The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Chief of Defence Staff and power of prayers

    Chief of Defence Staff and power of prayers

    Sir: Gen. Christopher Musa, Nigeria’s Chief of Defence Staff, recently offered a powerful testament to faith and national resilience. His words, steeped in personal experience and unwavering conviction, serve as a timely reminder of the strength derived from spiritual fortitude and collective prayer, even in the face of daunting challenges.

    Gen. Musa’s account of his time as Theatre Commander in Maiduguri is particularly poignant. He vividly recalls how the consistent prayers by men of God were a source of immense strength, ultimately leading to answered prayers. This personal anecdote underscores a fundamental belief: “Our God answers prayers. Sometimes, we are the ones that make things difficult for ourselves.” This sentiment, coming from a man at the forefront of national security, carries significant weight, urging self- reflection and a deeper trust in divine providence.

    His personal narrative further highlights the unifying power of love and support, regardless of background. Growing up in Sokoto while his wife hails from Delta State, their union symbolises the diverse tapestry of Nigeria. He lovingly refers to his wife as his “pillar” and “prayer warrior,” emphasising the crucial role of personal support systems in navigating life’s complexities.

    The general’s call to Christians and none Christians to shed timidity wherever they find themselves resonates deeply. He warns against the temptation to shy away from faith in pursuit of worldly aspirations, echoing the biblical caution: “If you are shy of me here, when we get there, I will be shy of you.”  This is a powerful message for a nation grappling with various pressures, advocating for unwavering devotion and boldness in one’s beliefs.

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    Gen. Musa’s address also touched on the pressing issues facing Nigeria and the broader West African region. Acknowledging the” barrage of challenges” and the “unprecedented challenges” posed by extremist groups like the Jihadists, he remains optimistic. His steadfast belief that “the Lord Almighty will never let us down,” and that God” will never let them succeed,” offers a beacon of hope amidst the darkness. He passionately appeals for consistent and ceaseless prayers from Christians, recognising their vital role in the nation’s security.

    Nigeria, he asserts, is a” blessed country,” a truth recognised globally. He powerfully refutes past predictions of disintegration, noting that despite doomsday prophecies in 2015, “this is 2025, we are still standing.” This defiance against negative narratives serves as a testament to the resilience of the Nigerian spirit and the enduring power of unity.

    Ultimately, Gen. Musa’s message is one of profound gratitude and continued appeal. He credits the prayers of Nigerians for the sustained efforts of the Armed Forces in securing and protecting the nation, humbly appealing for their ongoing spiritual support. His words are a powerful reminder that beyond military might, faith and collective prayer are indispensable weapons in Nigeria’s fight for peace and stability. They serve as a call to action for every Nigerian to embrace love, uphold faith, and consistently pray for the nation’s well-being.

    Gen. Musa’s earnest appeal to traditional rulers, religious bodies, and various stakeholders underscores a pivotal strategy in the ongoing war against insurgency. His call for unity and active participation is not merely a request but a recognition of the indispensable role these influential groups play in shaping public opinion, fostering community resilience, and facilitating intelligence gathering at the grassroots level.

    Under his leadership, the emphasis is clearly on consolidating these diverse efforts into a cohesive national response. By integrating traditional wisdom, moral guidance, and community-level insights, Gen. Musa aims to build a formidable front against the forces of instability.

    This collaborative approach seeks to dismantle the support networks of insurgents, address underlying grievances, and ultimately pave the way for lasting peace and security across affected regions. The success of this critical endeavour hinges on the collective will and unified action of all segments of society, guided by a shared commitment to national well-being.

    •Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi USA

  • Neglected Lagos roads

    Neglected Lagos roads

    Sir: The condition of some inner roads in Lagos is nothing short of disappointing. These roads, which connect homes to major highways, are heartbreaking. It is as though the people who use them every day don’t matter.

    The truth is, this is an issue particular to all states in Nigeria. So, whatever I am going to say applies to all other states. The situation in Lagos might even be way better than all the other states, but I want to talk about Lagos because it is where I reside. It impacts me directly.

    To be clear, there are areas where inner roads are in good condition; others have been reconstructed, and some are undergoing construction, at least from a few conversations I have had. Credit must go to those responsible for the progress. But this piece is not about those.

