties but delivers good governance, is he truly a villain, or are we just prisoners of partisan bias?

    •Ofonime Honesty,

    Uyo, Akwa Ibom State

  • Benue: The noise, the blood and the silence that matters

    Benue: The noise, the blood and the silence that matters

    Sir: Benue bleeds again. A recent massacre in Yelewata village where at least 100 to 150 lives were claimed cast a shadow over headlines, but smothered the deeper truth of decades-long sorrow. As images flash across social media in real time, outrage erupts. But near-instant outrage often substitutes for understanding. And in Benue, where tragedy is almost normalized, such performative empathy does more harm than good.

    This is not a one-off disaster. The roots go deep:

    Between 2015 and March 2023 alone, 5,138 lives were lost across Benue in herder‑farmer attacks. Under President Buhari’s term, Benue became a killing field; 6,000 killed, two million displaced. The humanitarian crisis has been ongoing under the surface of fleeting headline moments.

    The tragedy is not fodder for political stunts. The moment a video goes online, hashtags spiral: blaming the president, vilifying the government, stirring political gain. But very few pause to ask: who suffers most in these cycles of condemnation?

    The dead do not return. The displaced families do not reclaim their farms. The real loss is in our silence, our unwillingness to grasp the whole before pointing fingers. Yes, government leaders; state and federal, bear responsibility. The 2017 anti‑open grazing law in Benue was well-meaning. But it remains a paper tiger: uneven enforcement, lack of ranches, and feeble federal support. President Bola Tinubu’s speeches and increased defence budgets amount to little on the ground when arms still flow, and security forces remain under-resourced. And when political opponents oversimplify the conflict as mere religious persecution or ethnic cleansing, nuance is lost.

    At the heart of all these up-roar is a struggle over scarce resources land, water, natural resources, grazing routes exacerbated by climate change. Historically, grazing corridors existed. But escalating population, farmland encroachment, and desertification have shrunk these spaces. Compounding this are centuries-old migration, religious and ethnic tensions, cattle rustling, and political exclusion of Fulani groups. Each side bears accumulated grievances; farmers over burnt crops, herders over stolen cattle.

    This is fundamentally communal, not merely political. Solutions must be rooted in non‑kinetic, non‑violent engagement. Dialogue tables must sit Fulani herders with Tiv farmers, local officials. Traditional leaders, ranchers, security services, and federal authorities must all negotiate a win‑win framework; grazing reserves, clear land-use maps, property rights enforcement, and rapid justice for perpetrators.

    Yes, bring the perpetrators to book: those profiting from killing, whether herders or cartels supplying arms must face swift consequences. But we cannot rely on force alone. We need intelligence systems, community policing, legal reform. We need peaceful co-management of land and water.

    It’s time for Nigerians to shift from hashtag empathy to hard-won solidarity. Unleashing threads of blame on social media while clicking “share” does little for grieving widows or orphaned children.

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    Public discourse must evolve from political opportunism to intellectual empathy; from performance to purpose. When presidents speak, let’s demand substance: “Where are the ranches? Where is land‑use reform? Who funds security at village level?”

    We demand action, but not at the cost of conscience. We must hold leaders accountable while still listening. Civil society must stop yelling into empty rooms, and start negotiating into full ones.

    A practical roadmap might include reviving grazing reserves with clear boundaries, monitored jointly by local farmers and herders, enforcement of anti-grazing laws, backed with ranching incentives and federal support, swift prosecution of killers, with community courts supported by federal justice, strengthening local security, with trained village vigilantes under lawful guidelines.

    Climate adaptation, planting trees, building dams, restoring soil to reduce migration pressure, more importantly, is the promotion of inter‑communal peace‑building through youth exchanges, shared markets, and local councils.

    If Nigeria continues to allow Benue’s blood to stain its conscience, we’ll face another generation hardened by loss, distrust, and rage. A country that waits for television headlines before honouring its fallen has already forgotten them. Benue’s suffering needs more than outrage: it needs us, grounded, knowledgeable, and purposeful. We must reject hollow political theatre and demand real solutions. Because beneath the noise and the blood, lies an entire community crying for justice, and silence is not an option.

