The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Benue: A just cry from the Bishops

    Benue: A just cry from the Bishops

    Sir: The recent statement by the Catholic Bishops of Nigeria condemning the persistent killings in Benue State and the silence—or complicity—of both the federal and Benue State governments is a just cry. I commend the bishops for rising above denominational and partisan affiliations to speak boldly for the oppressed.

    This is not merely a matter of law and order; it is a matter of justice. When human life is desecrated daily by coordinated acts of murder and communities are repeatedly displaced by terrorists masquerading as herders, while those entrusted with the defence of the innocent issue platitudes and evasions, we must ask: What is the purpose of government if not the protection of lives and property?

    The bishops’ lamentation is not hyperbole—it is a factual representation of our tragic reality. For too long, the victims of these attacks have borne their grief in silence, while state actors blame vague “bandits”,  invoke tired clichés of “unknown gunmen”, or every so often, mere “relocation”  of a defence chief to the affected states is ordered. In the face of sustained patterns of aggression, such passivity is betrayal, and regular repeats of unworkable rituals are comedic displays.

    As someone who has lived, taught, and led among Benue’s academic and civic institutions, I know too well the cost of fear and the paralysis of leadership. We cannot build roads soaked in blood, nor can we wholeheartedly celebrate governance achievements while graves are being dug daily in our villages. All these other achievements, including infrastructural development, by both federal and state governments are noteworthy, but they are being dwarfed by the ceaseless shedding of blood of innocent lives: our mothers, fathers, children, brothers, and sisters. 

    I call on the president, the National Assembly, and the Benue State government to treat the bishops’ call as a moral verdict and a national alarm. Enough of the statements—what the people demand now is action: decisive, just, and protective. The killers must be stopped, their sponsors must be exposed and prosecuted, and peace must be returned to Benue State, and every other region in Nigeria.

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    There cannot be such coordinated attacks involving such sophisticated weapons being deployed without sponsors. It is in the light of this that I take seriously Governor Alia’s recent revelation that the interim report of a Benue Panel of Inquiry contains names of some sponsors of Benue terrorism. Benue people and the nation await the bombshell revelation and a bombshell prosecution following the bombshell arrest of the sponsors of those coordinated attacks on the people of Benue, which for too long have been moderated under the euphemism “herdsmen attacks”.

    President Tinubu’s Minister of Defence (rather than only the COAS), along with his colleagues, the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, must be given the appropriate orders to liberate Benue State and other states of those murderers of our people, whether they are called “herdsmen”, “militia”, “bandits”, or whatever. The governor of Benue State should be assisted to root out the evil.

    Let us remember: Every government that fails in its primary duty to protect life forfeits its moral claim to leadership. President Tinubu must act now and act smartly. This is the message that the bishops have sent.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,<shilgba@gmail.com>

  • End of USSD banking in Nigeria?

    End of USSD banking in Nigeria?

    Sir: For years, USSD (Unstructured Supplementary Service Data) banking in Nigeria has been a lifeline for millions of Nigerians. It was simple, fast, and accessible even on the most basic mobile phones. From transferring money to paying bills, and checking balances to buying airtime, USSD provided seamless access to banking without the need for internet access.

    But now, a terse, polite message from banks may have sounded the death knell of the service. In what feels like a final move in a long-standing tussle between telecom service providers and banks, the new directive from the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) mandates that going forward, USSD banking charges will be deducted directly from customers’ airtime, not their bank accounts.

    The innocuous-looking message read in part “Dear Customer, from Tuesday, June 3, 2025, USSD banking charges will no longer be deducted from your bank account. Instead, the fees will be billed directly to your airtime in line with the NCC’s End-User Billing (EUB) directive. Each session will attract a charge of N6.98 per 120 seconds.”

    Buried in this simple announcement is the latest twist in the long-drawn battle between telecom operators and banks over USSD service charges. This is a battle that has lasted for years, involving regulators and resulting in service disruptions, legal threats, and regulatory interventions. Now, it seems banks are preparing to exit the USSD battlefield altogether.

    The NCC directive effectively removes the banks from the fee-collection equation and places the burden squarely on the end-user. For many, this change marks more than a billing switch; it signals the slow phasing out of a channel that revolutionized financial inclusion in Nigeria.