    This is about inner roads that remain neglected, particularly in areas like Ajao Estate, Ejigbo, Oke Afa, Alimosho, Ikotun, and their environs. These are not just obscure parts of Lagos; hundreds of thousands of people live in these places, work and do business there. Yet, in too many corners, the roads have muddy puddles, uneven surfaces, and look more like war zones.

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    Do we even realise the damage these roads do? Mechanics have become more familiar than friends, while incomes are already stretched thin by the harsh economy. And where are the councillors of these areas in all of this? What are our local government chairmen in these areas doing, if anything? They seem to have gone on an extended holiday. I think it’s time we paid closer attention to local government elections, which, by the way, are scheduled to be held in July in Lagos. The people we put in these offices wield real power to improve our day-to-day lives, or ignore us completely. Why does it feel like inner roads fall outside their radar? They now receive direct allocations, so what’s the excuse?

    The Lagos State Public Works Corporation also needs to step up its efforts. Are they even present in these areas, because their presence is barely noticeable? The inner roads are not just bad, they are not motorable. And during the rainy season? They become a soggy, slippery mess and a very serious health risk.

    I think we underestimate the power of good inner roads to ease traffic. If these roads were in better condition, more people would confidently use them as alternatives to the main roads. Traffic would be spread out. Commutes would be shorter. Life would be easier. But because these inner roads are unusable, everyone is forced to clog up the same few major highways every morning and evening.

     For example, the traffic from Canoe to Airport Road is often a frustrating crawl. It could be significantly eased if the inner connecting roads in and around Ajao Estate, Oke-Afa, and beyond were in good condition. People would have more route options. And let us not forget the security risks. When roads are abandoned (and poorly lit), they become breeding grounds for crime. Small businesses also suffer as delivery riders refuse to enter certain areas, and customers stay away. How many times have you heard, “Oga, I no fit enter that road” while booking an Uber? It’s a common refrain, and it shouldn’t be.

    The Lagos State government must start treating inner roads as a critical part of development, not an afterthought. People live on these roads, and they deserve better.

    Fixing inner roads is not just about cars. It’s about health, safety, and dignity. It’s about time.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Audacious leadership: Two years of Governor Bago

    Audacious leadership: Two years of Governor Bago

    Sir: Three years before he emerged as the Niger State governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC),  and four years before he was elected governor, I published an article titled ‘All Eyes on Bago,’ in which I argued that Umar Muhammad Bago, from his performance as a legislator in the Federal House of Representatives, possessed the right attitude to transform Niger State and launch her on the path of sustainable development.

     From whatever angle it is told, the story of Bago is not just a story of political success; it is as well a testament to the enduring spirit of the people of Niger State. It is also a reminder that, with the right leadership, even the most daunting challenges can be overcome and a new dawn is, indeed, possible.

    The midterm scorecard of Governor Bago is a harbinger of hope. The past 24 months have, indeed, been characterised by a relentless pursuit of excellence through which Niger State has seen an unprecedented scale of transformation. What has worked for the Farmer-Governor, as he fondly called, is his ability to lead, inspire and guide in order to transform Niger State. Perhaps, not much would have been achieved without the practical open-door policy of the Bago administration and its regular interface with citizens. Gradually, the gains of the past 24 months have blotted the state’s dark past of frittered opportunities from the psyche of citizens.

    With his focus on agricultural transformation, the vision of Governor Bago for a prosperous and self-sufficient Niger State has inspired transformative changes across key sectors such as urban and rural renewal, transportation and road construction, education, healthcare and empowerment of women and youths. The ongoing landmark transformation in these key sectors is the focus of my upcoming book, ‘Auspicious Leadership,’ which essentially chronicles the journey of Governor Bago, through highlighting the hurdles he scaled, examining the strategies he employed in driving his vision and spotlighting his signature accomplishments that have set Niger State on the path of socioeconomic transformation.

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    ‘Audacious Leadership’ further tells the story of the emergence of a New Niger to present and future generations of how Governor Bago, against all odds, laid the solid foundation for the emergence of a New Niger. Significantly, the book promises to be a guide for Nigerians and their political leaders as to where to locate a transformative leader to lead our beloved country in the not-too-distant future. 