    •Oladoja M.O,Abuja.

  • Unlocking tourism and trade via single African currency

    Unlocking tourism and trade via single African currency

    Sir: For many African traveller’s, exploring the continent should be exciting, but the frustration of currency exchange turns it into a costly and inconvenient experience.

    Take a Lagos-based tourist traveling to Nairobi. Before departure, he must convert Naira to U.S. dollars, then exchange those dollars for Kenyan Shillings upon arrival. The process repeats on the return journey, adding extra financial strain and unnecessary inconvenience.

    Beyond the inconvenience, this challenge reinforces Africa’s reliance on foreign currencies such as the U.S. dollar and the Euro. Each conversion strengthens external economies while weakening African currencies. The introduction of a single African currency would eliminate these obstacles, making travel within Africa seamless and encouraging African citizens to explore their continent without the burden of exchange complexities.

    Africa’s fragmented currency system does not just affect travellers—it significantly hampers trade. Nigerian traders exporting goods across Africa struggle with multiple exchange rates, slow international transaction processes, and costly financial intermediaries, which complicate cross-border trade. Many transactions require foreign currency conversions facilitated by European and American banks, further increasing costs and reducing Africa’s ability to conduct independent financial operations.

    Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), the backbone of African economies, suffer disproportionately from these hurdles. A unified currency would empower businesses to conduct transactions directly without intermediary institutions, reducing costs and simplifying the trade process. Additionally, African economies suffer from exchange rate volatility, complicating trade agreements and deterring investors. A single currency would stabilize pricing and boost investor confidence, making Africa a stronger global economic player.

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    Despite AfCFTA’s progress, the absence of a single African currency remains a major challenge, complicating cross-border transactions and limiting trade fluidity. Businesses are forced to operate within fluctuating exchange rates, increasing transaction costs and making intra-African commerce unnecessarily expensive. The reliance on external financial institutions for currency conversion undermines Africa’s economic sovereignty, keeping trade dependent on foreign intermediaries and reducing Africa’s ability to build a self-sustaining financial ecosystem.

    While a unified African currency presents enormous advantages, historical obstacles remain. The West’s divide-and-conquer approach, institutionalised during the Berlin Conference of 1884, continues to shape Africa’s economic fragmentation. African leaders have often been pressured or incentivised to maintain separate financial structures, not because they benefit their nations, but because they serve the interests of Western economies.

    The tactics of financial control remain evident. Leaders who uphold division receive financial and political rewards, while those who advocate unity and financial independence face opposition, sanctions, or destabilisation efforts. A single African currency challenges this control, making it harder for external financial institutions to dictate Africa’s economic trajectory. This opposition often emerges from within African governments, as some leaders reluctant to lose foreign financial backing actively block unity-focused initiatives.

    To withstand external pressures, Africa’s largest economies must take the lead in fostering unity, deepening cooperation, and championing financial sovereignty. Nations such as Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt bear the responsibility of spearheading Africa’s financial transformation. Their leadership must go beyond symbolic gestures and result in concrete policy actions aimed at strengthening Africa’s financial institutions, enhancing intra-African trade agreements, and facilitating cross-border investments.

    Without decisive leadership, Africa risks remaining fragmented, unable to fully capitalise on its resources, industrial capacity, and entrepreneurial potential. Establishing a strong African financial framework would allow the continent to dictate its own economic policies, gain leverage in global negotiations, and remove external financial control that has hindered Africa’s progress for generations.

    The establishment of a single African currency is both ambitious and necessary. It is an essential step toward removing financial barriers, empowering African businesses, and boosting tourism.

    The single African currency could be the turning point, eliminating trade restrictions, strengthening intra-African commerce, and positioning Africa as a global economic powerhouse. The time for financial unity is now.