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    There are, undeniably, a few upsides to this new structure. First, customers now receive prompts before airtime deductions are made, ensuring a more transparent process. Second, telcos finally receive payment for services rendered, which could encourage better service delivery and network investments. Finally, the new model simplifies the revenue flow i.e. banks no longer need to collect and remit fees on behalf of telcos. In short, the move creates regulatory clarity and administrative efficiency.

    However, the challenges are just as significant, if not more so. USSD banking emerged as a revolutionary tool for financial inclusion. It brought formal financial services to people without smartphones, data, and internet access. With just a basic phone and a GSM line, millions of Nigerians were able to check balances, transfer money, and buy airtime.

    Now, each session comes at a direct cost, N6.98 per 120 seconds. For the average urban user, this may seem trivial. However, for rural dwellers, low-income earners, petty traders, and others at the economic margins, this is a heavy toll.

    There’s also the psychological shift. A service that was once “free” or indirectly billed now requires upfront airtime, confirmation prompts, and network reliability. Add this to the banks’ not-so-subtle nudging of customers towards mobile apps and Internet banking, and the writing becomes clear: USSD banking is being slowly phased out.

    You can’t blame the banks, it’s simple economics. USSD doesn’t allow for tailored digital engagement or targeted marketing. It lacks the analytical depth of app-based platforms. And now that they must rely on telcos to facilitate and collect the fees, it’s no longer strategically beneficial.

    But here’s the catch: Nigeria is still a country with high levels of digital illiteracy, device poverty, and limited internet penetration. To phase out USSD without adequate replacement infrastructure or support systems would risk reversing the gains made in financial inclusion over the past decade.

    Some would argue that there would be winners and losers. Yes, Telecom operators who now receive direct payment for USSD sessions; banks which shed the headache of fee collection and shift customers to digital platforms they control and tech-savvy customers who already prefer app-based banking solutions are all winners.

    However, low-income users who depend on USSD as their only form of banking, rural communities where smartphones and data access remain luxury items and Nigeria’s financial inclusion agenda which may face a major setback would all be losers.

    As we pursue a cashless, digital Nigeria, we must ensure that no one is left behind, not the market woman in Aba, the farmer in Katsina, or the street vendor in Agege. Progress should not come at the cost of access.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Return of pseudo-saviours

    Return of pseudo-saviours

    Sir: Nigerian politics is as cut-throat as they come. Triumphal and gloating, to be out of office is to face all manner of humiliation. For those who have tasted political power, it is as close to death as it comes.

    It is what appears to currently afflict some politicians in Nigeria, who have become especially and uncharacteristically vocal about the perceived demise of the country. Of this lot, Nasir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi and Abubakar Malami stand out.

    For El-Rufai especially, it is déjà vu. Since the transience of political power swept him off his perch as governor of Kaduna State in 2023, he took only a very short restless break but has since returned with vengeance and is eager to make up for lost time. He clearly does not think it is a major indictment on his part that many in Kaduna State, where he was governor for eight years, are dizzy with relief that he is no longer governor and that his successor is putting in an excellent shift as governor.

    El-rufai has since returned to the role he played in the country between 2007 and 2015. In that time, after enjoying heavy influence under Olusegun Obasanjo between 2003 and 2007, he quickly found himself on the fringes in 2007. His response was to begin a venomous and vitriolic campaign against the administration of Umaru Musa Yar’adua and later that of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. He even spent some time on self-imposed exile painting the country and government black abroad, after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) wanted him for economic malfeasance.

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    His campaign of calumny against the then government of President Goodluck Jonathan abruptly ended when he became governor, only to put in a disastrous performance in eight years. Now, freshly rested and recovered from the shock of being excluded from President Tinubu’s ministerial cabinet in 2023, El-Rufai has taken to taking pot-shots at the president and the government while rallying Nigerians to oust the government in 2027. Nigerians will do well to ignore him.

     To achieve this, he has recruited the equally disgruntled Abubakar Malami, who was Attorney-General of the Federation, Rotimi Amaechi, who was minister of transportation and a handful of others. Their poor strategy of predicting doom and gloom for the country under the current administration rests disproportionately on the fact that the common bone they have to pick with the current administration is that they were left in the cold after years of wielding political power which they failed to use for the good of Nigerians.