    Like Niger State, Nigeria remains a work in progress. The future is filled with challenges, and to meet the challenges there has always been the need to raise a new breed of leaders. As governor of Niger State since May 2023, Bago has given practical meaning to the maxim of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt that the “future lies with those wise political leaders who realise that the great public is interested more in government than in politics.”

    •Abdulrazaq Magaji – magaji778@gmail.com

  • Nigeria: Silence of the majority, folly of the moment

    Nigeria: Silence of the majority, folly of the moment

    • By Omenazu Jackson

    Sir: Nigeria, often described as the “Giant of Africa,” finds itself trapped in a cycle of missed opportunities, recurring political crises, and underdevelopment. At the core of this stagnation lies a troubling paradox: the silence of the majority and the folly of the moment.

    Nigeria’s population, estimated at over 220 million, is overwhelmingly youthful and vibrant. However, this majority often remains voiceless in matters of governance and national direction. Silence, in this context, is not always literal. It manifests in voter apathy, in the acceptance of injustice as normal, in the fear of speaking truth to power, and in the prioritisation of survival over civic engagement.

    Decades of broken promises, systemic corruption, and brutality—both military and civilian—have taught many Nigerians that speaking out can be dangerous and futile. The masses have become spectators in their own country, watching elites exchange power while the socioeconomic conditions worsen. This silence is not born from ignorance, but from disillusionment.

    Yet, silence has a cost. When the majority refuses to engage, a minority seizes control—not necessarily because it is more capable, but because it is more willing. And so, Nigeria continues to be led by a revolving door of opportunists, many of whom serve self-interest rather than the national good.

    Nigeria’s political history is littered with decisions that prioritise short-term gains over long-term stability. Whether it is electing leaders based on ethnic or religious affiliations, accepting last-minute handouts before elections, or embracing populist rhetoric with no clear policy direction, Nigerians often fall victim to the folly of the moment.

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    In every election cycle, the signs are familiar: recycled politicians, shallow manifestos, and emotionally charged campaigns that exploit divisions rather than propose solutions. The consequences are predictable—once elected, such leaders rarely deliver on promises. Public funds are looted, institutions weakened, and the same cycle repeats.

    What drives this folly? Partly desperation, partly manipulation. Many Nigerians live below the poverty line and are easily swayed by immediate benefits—bags of rice, cash gifts, temporary jobs. Politicians understand this and use poverty as a tool of control, buying compliance with breadcrumbs from the national loaf.

    Nigeria’s path to true greatness will not come from foreign aid or international interventions. It will come when the silent majority finds its voice and demands accountability. It will come when Nigerians begin to think beyond the moment and invest in sustainable, value-driven leadership.

    This requires civic education, economic empowerment, and platforms for honest dialogue. It requires technology and social media to be used not just for entertainment, but as tools for mobilisation, transparency, and advocacy. It requires courage—especially from the youth, the middle class, and the intellectuals—to challenge the status quo.

    •Dr Omenazu Jackson

    omenajak@yahoo.com

  • In defence of Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    In defence of Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    • By James Nwachukwu

    Sir: The recently published writing of one Uche Ezewudo resorted to concocting some de-marketing narratives in his petty media warfare with a federal law maker whose sin was nothing but building a grassroots team for the leader of his party, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in Abia State, through his new initiative, RENEWED HOPE PARTNERS, a group aimed at projecting the good works of the current administration and raising structures for an increased vote for the party in 2027.

    Ezewudo spun tales of power tussles between the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Okezie Kalu, and the governors of the South East, whereas a robust relationship exists between Kalu and the governors. 

    Surely, this hatchet writer needs a timeline of the deputy speaker’s most recent synergistic affinities with the governors of the South East to repudiate his unfounded claims.

    Between May 2 and 3, 2025, Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State played host to the deputy speaker at the Government House during the maiden gathering of the Nigerian Former Legislators  Forum (NFLF) in Enugu, convened by Kalu. To further demonstrate the extent of that relationship, the governor, who had earlier kicked off the marathon exercise with Kalu, later graced the event at the newly commissioned International Conference Centre (ICC), hosted by the deputy speaker. It is needless to echo Mbah’s encomiums on Kalu for his legislative sagacity, foresight and indefatigability. That was the third time the deputy speaker was visiting him as governor of Enugu State.