    • Engr. Adésegun Osìbánjo, adeolu.osibanjo@outlook.com

  • Between asphalt and concrete roads

    Between asphalt and concrete roads

    Sir: Concrete roads have recently been enthusiastically supported as a durable and sustainable solution by its proponents of transportation infrastructure. The proponents argue that it can withstand heavy traffic, require less maintenance and last for years.

    The assumption that concrete roads are panacea for transportation problems overlooks the unique challenges in the contexts of Nigeria’s roads, in terms of cost, safety and environment. As the Federal Ministry of Works continue to invest heavily in concrete infrastructure, it is important to question whether this approach is truly addressing the problems.

    Concrete roads are only good in water logging areas or useful in areas with high water tables where water logging is common. It is suitable for areas prone to water logging as it can withstand water exposure without suffering significant damage. It can only remain stable when submerged in water; it is only idle for a short distance.

    Yes, in terms of durability to a certain limit, materials are sourced locally like limestones, aggregates, reinforcement etc. unlike bitumen, (flexible paving). In terms of cost, the paving cost of concrete road is much higher compared to asphalt paving; when breaks occur, the whole concrete slab needs to be replaced. Vehicles tend to slip and skid on concrete roads when it rains; when concrete pavement is damaged, the whole concrete slab needs to be broken. It lacks stability in a subgrade where soil shifting is so frequent while underground piping is paramount. It is also very poor in flexibility to check continuous unequal subgrade settlement.

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    Also, it is rough on vehicles leading to faster wear and tear on tyres, brakes and suspension. It can also lead to frequent maintenance and repairs for vehicles. Tyres wear out faster especially when the road surface is rough or uneven.

    For instance, Governor Francis Nwifuru of Ebonyi State on June 20, 2024 announced that his administration had spent N17.3 billion on remedial work on the runway of the barely one-year old Chuba Okadigbo International Airport, Abakaliki. Shortly after the inauguration by the former governor, who is now the Minister of Works, an advocate of concrete roads, it emerged that the runway had developed defects leading to a boycott by the airlines. The runway is said to be jumping and it is destroying aircraft tyres.

    These defects highlight potential drawbacks of using concrete or rigid paving for road construction. The need for overlaying the concrete runway with asphalt suggests that concrete roads may require frequent and costly repairs.

    Jumping and damaging aircraft tires demonstrate the materials limitations.

    Nigerians might wish to compare the roads from Obajana to Kabba in Kogi State, constructed with concrete paving in 2019 with that of Obajana to Kabba junction constructed 15 years ago with asphalt. This illustrates the challenges and consequences of concrete roads or rigid pavements.

    •Shehu Aminu Abdullahi, FNIQS.Kaduna.

  • Ensuring digital literacy for all

    Ensuring digital literacy for all

    • By Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi

    Sir: In a continent where over 860 million people lack internet access, the disparity in digital literacy becomes even more pronounced as Artificial Intelligence, AI is being built and governed by a privileged small chunk of the global population, while a great number of communities remain uninvolved in shaping technologies that affect their lives.

    This gap not only limits access to information but also hinders the ability of marginalised populations—especially women, rural dwellers, and indigenous language speakers to participate in an increasingly digital economy. Without foundational digital skills, this critical demography will remain excluded from the AI revolution. A comprehensive approach to AI literacy must encompass both technical skills and socio-emotional competencies. This multidimensional framework is vital for preparing individuals to navigate the complexities of AI, ensuring they can leverage its benefits while also understanding its ethical implications. Global initiatives, such as those discussed by the World Economic Forum, emphasise the need for inclusive strategies that extend beyond mere technical training to address the broader socio-economic landscape.

    Stakeholders, including governments, NGOs, and tech companies must, therefore collaborate to create an environment where everyone can contribute to and benefit from AI initiatives. This includes addressing gender disparities, rural-urban divides, and providing access to resources for all demographics. Moreover, initiatives like the Nigeria Artificial Intelligence Research Scheme (NAIRS) and the National Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (NCAIR) are important for strengthening a robust AI ecosystem. These initiatives support local research, innovation, and the development of AI applications tailored to Nigeria’s unique challenges in critical sectors such as agriculture, education, healthcare and so on.