    Nigerians must learn to be extremely wary of those politicians whose sudden affection for them and their country comes from the cold fire place of political obscurity and irrelevance.

    •Kene Obiezu,

    keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Crisis of Nigeria’s working class

    Crisis of Nigeria’s working class

    Sir: In Nigeria today, many have given up hope for development or transformation. Poverty is taking its toll and weaponising itself on the people. Everybody is looking for what to eat; nobody is thinking of the country, the population, or the society. Development and real change are becoming an illusion. Moral values no longer exist, lives are lost, status is downgraded, and the respected groups of society are now reduced to beggars. Nobody considers them important anymore. Nobody wants to be a teacher, doctor, nurse, or lecturer anymore, and nobody wants to join the security forces. Everybody is thinking of how to make money and how to be rich. When we were growing up, we envied our teachers, looked up to them, emulated them, and wanted to be like them; that is no longer the story today. People no longer care about the country.

    Unless the living standard of the working class is improved, change may be difficult in this country. If people’s earnings can’t satisfy their basic demands of feeding, housing, transport, and schooling for their children, they will be constantly scrambling and looking for alternatives to make ends meet. Regrettably, even though the salary can’t cater to basic needs, in Nigeria today, getting your salary as due is becoming difficult.

    The current policies and economic realities have technically effaced the middle class, thereby pushing the country to the reach of only a few and the poor majority, of which the lecturers, teachers, doctors, nurses, and other workers belong.

    The attention of the working class will constantly be divided in searching for income alternatives to meet their basic needs, including menial jobs, business, and farming.

    In preserving the focus and attention of the working class and in maintaining professional and institutional efficiencies, the Fifth Schedule, Part I, Paragraph 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) explicitly prohibits civil servants from engaging in private business, trade, or professional work, except for farming—and even that must not interfere with official duties.

    After prohibiting workers from engaging in other private activities that interfere with their duties as civil servants, the constitution recognizes the right of workers to earn a wage sufficient to meet their basic needs. Specifically, Section 16(2)(d) mandates that “the State shall direct its policy towards ensuring… a reasonable national minimum living wage,” while Section 17(3)(b) states that “conditions of work are just and humane.”

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    Until the government rethinks and ties the earnings of civil servants to the national inflation and value of the currency, we’ll continue to witness inefficiencies, bribery, corruption, and kickbacks in institutions, schools, hospitals, or agencies by the poorly paid workers in attempts to get extra income to make ends meet. These poorly motivated workers no longer care about the system or the functionality of institutions, hospitals, or schools; they end up extorting the systems to meet their pay deficits.

    A professor in a university earning $3,000 in 2012 now earns only $300 at a time the price of everything has skyrocketed. How do you expect him to survive without cheating the system or looking for alternatives?

    The solution to the dysfunctionality of Nigerian critical institutions lies not in empowering the EFCC or ICPC but in improving the living standard of the civil servants to be able to meet their basic needs. The civil servants may be few compared to the general population of the country, but the irony is they are the managers of the country’s mitochondrion, which are its integral institutions. A worker will only think about the viability and sustainability of the system, institutions, or the country when he’s not having problems with food, housing, or transport—as it was obtainable in the past.

    Nigeria must abandon all expensive projects and spending, channel its energy, and salvage the system.

    We must have a rethink and improve the living standard of civil servants.

    •Dr. Shamsu Gujungu,

    shamsgjg@gmail.com

  • Of Tinubu’s wisemen and a trillion-dollar economy

    Of Tinubu’s wisemen and a trillion-dollar economy

    Sir: Sometime in November 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared that with a focus on unlocking Nigeria’s full economic potential, his administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda could deliver a trillion-dollar economy within the next decade.

    In my view, this was no empty political talk. Behind the bold talk is a strategy that is gradually taking shape as the president marked his second year in office.

    Speaking recently during the inauguration of the Lekki Deep Sea Port access road, the president publicly acknowledged four business titans -Jim Ovia, Femi Otedola, Abdul Samad Rabiu, and Aliko Dangote, whom he dubbed his Four Wise Men. Again, these are not casual mentions in my opinion; they represent a deliberate signalling of intent.