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    Also, Ezewudo blinded his eyes to the rousing reception and brotherly embrace Governor Soludo of Anambra accorded the deputy speaker during the recent visit of President Tinubu to the state, an event he personally insisted the deputy speaker must grace because of their warm relationship. In fact, Kalu had before then visited him more than four times.

    Yet again, he blinded himself to the display of brotherly love that played out during the recent 2024 Vanguard Award in Lagos, where Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma was an awardee, which Kalu graced in solidarity with his big brother. Flying into Lagos from Abuja with over 20 high-profile politicians and business men to honour a brother meant so much to him.

    Also, Kalu attended an APC South East Stakeholders meeting in Ebonyi State, where a notable display of camaraderie was witnessed between him and Governor Nwifuru. The deputy speaker lauded Nwifuru’s efforts in building on the significant progress made by his predecessor, showcasing a spirit of collaboration and mutual respect. That was the second time he was visiting Nwifuru as a state governor.

    And for Dr Alex Otti, Kalu’s home state governor, the bond between them transcends their political affiliations, rooted in a long-standing friendship that predates their entry into politics. The deputy speaker and the governor share a deep-seated friendship that has withstood the test of time. Their familiarity and affection are evident in Kalu’s fond reference to Otti as ‘De Ally,’ a term of endearment that speaks to the familial bonds, trust and brotherly love that defines their relationship. It was the same Otti who gathered the entire traditional rulers of the state to welcome the deputy speaker after his election in 2023 to Abia, and conferred on him the highest chieftaincy title in Abia State, which only one person holds for a lifetime, ENYI ABIA (the Great Elephant of Abia State).

    In the course of their service to the people and the nation, Kalu has consistently demonstrated his commitment to mutual collaborations, frequently attending state functions in Abia at Governor Otti’s invitation, as well as attracting projects beyond Bende federal constituency, which he represents at the National Assembly.

    Notably, Kalu’s working relationships are built on mutual respect and shared goals, rather than emotional attachments, as evidenced by his professional interactions with various leaders, including those in the South East. Kalu has no issues with the governors from his region. The region will never function well without the governors. The governors have played major roles in keeping the stability and peace of the region and cannot be belittled by any reasonable leader.

    Talking about wooing notable people in the South East, Kalu’s stellar legislative performance on a daily basis does the magic of attracting personalities. In Abia State, it is no news that a good number of men and women with a high electoral value across the 17 local government areas have since defected to the APC. 

    Ezewudo’s malicious and baseless claims against Kalu are nothing but a desperate attempt to discredit the deputy speaker’s achievements and contributions to Abia and the South East region. But his robust relationships with the governors, his legislative prowess, and his commitment to spreading the Renewed Hope message have all been glaringly evident. Kalu’s impact on the region, particularly through the Peace In South East Project (PISE-P), has been transformative. The South East Development Commission (SEDC) testifies to his advocacy and dedication to the region’s development.

    This hatchet job will not deter Kalu’s determination as he continues to project the party’s agenda and ensure President Tinubu’s reelection in 2027.

    •James Nwachukwu

    Umuahia, Abia State

  • Why increasing electricity tariffs won’t solve problem

    Why increasing electricity tariffs won’t solve problem

    • By Monica Maduekwe

    Sir: Nigeria’s long-standing struggle to provide stable electricity reveals something more fundamental than technical or financial challenges: it points to a system that either lacks the will or the capacity to deliver on its promises. If low tariffs were truly the core problem, then after years of reforms, countless policies and multiple price adjustments, we would have solved it by now.

    Electricity is a market, yes—but not just any market. While it involves supply, demand and pricing like others, electricity underpins the entire economy. When power costs are too high, the effects ripple across production, manufacturing, service delivery and daily life. Local goods become uncompetitive, businesses shut down and economic growth slows. A government serious about development must regard a functional electricity market as non-negotiable.

    The fact that Nigeria has failed to build such a market decades after independence raises critical questions. Is it a lack of political will or a lack of institutional capacity?

    Let’s assume the will exists. That makes the capacity gap even more troubling. The technologies to achieve universal electricity access are available. The global body of knowledge on market design, regulation and grid modernisation is vast. The issue is not knowledge, but implementation.