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    Notably, the current skills gap in AI poses a significant challenge to its adoption across Africa. With many professionals leaving the continent for opportunities abroad, there is a pressing need to cultivate local talent. Stakeholders should prioritise the establishment of standardised metrics and frameworks for measuring digital literacy to help identify skill gaps and track progress, particularly among vulnerable populations. Programmes aimed at upskilling the workforce, such as the federal government’s 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) programme, and Microsoft’s commitment to training two million professionals by 2025, are steps in the right direction.

    However, these efforts must be complemented by broader educational reforms that integrate AI literacy into curricula at all levels to ensure that future generations are adequately equipped with the necessary skills to thrive in a digital economy.

    When inclusive education and local talent is prioritised, there is a high guarantee that the benefits of AI are accessible to all, leaving no one behind. Therefore, as we advance into this new digital age, it is our collective responsibility to shape a future where AI serves as a tool for empowerment and equality, rather than a source of division.

    •Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi,

    abideenolasupo@gmail.com

  • Bury the violence, not our people

    Bury the violence, not our people

    • By Chiechefulam Ikebuiro

    Sir: For decades, the threat of farmer-herder conflict has persisted in Nigeria, leaving in its wake a trail of sorrows, tears, and blood. Despite a range of policy interventions, these efforts have had little impact in resolving what has become a perennial crisis. Every cycle of violence in Benue and other Middle Belt states drags us through the same weary motions of shock, outrage, blame, silence, and then forgetfulness, until it happens again. The most recent horror, the killing of over 200 people in Benue, painfully reinforces this. May God rest their souls. It is one too many, and we must finally summon the will to confront this crisis head-on.

    Truth be told, this issue is hydra-headed. It is about land, yes, but also about religion, indigeneship versus settler identity, ethnic tension, political manipulation, and cultural traditions. To address it meaningfully, we must tackle each “head” deliberately, and everyone has a role to play, from local actors and traditional leaders to state governors and, ultimately, the president.

    A critical starting point is ranching. Today, ranching is being championed as a practical way to limit open grazing and prevent clashes between herders and farmers. Whether state-owned, community-managed, or public-private partnerships, ranches offer a more modern, more peaceful, and more productive approach. Granted, this represents a shift away from nomadic pastoralism, but we must accept that the old ways no longer serve us in a world marked by land scarcity and climate change.

    With ranching, you get fatter cows, better meat yields, and healthier herds, not to mention the peace it comes with. It’s a win-win. We should not just hold on to tradition without thinking.  It’s about time we embraced a smarter, safer, and more profitable future for Nigeria’s livestock economy.

    Yet ranching alone won’t solve the crisis. Documentation is key. I recently came across a tweet by Dr. Tokunbo Otitoju (@fimiletoks) that captured the broader solution succinctly:

    “Herders must ranch, herders and farmers must be documented and captured on NIN, stop trans-border migration of foreign terrorists claiming to be herders, farmlands must be properly documented, land boundaries respected amongst ethnic groups, state or regional law enforcement units, locally integrated crisis surveillance systems, compensation and justice.”

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    This is common sense and long overdue. Without data and traceability, we are simply chasing shadows. How can we solve a problem if we don’t even know who is involved? Shouldn’t every herder and farmer be properly registered so we know who owns what? Without clear records, how do we hold anyone accountable when things go wrong? Don’t we think organizing things this way would make it easier to settle conflicts before they turn violent?

    And here’s the real danger: when we fail to do these basics, we leave room for armed outsiders to take advantage.

    In truth, we may also be facing an even more sinister threat of foreign elements- terrorists masquerading as herders, armed and untraceable, exploiting our porous borders and very weak surveillance. This angle must not be ignored. Our border security must be tightened and cross-border movement carefully monitored.