    If I may add, there is a fifth wise man-Tony Elumelu, whose work in entrepreneurship also aligns deeply with the president’s vision.

    Together, these individuals embody key pillars of a practical economic strategy; one that could turn a trillion-dollar ambition into reality.

    By invoking the names of Nigeria’s most influential business leaders, the president is sending a message: the government alone cannot build a trillion-dollar economy. This economic transformation will require a partnership between the state and those who have both capital and a proven track record of building enterprises that transcend our borders.

    Aliko Dangote is already reshaping Nigeria’s industrial landscape, with a refinery destined to reduce reliance on imports and stabilize the naira. Abdul Samad Rabiu, through BUA Group, is expanding production in cement and agro-industrial sectors, two vital components for infrastructure and food security. Jim Ovia and Femi Otedola bring deep expertise in banking and energy; sectors critical for financial inclusion and powering industrial growth. Tony Elumelu champions entrepreneurship – a force multiplier for Nigeria’s SMEs and start-ups.

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    By aligning with such players, the government is building what could become an informal economic council, one capable of shaping large-scale investments while fostering small business ecosystems.

    To be clear, these guys have been around. They have long been active participants in the Nigerian economy and have worked alongside previous administrations. However, there is something different about this moment. Their public willingness to engage so visibly suggests a new level of confidence. Why? I believe it is because they have observed key signals from this administration.

    The removal of the fuel subsidy, though painful, demonstrated political will and policy courage. Efforts to unify the exchange rate are gradually restoring credibility and attracting cautious interest from both foreign and domestic investors. The renewed focus on infrastructure suggests that the government is finally addressing some of the long-standing barriers to productivity. Someone had to bite the bullet, this president did.

    These reforms are tough, but they are being noticed by those who deploy capital at scale. The visible support of leading business figures reflects a growing sense of confidence in the administration’s (macro)-economic direction.

    However, while billionaires can conjure large investments, the heart of a trillion-dollar economy lies in broad-based growth. Job creation must come from both large industries and an expanding SME sector. Access to capital for small businesses is essential. Here, banks can play pivotal roles in democratizing credit. Simultaneously, digital transformation, financial inclusion, and agricultural modernization must be scaled to empower millions of Nigerians and drive productivity across the economy

    For this vision to succeed, it must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Nigerians, through jobs, higher incomes, and a better quality of life.

    President Tinubu’s recent remarks provide perhaps the clearest insight yet into the contours of his economic playbook. In addition to pursuing difficult but necessary reforms, fostering a collaborative relationship with Nigeria’s leading business minds is a sound strategy. However, for this approach to bear lasting fruit, it must be accompanied by efforts to build and strengthen institutions that inspire investor confidence and uphold the rule of law. If implemented consistently, this playbook could indeed lay the foundation for a trillion-dollar economy -perhaps even sooner than a decade.

    That said, the work is just beginning. The next two years will test this administration’s resolve to move from vision to tangible action. Success will depend not just on the “wise men”, but on the ability to lift millions of Nigerians into productive economic participation. The private sector has been called to the table. Now, all eyes will be on whether government policy continues to create the (fertile) ground needed for this partnership to truly bear fruit.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro,

    Chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • NYSC arrears: A broken promise or bureaucratic delay?

    NYSC arrears: A broken promise or bureaucratic delay?

    Sir: In a nation where the youths are often celebrated in speeches but neglected in policy execution, the lingering issue of unpaid arrears for National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members is both disappointing and telling.

    In 2024, the Federal Government made headlines with a progressive announcement: an increase in the NYSC monthly allowance from N33,000 to N77,000. The change was in line with the new national minimum wage approved under the National Minimum Wage (Amendment) Act 2024.

    For many, it marked the beginning of what they believed would be a more dignified service year, especially in a time when inflation and the cost of living have made financial independence nearly impossible.

    But several months down the line, hope has given way to frustration. The promised arrears for the period between the official wage increase and the commencement of the new payments have yet to be paid.

    This delay is more than just an administrative oversight. It reflects a deep-rooted issue in Nigeria’s approach to youth policy implementation. At the centre of the crisis are the thousands of corps members who served during the transitional period, particularly those from Batch C 2023, Batch A 2024, and Batch B1 2024, who will be passing out this June 3rd.