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    Why is that? One likely explanation is interference from entrenched interests whose agendas are misaligned with the goal of reliable electricity for all Nigerians. These may be individuals or groups—both public and private—who benefit from the current dysfunction. Upstream, we see this when substandard equipment is procured to maximise profit margins, contracts are awarded on anything but merit, or power projects are approved without rigorous supervision, leading to recurring breakdowns and reinvestment cycles.

    Downstream, the sabotage continues: electricity infrastructure is vandalised or repurposed for personal gain, meters are bypassed, and large users simply refuse to pay their bills, sometimes using intimidation. These are not isolated incidents; they are routine, systemic, and corrosive.

    While no society is immune to dysfunction, the difference in Nigeria is that these behaviours occur so frequently and at such scale that they undermine even well-meaning policy interventions. This is not about blaming citizens. A high-performing government is one that can resist such pressures and deliver outcomes regardless.

    Against this backdrop, the government’s plan to increase electricity tariffs, citing the unsustainability of subsidies, seems dangerously simplistic. Proponents argue that higher prices will attract investment. But what if, instead, they push more consumers toward self-generation? Already, many households and businesses rely on solar systems, diesel generators, or standalone gas solutions. This trend could fragment the grid further, reduce economies of scale, and widen the gap between those who can afford reliable power and those who cannot.

    How do we achieve universal energy access and net-zero emissions in the power sector when energy decisions become household decisions, rather than a national, government-led strategy?

    A steady climb in electricity tariffs, without addressing the underlying structural and governance issues, will not deliver lasting results. At best, these strategies offer the fleeting comfort of ointment on a deep wound. Without a systemic rethink, electricity may remain one of Nigeria’s most enduring failures.

    What then must be done? Despite this grim picture, the current administration has an opportunity to write a different chapter in the story of Nigeria’s power sector. Minister Adebayo Adelabu could go down in history as the son of the soil who instilled a culture of excellence in a sector long plagued by mediocrity.

    At the personal level, this means reviving a culture of meritocracy, attention to detail, discipline, and pride in work—from subordinates to supervisors. At a systemic level, it means:  Adopting a mindset that failure in the power sector is a personal failure for every staff member in relevant MDAs—federal and state alike; Tracking institutional capacity, by establishing and publishing clear indicators of delivery success and accountability; Establishing a leadership track, identifying and grooming young talent to rise into reform-driven leadership roles.

    Nigeria has dwelt too long in the land of quick fixes. Yes, when there is a fire, the instinct is to find a bucket and douse the flames. But we must also ask: what caused the fire, and how do we prevent the next one?

    Whether increasing tariffs is good or bad is the wrong question. It is not good for the government, which seeks economic growth, nor for the citizens, who will bear the burden. But if accompanied by bold, systemic reforms, such moves could at least reflect solidarity with the people and a genuine determination to break free from the cycles that have held the sector back for decades.

    •Monica Maduekwe

    PUTTRU, Abuja

  • Strengthening democracy via regional partnership

    Strengthening democracy via regional partnership

    Sir: The Regional Partnership for Democracy (RPD) represents a timely and essential initiative in the pursuit of inclusive, accountable, and resilient political systems across West Africa. This forward-thinking initiative launched by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), not only underscores Nigeria’s commitment to deepening democratic governance in West Africa, but also highlights the essential role of regional cooperation in overcoming common challenges to democracy. Countries in West Africa had faced various political and socio-economic challenges; the RPD Programme aims to serve as a beacon of hope for citizens striving for better governance and civic engagement.

    Recently, high-level discussions have taken place between key figures involved in the RPD, through a series of stakeholders’ engagement strategy, which brings together the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, UNDP and Civil Society Organisations. This African-led initiative aims to strengthen democratic institutions by promoting inclusive participation and embedding resilience into governance across West Africa. This reflects Nigeria’s commitment to sustainable, people-centred reform, peace and security efforts.

    The RPD Programme is part of Nigeria’s broader Foreign Policy strategy, which is focused on Democracy, Development, Demography and Diaspora. This initiative not only supports sustainable governance, but also empowers communities fostering a resilient and vibrant democratic landscape across West Africa.