    Now, let’s be honest: we are quick to blame leaders, and yes, many are guilty of indifference or politicizing the crisis, but we, the people, must also look inwards. Why is it so hard to respect traditional land rights? Why must we violate agreements, encroach on land, and resort to violence? Are we not better than this? Peace begins with personal restraint and community discipline. We cannot claim to seek peace while enabling anarchy.

    History offers us guidance. The Ife-Modakeke crisis, once one of Nigeria’s longest and bloodiest communal conflicts, was ultimately resolved through sustained community dialogue, clearly defined boundaries, political will, and locally accepted mechanisms for justice. We must adopt a similar multi-layered approach. We must seek out the 11-point recommendation and implementation of the Bode George committee that was acceptable to all concerned. We have done it before. We can do it again.

    Again, state and community policing cannot come soon enough.

    We must also talk about justice. Without justice, peace will always be fragile. Whether herders or farmers, all perpetrators must be prosecuted. Victims must be compensated. There must be consequences for violence, no matter whose ox is gored.

    Finally, the buck stops at the president’s desk. President Tinubu’s government must rise beyond condolence tours, PR, and buck-passing. Promises need to start being matched with results. The cost of inaction is too high.

    Benue and every part of Nigeria caught in this cycle deserve (deliberately built) peace.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro,

    chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Why Africa’s education must embrace disruption with vision and courage

    Why Africa’s education must embrace disruption with vision and courage

    • By Adetola Salau PhD

    Sir: There’s a quiet crisis happening across Africa, one that doesn’t always make headlines, yet directly shapes the destiny of our continent. That crisis is the state of education.

    For decades, we’ve relied on systems inherited from colonial frameworks, structures designed for compliance, not innovation. While the rest of the world is rapidly evolving, embracing artificial intelligence, digital learning, and real-world skills training, many African students are still memorizing content for exams that have no connection to their future lives.

    As an educator, STEM advocate, and education policy strategist, I believe the time for transformation is now and disruption must be part of that journey.

    Disruption, to many, sounds uncomfortable. It feels like chaos, instability, or loss of control. But to me, disruption is an invitation, a call to courageously rethink what education could look like if we centred it on relevance, equity, and opportunity. I’ve seen first-hand the power of what’s possible when we shift from rhetoric to results.

    As the Special Adviser on Education to the Kwara State government and the former Senior Special Assistant on Education in Lagos State, I had the privilege of collaborating on several pioneering reforms. From integrating STEM clubs in public schools and drone soccer competitions to developing new frameworks for digital learning, we moved beyond “access” to focus on quality and creativity. Our work earned Kwara a global spotlight at the 2025 Africa Education Leaders Roundtable in Cambridge. But more importantly, it planted seeds of possibility for what African-led reform can look like when driven by vision and action.

    Disruption also means embracing public-private collaboration. No single ministry, donor, or NGO can solve education alone. We need an ecosystem of thinkers, builders, teachers, and investors who can co-create solutions. It’s why I founded Carisma4U Educational Foundation (now ELIA (Education Leadership Innovation Advancement) Africa, to bridge that gap between policy and classroom, between potential and real impact. Over the years, we’ve reached thousands of learners across Lagos and Kwara with hands-on STEM experiences, teacher training programs, and student innovation challenges.

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    We must also stop being afraid of technology.

    AI isn’t the enemy, it’s a tool. When integrated wisely, it can personalize learning, reduce our teachers load, and offer students access to skills that will keep them globally competitive. The danger isn’t the technology; it’s ignoring it and seeing our children fall behind.

    Most significantly, disruption requires rethinking what success looks like. For too long, African education has been reduced to test scores and certificates. Yet the future needs thinkers, innovators, problem-solvers, young people who would build solutions for their communities.

    Education should not be about memorizing the past. It should be about designing the future.

    We have the talent. We have the ideas. What we need is bold leadership, people willing to disrupt the status quo, even when it’s uncomfortable.

    Africa’s next chapter depends on how we educate our children today. Let’s not settle for reform that tweaks around the edges. Let’s dare to reimagine, rebuild, and fully transform our education systems, one bold step at a time.