    These sets were assured that they would be paid arrears to match the revised allowance. Yet, they continue to wait, with each passing month amplifying their sense of betrayal.

    While the Minister for Youth Development, Ayodele Olawande, and the NYSC Director General, Brigadier General Olakunle Akinmakun Nafiu, have both publicly confirmed that the arrears will be paid, there is scant evidence of concrete timelines or payment schedules.

    It is important to note that these arrears are not mere bonuses. They represent compensation that is rightfully owed to Nigerian graduates who have fulfilled their civic duty under often difficult conditions. From insecurity in certain regions to poor accommodation, lack of healthcare, and inadequate support structures, corps members brave numerous challenges during their service year. The least the government can do is fulfil its promise of timely and adequate remuneration.

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    The emotional and economic toll of this delay is profound. For some, the arrears represent money that could have been used to launch small businesses, support family obligations, or transition into post-NYSC life. Instead, these young Nigerians are left disillusioned, grappling with uncertainty in a system that seems to perpetually short-change them.

    Moreover, the delay sends the wrong message to incoming corps members. If those who have served are not paid what they are owed, what motivation is there for new graduates to view the NYSC scheme with optimism? What faith should they have in a system that promises one thing and delivers another? For a country battling youth unemployment, brain drain, and rising emigration rates, this is not just a policy misstep; it is a crisis of confidence.

    It is not enough for officials to reassure the public with vague promises. What is needed is a clear, transparent, and time-bound roadmap for disbursement. A communication strategy must also be put in place to keep corps members informed of the progress. Silence breeds distrust. Lack of accountability erodes confidence. And continued delays only deepen the frustration.

    As a country, we cannot claim to empower our youth while simultaneously failing to honour our obligations to them. Every corps member who gave their time, energy, and skill to serve Nigeria deserves to be paid what was promised in full and without further delay.

    If we are truly committed to the principles of fairness, service, and accountability, then the NYSC arrears issue should be resolved not in another month or quarter, but now. This is not just about money. It is about national honour.

    •Ifunanya Osakwe,University of Benin, Benin City.

  • Crisis of standards in varsities: A call for reform

    Crisis of standards in varsities: A call for reform

    Sir: The Nigerian higher education system is suffering from a deep-seated intellectual crisis, marked by poor research productivity and low scholarly impact. While universities in other parts of Africa and the developing world are making notable strides in research, innovation, and global visibility, Nigeria lags behind with a system that increasingly prioritizes paper qualifications over academic substance. The result is a generation of professors and PhD holders whose contributions to their fields are negligible, both locally and internationally.

    More than 85 percent of Nigerian professors and PhD holders have an h-index of less than five in the Scopus and Web of Science databases. This figure is not just alarming; it is a stark reflection of the country’s deteriorating academic culture. In contrast, countries like South Africa, Egypt, and Kenya have managed to build relatively stronger academic reputations within the African continent. South African universities such as the University of Cape Town and Stellenbosch University produce world-class research across diverse disciplines and consistently attract international funding and collaboration. Many South African academics boast h-indices well above 20 or even 30, with consistent publications in high-impact journals.

    Egypt, despite its political and economic challenges, has invested in research and development across science, engineering, and medicine. Egyptian universities regularly feature in global university rankings, and the country has developed robust partnerships with institutions in Europe and North America. Kenya, though not as advanced as South Africa or Egypt, still surpasses Nigeria in terms of research focus and academic cohesion. Institutions like the University of Nairobi have developed specialized research units and maintain strong regional influence in agricultural and health-related studies. When compared with Asian counterparts, the disparity becomes even more pronounced. Malaysia, for instance, has rapidly transformed its higher education sector through deliberate investment in research infrastructure, internationalization, and talent development. Institutions like Universiti Malaya and Universiti Sains Malaysia are now globally ranked and attract international scholars and grants. A large number of Malaysian professors have h-indices ranging from 10 to over 40, reflecting meaningful scholarly output.

    The Nigerian academic environment remains largely unproductive and inward-looking. Universities continue to churn out PhD holders who lack the capacity for independent research, innovation, or practical problem-solving. Many doctoral graduates are unable to design a basic experiment, write a publishable paper, or articulate how their work can contribute to industry or national development.