    West Africa has a history of political transitions and democratic challenges, with fragile governments ousted by a spate of military coups; violent extremist organisations have continued to expand their footprint across territories consisting of transnational security risks. The RPD seeks to confront these challenges head-on by leveraging collective resources and secure democratic stability and governance reform across West Africa.

    The central goals of the RPD are to promote inclusion, promote reforms and strengthen institutions. Institutional reforms aimed at enhancing the rule of law are essential for promoting public confidence in democratic processes, safeguarding human rights, and upholding justice. The civic space is vital for fostering inclusive governance, as they serve as pillars of democratic legitimacy and accountability.

    African countries need to find a way to solve their problems their own way. The RPD emphasises the promotion of African-led solutions to problems faced within the region. This provides a platform for collaboration among governments, civil society, academia, media, and development partners; the initiative aspires to harness local knowledge and foster innovative reforms.

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    Nigeria’s unique leadership role within the African Union (AU) places it in a pivotal position to drive regional approaches to governance reform. As one of the largest and most influential countries in West Africa, Nigeria possesses the resources and political will to lead by example. By working closely with the UNDP and other key stakeholders, Nigeria can align national strategies with regional frameworks, fostering more transparent, inclusive, and sustainable democratic outcomes. This leadership role is essential for strengthening democratic reforms and fostering regional dialogue.

    The RPD can effectively address the root causes of democratic challenges in West Africa. Furthermore, the collaboration between the RPD and UNDP will enhance the production of evidence-based strategies and policies, ultimately leading to more informed decision-making at all levels of governance.

    As the RPD is piloted across West Africa, it is essential to establish clear mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation. These mechanisms will enable stakeholders to assess the initiative’s effectiveness and make necessary adjustments along the way. The ability to evaluate progress not only enhances accountability but also reinforces the commitment of all partners involved in promoting democratic governance.

    Additionally, involving citizens in this evaluation process can bolster public trust in democratic institutions. When citizens are aware of how their governments are performing in relation to democratic commitments, they are better equipped to hold leaders accountable and advocate for necessary reforms. This transparency serves as a cornerstone for a robust democratic culture and contributes to strengthening the social contract between citizens and their governments.

    The Regional Partnership for Democracy stands as a significant step towards strengthening democracy in West Africa, symbolises a collective vision for a region where inclusive, accountable, and resilient political systems prevail, ultimately contributing to peace, stability, and prosperity. By working together, Nigeria, the UNDP, and other stakeholders can cultivate an environment where citizens feel empowered to participate actively in the democratic process.

    As the initiative unfolds, Nigeria’s leadership and operational role will be instrumental in shaping not only the design and implementation of the RPD but also in facilitating knowledge-sharing processes that can inspire reforms across the region. The success of the RPD relies on the commitment of all stakeholders to uphold the principles of democracy, harness local expertise, and work collaboratively towards a brighter future for West Africa.

    •Isah Aliyu Chiroma aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com

  • Yoruba films and Oyo obsession

    Yoruba films and Oyo obsession

    Sir: In recent years, Yoruba-language movies have taken a commanding stride onto the global stage, with ambitious historical epics capturing both cultural pride and critical acclaim. From ‘Aníkúlápó’ to ‘Jagun Jagun,’ and from ‘House of Gaa’ to ‘Elesin Oba,’ the spotlight has frequently settled on one recurring protagonist—not a person, but a place: the ancient Oyo Empire.

    Even ‘The Woman King,’ a Hollywood production inspired by the ‘Dahomey Amazons,’ could not resist the gravitational pull of Oyo’s far-reaching influence. And now, with the debut of ‘Kabiyesi’ on Africa Magic, another battle epic set in Oyo unfolds on screen.

    Some movie enthusiasts are beginning to ask: Must every Yoruba epic lead us back to Oyo? The question is fair. But so is the answer many historians and cultural custodians would offer: Yes—because Oyo was not just a kingdom; it was an empire. At its peak between the 17th and 19th centuries, Oyo dominated much of present-day Western Nigeria and extended its political, military, and economic influence into modern-day Benin and Togo. It commanded vassal states, shaped regional trade, waged monumental wars, and institutionalised a governance system that still intrigues scholars.