    •Adetola Salau PhD,

    Lagos.

  • Fraud, mismanagement killing real estate investment

    Fraud, mismanagement killing real estate investment

    Sir: There was a time when investing in land and property was considered one of the safest and smartest moves in Nigeria. Real estate was the golden goose, promising high returns, generational wealth, and long-term security.

    Today, a dark cloud hangs over the industry. Investor confidence is at an all-time low, and many Nigerians have painfully learned the hard way: not all that glitters in real estate is gold.

    Across the country, countless individuals and families have fallen victim to a growing pattern of deceit. Real estate companies collect millions in payments from unsuspecting clients, promising prime plots of land with “instant allocation.” But months—sometimes even years—go by without any land being allocated. In worst-case scenarios, the land either doesn’t exist or has already been sold multiple times to different buyers.

    These companies often present themselves with glamour, hosting expos, building flashy websites, and flooding social media with promises. But behind the scenes, it’s a different story.

    Many of the managing directors and top executives of these firms use investor funds to finance personal luxury lifestyles, with reports of exotic cars, high-end shopping sprees, and luxury homes abroad. Essentially, they are siphoning money out of Nigeria under the guise of business.

    This level of betrayal has broken the spirit of many. A growing number of Nigerians are now wary of putting their money into real estate, especially with private developers. Once considered a pathway to prosperity, real estate is now being viewed as a risky gamble.

    Part of the reason this rot has been allowed to spread is the near-total absence of regulatory enforcement. Most of these companies operate without licenses or transparent business practices. There is no central authority ensuring that they follow through on land allocation or that they even own the land they are selling.

    To make matters worse, the legal system offers little protection. Court cases drag on for years. Many victims don’t have the time, money, or energy to fight legal battles, especially against well-funded companies with lawyers on their payroll.

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    Can the industry be saved?

    Despite the mess, all hope is not lost. But rebuilding trust will require serious reforms, including strict regulation and registration of real estate firms; a centralized land database to verify ownership and prevent multiple sales of the same plot; public blacklisting and prosecution of fraudulent developers; and investor education to help Nigerians identify red flags before parting with their money.

    Real estate still holds potential in Nigeria. The demand for housing and land remains high. But without accountability and transparency, the sector will continue to decline, leaving in its wake broken dreams and empty bank accounts.

    The Nigerian real estate industry is in crisis, not because there is no demand, but because too many have abused the trust placed in them. Until the government steps in and the industry cleans up its act, many Nigerians will simply walk away—and who could blame them?

    •John Amabolou Elekun,Ajuwon, Lagos

  • Rethinking border governance for regional security

    Rethinking border governance for regional security

    Sir: Travelling through the land borders of Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana by road reveals a corridor where mobility is regulated less by law than by informal economies, and where the promise of regional integration is stifled by extractive practices posing as governance.

    What does it mean when borders function more like revenue points than security infrastructures? And how can West Africa achieve collective security if its frontline institutions are structured for transactional gain rather than ethical enforcement?

    In Nigeria and Benin, border processing is direct: security officials engage travellers personally, but often in ways that prioritized unofficial payments over formal procedures. Across the Benin–Togo and Togo–Ghana borders, however, a new pattern has emerged where intermediaries now handle interactions, standardizing “fees” that mask the informality of the system.

    While these processes vary in structure, they share a common feature: they bypass the very principles of trust, dignity, and transparency needed to secure borders in any meaningful sense.

    This is not about individual misconduct. It is about systemic practices that have become normalized—where “virgin passports” (those not yet stamped at certain borders) attract graduated payments, and where travellers are often unaware of their rights under ECOWAS free movement protocols.

    If the first contact between state and citizen or migrant is a negotiation over non-transparent charges, what does that say about the rule of law? If entry into a country can be facilitated or blocked depending on how much a driver or traveller can pay, how can intelligence sharing, counter-terrorism cooperation, or trafficking prevention truly function?