    In many cases, the PhD has become a hollow credential, awarded more for endurance than for intellectual merit. This disconnection between academia and societal needs is perhaps the most troubling aspect of the crisis. What is the essence of having a PhD if one cannot solve real-world problems in their field?

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    A professor who cannot mentor young researchers, produce original work, or attract international grants is not contributing meaningfully to their institution or the country. Research excellence is no longer optional; it is a fundamental requirement in the modern academic landscape.

    Another major concern is the persistent agitation by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) for improved salaries and welfare packages, which often ignores the underlying issues of performance and accountability. While fair remuneration is essential, it is not enough to pour money into a broken system. Without rigorous reforms, increased funding only sustains inefficiency and academic complacency.

    If the academic sector continues to reward mediocrity and ignore merit, no amount of funding will deliver the desired change. There is also the uncomfortable truth that many individuals in the Nigerian academic system have no business being there. The process of academic recruitment and promotion is often driven by favouritism, tribalism, and patronage rather than merit. Many university leaders today lack the intellectual vision and capacity to steer institutions toward relevance and excellence. These individuals cannot drive innovation or inspire meaningful change, because they themselves are products of a failed system.

    To salvage Nigerian higher education, there must be a complete overhaul of the system. Doctoral education must be restructured to emphasize rigorous research training, global engagement, and problem-solving. Promotion to professorial ranks must be tied to measurable scholarly contributions, including publications in reputable journals, h-index growth, successful supervision of postgraduate students, patents, and grants won. No one should rise to the rank of professor without demonstrating an international academic footprint. Nigerian universities must redefine their purpose. The higher education sector should not only produce graduates, but also serve as a national think tank, generating knowledge that solves local problems and advances global understanding.

    Nigeria must move beyond superficial academic metrics and begin to hold its scholars to higher standards. Without urgent and far-reaching reforms, the current trajectory will only deepen Nigeria’s intellectual isolation and further erode the credibility of its academic institutions. True national development is impossible without a strong, functional, and competitive higher education system.

    •Dr. Lukman Ahmed Omeiza, Kazakhstan.

  • Mercy for Mokwa

    Mercy for Mokwa

    Sir: Deadly flash floods in Niger State have vented nature’s fury showing that more than ever, there is need to check the devastating impact of climate change and especially support those who are most vulnerable.

    Every year, as seasons replace seasons, Nigeria is on high alert for floods. This high alert comes both from a place of hindsight and science. It is common knowledge that some parts of Nigeria, particularly some states in Nigeria are prone to flood at specific times of the year. In recent years, deadly floods have flashed through Jigawa, Kogi, Benue and other states wreaking havoc. Last year, floods practically submerged Maiduguri, the Borno State, capital leaving casualties in their thousands. This year, it is Mokwa in Niger State that have witnessed first-hand, what floods can do. More than 200 people have been killed so far with hundreds more missing. The destruction to property and livelihoods is simply unquantifiable.

     The floods highlight just how susceptible Niger State is to natural and unnatural disasters. Some months ago, a drowning incident in Niger State resulted in dozens of death after a boat capsized.

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    Nature may be what it is, but it is by no means uncontrollable. A proactive government in a progressive country will put infrastructure in place. Such a government will fortify its disaster preparedness and make provisions to absorb the greatest impacts of what is coming especially given that science can often predict its coming with uncanny certainty.

     Yet, every year, government is caught cold and flat-footed by predicted floods while families and livelihoods are swept away. Natural disasters in Nigeria disproportionately affect the most vulnerable Nigerians. Protecting them should be high on the list of government’s priorities. This must translate into taking measures to shield them from the most devastating impact of floods and other natural disasters.

    • Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Benue people will decide its future

    Benue people will decide its future

    Sir: Since 2007, after serving for eight years as the third elected governor of Benue State, Senator George Akume has undeniably played a recurring role in influencing who becomes governor of Benue State. But curiously—and tellingly—his influence has tended to last only through part of the first term of those he installs. History has consistently proven that Akume’s overreach, often cloaked in “leadership,” eventually leads to avoidable fractures within his camp and setbacks for the party he belonged to: the (now defunct) Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) or the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Benue.