    To depict Yoruba history without touching Oyo is akin to retelling the story of Rome and skipping Caesar. Or documenting Greek mythology while ignoring Mount Olympus.

    Even stories centered elsewhere often find their narrative arc intersecting Oyo’s domain. The ‘Lisabi’ story, an Egba tale of heroism, gains full resonance only in the context of resistance against Oyo’s overreach. The ‘Woman King,’ though primarily focused on Dahomey, couldn’t help but portray its fraught relationship with Oyo overlords.

    In that context, Oyo is not overexposed—it is underexplored. The truth is, Yoruba cinema has barely scratched the surface of Oyo’s storied past. Entire chapters of its influence remain untouched on screen—the famed Kiriji War that saw Ekiti-Parapo rise against Ibadan, the final heir of Oyo’s military culture; the rise of Ibadan war generals like Balogun Oderinlo and Lagidigba; and the compelling command of Basorun Gaa, whose ruthlessness redefined Oyo politics.

    What about the Kakanfo tradition—Aare Ona Kakanfo, the Empire’s highest military title, carried by fierce warlords like Toyeje, Oluyole, and later, Samuel Ladoke Akintola?

    What about the secret diplomacy between Alaafin Abiodun and colonial agents? The spiritual authority of the Alaafin not just as king, but as the imperial oracle whose command determined life and death across the land? There is still much to tell.

    However, the growing concern about over-concentration on Oyo does not come from ignorance—it often comes from a yearning for balance. Yoruba land is vast, spiritually layered, and ethnically intricate. Each sub-group has its stories, customs, heroes, and battles waiting to be told.

    What of the mystery-laden Eyo Festival in Lagos, with its white-robed masqueraders and regal processions? The tale of Ajagunla, the Igbómìna warrior whose conquests reshaped Eastern Yorubaland? Or the ancestral journey of Odùduwà’s grandchildren, who scattered across the region to found great kingdoms—Alára, Ajèró, and Òràngún?

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    The exile and deification of Sàngó, the warrior-king who became thunder; the sacrifice of Queen Moremi, whose bravery saved Ifè; or the resistance of Oba Esugbayi, who challenged colonial power in Lagos—these are not side stories; they are cinematic goldmines.

    Other under-explored epics include the rise of Òsun-Òsogbo and her first priestess, the bitter Jalumo war, and the establishment of Kétu by the Ànàgó, custodians of Yoruba identity in modern-day Benin Republic.

    Yoruba heritage is a forest of stories—Oyo is the tallest tree, but not the only one. It is the case of “One Story, Many Branches.” Still, the dominance of Oyo narratives should not be mistaken for creative laziness. When European filmmakers return repeatedly to Ancient Greece or the Roman Empire, audiences rarely complain. Spartans, Caesars, Trojan heroes, and gladiators have lived on screen for decades.

    Likewise, Middle Eastern history often centres on Persia or Babylon. North African history leans on Ancient Egypt. When it comes to the Yoruba story, Oyo is our historical equivalent—a central axis around which many other stories rotate.

    The key, perhaps, lies not in abandoning Oyo, but in telling its stories with deeper nuance while interweaving the histories of other Yoruba kingdoms. Yoruba filmmakers today stand at a powerful threshold. They’ve earned local loyalty and global recognition. Now, they can take bolder steps: to amplify lesser-known heroes, explore spiritual origins, and reimagine ancient conflicts through fresh lenses.

    The stories are here. The audience is ready. And the culture is rich enough to carry generations of epic films. Let Oyo continue to shine—but let the light spill generously across the vast canvas of Yoruba civilisation.

    •Opeyemi Amudipe oluwamarc@gmail.com

  • Exercise: Free medicine for a healthy heart

    Exercise: Free medicine for a healthy heart

     Sir: Imagine a pill that slashes your risk of heart disease, lowers blood pressure, eases stress, and improves sleep—with zero side effects. Sounds like a miracle, right?

    The good news: that pill exists. It is called daily exercise. And science confirms it might be the most powerful, accessible medicine for your heart—and your life.

    A 2023 study published in the European Heart Journal followed over 100,000 people worldwide. It found that just 15–30 minutes of moderate activity daily—like brisk walking, cycling, or dancing—cut the risk of heart disease by up to 25%.