    West Africa’s borders should serve as sites of trust-building and coordinated security—instead, they are becoming fragmented and monetized, undermining the very cohesion ECOWAS was designed to foster.

    To safeguard both regional mobility and collective security, West Africa must shift from enforcement-heavy border models to relational, rights-conscious governance. Borders should not operate as toll gates of uncertainty, but as nodes of ethical interaction and public trust.

    This transition demands a threefold agenda:

    Investment in capacity-building for border officers, not just in surveillance or interdiction, but in human-cantered protocols that prioritize dignity, due process, and the rights of travellers. Officers must see themselves not as enforcers of authority alone, but as frontline diplomats of the state.

    Digitisation and standardisation of clearance systems to minimize the space for arbitrary decision-making and reduce citizens’ reliance on informal intermediaries. Digital transparency can interrupt the shadow economies that flourish at points of crossing.

     Establishment of clear, public-facing transparency mechanisms so that all border fees, rights, and procedures are published, reviewable, and enforceable. Every traveler should know what to expect—not based on rumour, but on law.

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    These are not radical demands. They align squarely with ECOWAS’ 2020–2024 Action Plan for Enhanced Border Governance, the AU’s Free Movement Protocol, and the broader aspirations of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Yet these ambitions remain aspirational unless we address the embedded institutional cultures and economic incentives that undermine cooperation from below.

    Border governance is not simply a technical or security issue—it is a question of public ethics. The way we structure crossings shapes how citizens perceive the state, and how states relate to one another. The border, in essence, is a living political space where trust is either built or broken.

    Borders are not just checkpoints, they are mirrors. They reflect the ethical standing of the state, the coherence of the region, and the daily experience of the citizen. They tell us who belongs, who is protected, and who must pay extra to pass.

    If West Africa is serious about regional peace, economic integration, and free movement, then its borders must be reimagined not as zones of suspicion and extraction, but as sites of care, dignity, and cooperation.

    Anything less is a quiet betrayal of the unity we claim to build.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Governor Alia should prioritise security

    Governor Alia should prioritise security

    Sir: Despite ongoing development efforts under the leadership of Governor Hyacinth Alia, a harsh reality persists: insecurity in Benue State is escalating, and it threatens to undermine every stride made in infrastructure, agriculture, and social welfare.

    From community development projects to policy reforms, Alia has shown a clear drive to uplift the state. Many, including myself, recognise his zeal and achievements. In fact, even at this early stage of his tenure, one could begin to draw parallels between Alia and past icons like Aper Aku and Moses Adasu. His chances of re-election are high, and that is no surprise; his popularity remains strong, especially among those who believe in his vision.

    But popularity is not enough. Progress cannot thrive where fear reigns.

    The sad truth is that the security situation in Benue has worsened, and the roots of this crisis are not just external. There is growing evidence that some of the violence is sponsored and instigated from within, by political actors, vested interests, and even some elements considered part of the native fabric of the state. Yet, silence surrounds these revelations, especially when those implicated are politically connected.

    Benue people are being killed, displaced, and silenced—while development projects are being unveiled elsewhere. We must ask: who benefits from this progress if the beneficiaries are no longer alive or free to enjoy it?

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    Governor Alia must recognise that the office of the governor is not a ceremonial extension of power, it is a mandate of protection. The seat demands more than governance; it demands guardianship. No matter how stiff the resistance, he must confront the forces behind the killings and chaos, whether or not they wear party colors.

    History gives us lessons to follow. Sir Ahmadu Bello once ceded federal authority to Tafawa Balewa in order to give undivided attention to the North. That sacrifice was not a sign of weakness, it was a mark of true leadership.

    Likewise, Governor Alia must rise above party loyalty and political diplomacy where the lives of citizens are concerned. He must represent the interest of the Benue people at all costs.

    Benue deserves both peace and progress. The governor has the vision, now, he must summon the courage to fight for the safety and dignity of every citizen.

    •David Tersoo Heke,hekedave@gmail.com