    In 2007, Akume supported Gabriel Suswam’s rise as the 4th elected governor. Their alliance crumbled, and Suswam forced Akume out of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Akume fled to the then-Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), fielding the calm and competent Ambassador Prof. Steve Ugbah against Suswam in 2011. Suswam prevailed, but Akume clung to his Senate seat.

    By 2013, a historic merger birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC). Akume rode this wave to foist Samuel Ortom, a PDP defector, as APC gubernatorial candidate in 2015—abandoning his long-standing ally, Ambassador Ugbah. Ortom won, defeating by more than 100, 000 votes Suswam’s preferred candidate, Terhemen Tarzoor (“The Man Wey Sabi”).

    But Akume turned against Ortom too, about midway into his first term. I was among stakeholders from Benue Zone A who visited the Government House Makurdi in May 2018, led by our late leader, Papa Wantaregh Paul Unongu, and pleaded with Governor Ortom to not leave the APC. Sadly, he couldn’t endure the meddling anymore and decamped back to PDP, where he defeated Akume’s anointed APC candidate, Hon. Emmanuel Jime, in 2019. So, APC lost Benue. That same year, Akume too lost his own Senate seat to Hon. Orker Jev—a historic personal defeat. Later the same year, President Buhari offered Akume a lifeline appointment as a federal minister after this defeat.

    Even after President Buhari had appointed Ambassador Ugbah as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Russia and Belarus in 2017—a critical diplomatic post—Akume, inexplicably, barely a year after Buhari had offered him a political lifeline in 2019, influenced his recall in 2020. In his place, nominating no other than “The Man Wey Sabi,” Mr Tarzoor, sending him to far less strategic Namibia. The logic? Personal preference trumping Benue’s interest. During a 2022 visit to Russia, I heard first-hand the high praise for Ugbah’s diplomatic leadership—testimonies that make his recall a clear act of political sabotage, not national service.

    Fast-forward to today: Akume—now a federal appointee under President Bola Tinubu—is once again fighting the sitting governor, Dr Hyacinth Iormem Alia, Benue’s sixth elected governor. From ignoring Alia’s nominee for ministerial appointment to stirring propaganda, distractions, and internal party friction, Akume seems committed to another season of political instability in Benue.

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    But this time, the script may not go as he’s used to. Governor Alia enjoys widespread popularity, commands the respect and cooperation of the Benue State House of Assembly, and has earned the loyalty of the APC state structure under Comrade Omale. The 23 Local Government Chairmen in Benue State, overwhelmingly elected on APC’s platform and recently affirmed by the Appeal Court, further signal where the wind of legitimacy is blowing.

    To those who claim, even after this legal validation, that “Akume will decide in 2031,” I ask: Who decides for Benue? One man or the people? How about 2027? And who knows what a day will bring forth? Let us remember that we are mortal men, not the only True God.

    Governor Alia’s inclusive leadership, prudent governance, and statesmanlike respect for political elders—such as Senator Barnabas Gemade, Akume’s own political godfather (who was instrumental in then-civil servant Akume becoming governor of Benue State in 1999)—are refreshing. He doesn’t trade insults; he works across party lines to develop Benue. In him, we see that Christian faith, humility, and administrative wisdom are not mutually exclusive.

    Let it be made clear: Benue APC is not one man’s farm. It is a platform built by many, sustained by people’s trust, and led today by a governor who has refused to be distracted from the mission of governance.

    This is no longer the Benue of 2007 or 2015. Governor Alia is not leaving the APC; instead, he is building it into a real development vehicle. If Akume’s playbook remains stuck in the politics of imposition, disrespect, and removal, then both 2027 and 2031 may well repeat a familiar ending: one in which the Benue people—not a power broker—decide their governor.

    It is time for all Benue sons and daughters to embrace developmental politics over power games. Politics should not merely be about elections or appointments, but about improving lives. That is the politics Governor Alia is modelling. That is the politics Benue must defend.

    •Prof. Leonard Karshima Shilgba shilgba@gmail.com

  • Fuelling growth, not hardship

    Fuelling growth, not hardship

    Sir: Although the Federal Government declared the removal of fuel subsidies in 2023, prevailing realities indicate that certain forms of price support still exist within Nigeria’s fuel economy. The persistence of high importation costs, foreign exchange pressure, and domestic inefficiencies continues to fuel inflation, increase transport costs, and burden the everyday Nigerian. Without robust local refining capacity and efficient energy infrastructure, the country remains overly dependent on expensive imports—a dynamic that weakens the naira, inflates household costs, and reduces national productivity.