    More intense workouts, such as running or high-intensity interval training (HIIT), pushed that benefit even higher—to 35–40%. And the benefits are cumulative, meaning even 5–10-minute bursts throughout the day can add up to big gains.

    Here is what regular movement does for your heart: Strengthens the heart muscle; Lowers blood pressure; Improves cholesterol (reduces bad LDL, increases good HDL); Reduces inflammation, which helps prevent artery blockages.

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    The World Health Organization ranks physical inactivity as one of the top causes of death globally, responsible for over 3.2 million deaths a year—surpassing smoking in some regions.

    When you hear “exercise,” you might picture crowded gyms or strict routines. But heart-healthy movement is much simpler—and more fun—than that.

    A 2022 Harvard study found that just walking 21 minutes a day reduced heart disease risk by 30%. Gardening, taking the stairs, playing with kids, or dancing to Afrobeats or amapiano all count. Your heart does not care how you move—just that you move.

    The American Heart Association recommends: 150 minutes of moderate activity per week, or 75 minutes of vigorous activity, or a mix of both, spread across the week. That is roughly 21 minutes a day—less time than a scroll through social media or a TV show binge.

    Common obstacles include time, motivation, and misinformation. But think of exercise not as a task, but as a gift to your future self. A stronger heart today means fewer hospital visits, less medication, and a longer, healthier life.

    From Lagos to London, Nairobi to New York, the message is the same: your heart thrives on movement.

    If exercise came in a bottle, it would be the world’s best-selling drug. But it is free—and all it takes is a decision to move.

    So tomorrow morning, skip the snooze button. Take a walk. Stretch. Dance. Just move. Your heart will thank you. And science agrees.

    •Maimuna Katuka Aliyu Abuja

  • JAMB’s excuse unacceptable

    JAMB’s excuse unacceptable

    • By Ifunanya Osakwe

    Sir: This year’s Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), conducted in April, recorded a significantly low performance. According to statistics released by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), only 24 percent of candidates scored above 200 out of a possible 400. The vast majority failed to meet the minimum cut-off marks required by most institutions, and public reaction has been swift and scathing.

    Rather than offering a transparent breakdown of what went wrong, JAMB attributed the catastrophe to a “technical glitch.” That explanation, to say the least, is both disappointing and unacceptable.

    Let us be clear, a technical problem on this scale is not a minor mishap. It is a national embarrassment. It questions the integrity of the examination process and the competence of the board entrusted with managing it. These are not just numbers. These are futures. These are young Nigerians who stayed up late studying, whose parents borrowed money to pay registration fees, who believed, however naively, that if they worked hard enough, the system would reward them.

    Instead, many of them logged into their portals after weeks of anticipation, only to be met with inexplicable scores. Some who were confident of their performance reported seeing zeros in subjects they completed without issue. Others claimed they never experienced any technical failure at their centres. Yet, JAMB insists that a system glitch, undefined and unaccounted for, was the root cause.

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    This narrative raises more questions than it answers. If there was a system failure, why wasn’t it flagged and addressed in real-time? Why weren’t candidates alerted immediately and offered a re-sit? Why were results released at all if the board knew they were unreliable? Transparency, in moments like this, is not a luxury, it is a duty.

    It is time we admit the truth: JAMB’s technological infrastructure is either outdated, poorly managed, or both. The board cannot continue to advertise itself as a digital trailblazer while blaming mass failures on “technical issues.” If the system is so fragile that it cannot deliver a national exam reliably, then perhaps it is time to overhaul the entire process or decentralise the examination structure.

    There is also the question of policy. Are we pushing too many candidates into a single testing window? Is the board adequately staffed and trained to handle the volume? Are there third-party contractors managing CBT centres who are not being held accountable?

    The damage is already done. But going forward, there must be consequences. The Minister of Education must launch an independent inquiry into what transpired, and there must be accountability if incompetence or negligence is discovered.

    Moreover, affected students deserve more than a resit and a press release. They deserve justice.

    If JAMB cannot conduct a credible and glitch-free examination, then perhaps it is time to reconsider its central role in the university admissions process. Because right now, it is not just students who have failed, it is the system itself.

    •Ifunanya Osakwe,

    University of Benin (UNIBEN),

    Benin City,

    Edo State