    This situation has strained farmers, transporters, traders, and small businesses alike. The intended fiscal reforms, while valid in principle, are yet to be matched with the structural investments required for sustainable fuel affordability. As a result, public trust continues to erode.

    Subsidy removal should not translate to prolonged national pain. Instead, it should mark a new chapter of economic renewal—driven by domestic refining, smarter distribution, energy diversification, and productive job creation. Rather than reverting to inefficient subsidy regimes, the country must pursue policies that promote fuel self-sufficiency, economic inclusion, and long-term price stability.

    Key Solutions:  Rehabilitate and Operate Government Refineries:  Nigeria’s continued reliance on imported fuel—despite having abundant crude oil—remains counterproductive. The government must urgently complete the rehabilitation and efficient operation of Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries. Local refining reduces forex demand and eliminates the high costs of shipping, insurance, and foreign margins.

    However, given Nigeria’s track record of inefficiencies in state-run enterprises, it is crucial to prevent future waste of public funds. As the country gradually moves away from full government control of business ventures, a joint ownership model with credible private investors should be explored. This public-private partnership approach would bring in operational expertise, improve transparency, and ensure commercial viability—while allowing the state to retain strategic oversight.

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    Expand Private Refining Through Competition: While the Dangote Refinery is a major step forward, avoiding monopoly is crucial. The government should provide tax incentives, credit access, and streamlined licensing to encourage modular and independent refinery development. A competitive refining sector will drive innovation and reduce costs for end users.

    Prioritise Domestic Processing and Job Creation: If crude must be imported temporarily, final processing and packaging should occur within Nigeria. This will stimulate industrial activity, increase GDP, and empower young professionals. The oil and gas sector should become a hub for Nigerian talent—not a pipeline for foreign contracts.

    Modernise Fuel Distribution with Technology: Fuel diversion, smuggling, and hoarding must be decisively addressed. Deploy digital tracking systems across the fuel supply chain—from depots to retail stations—to ensure real-time monitoring and eliminate artificial scarcity. Data-driven oversight will enhance pricing transparency and fuel accessibility.

    Strengthen the Naira Through Industrial Growth: A stronger currency directly reduces the cost of fuel imports. Nigeria must invest in productive sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, and ICT to boost exports and reduce import dependence. A healthy naira creates a sustainable path to fuel affordability—without recurring subsidies.

    Scale Renewable and Alternative Energy:  Fuel is not the nation’s only energy option. Solar, wind, and gas systems can diversify the power mix, especially in rural and peri-urban areas. Government should incentivise solar mini-grids, gas-powered transit systems, and industrial-scale clean energy to reduce dependence on petrol and diesel.

    Support Transport and Agriculture with Targeted Relief:  Instead of generalised subsidies, the government should support priority sectors. Provide subsidised agro-diesel for farmers, improve logistics networks, and invest in rural roads. Cheaper transport lowers food prices and improves the cost of living for millions.

    Reform Government Agencies for Performance: NNPC Ltd., the Petroleum Equalisation Fund, and related bodies must be restructured for efficiency and transparency. Performance metrics, digital governance, and independent audits should replace political patronage and bureaucratic bottlenecks.

    Expected Outcomes: Lower transport and food costs across urban and rural communities; Increased industrial productivity and job creation in energy, logistics, and manufacturing; Strengthened currency, reducing dependency on external loans; Broader public trust and reduced civil unrest; Sustainable fuel pricing, supported by local value chains.

    While Nigeria has officially removed fuel subsidies, fuel pricing continues to reflect underlying support mechanisms that require greater transparency and sustainability. This moment presents an opportunity—not to return to blanket subsidies, but to drive the long-term transformation of our energy economy. Through domestic refining, smart distribution, and strategic investment in alternatives, Nigeria can shift from subsidy dependence to sustainable prosperity—fuelling growth, not hardship.

    •Adeniyi A. Oluwaseun talk2_manfred@yahoo.com