The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Striking teachers and shut schools in Abuja

    Striking teachers and shut schools in Abuja

    Sir: In Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), right in the heart of Nigeria’s seat of power, pupils in public primary schools have remained at home with public primary schools shut as a result of the industrial action embarked upon by primary school teachers over wages.

    What this means is that for more than two months now, human capital development in children from low-income households has completely ground to a halt, stalled by the strike of their teachers.

    As is customary with industrial actions, there was surely a flurry of engagements between the teachers and the government, and a series of warnings and interventions. If none of these worked, the only reasonable conclusion is that someone did not do enough to prevent what is a catastrophe for human capital development in Nigeria.

    This is not the first time this is happening to primary school pupils within the Federal Capital Territory. In fact, this latest strike action is threatening to become a recurrent development.

    It is sad that children in public primary schools are getting used to strike actions because their teachers are disgruntled over wages. It is even sadder that the authorities have shown a lack of tact in managing what has been a thorny problem, leading to more than three such interruptions in the last three years.

    Nigeria is a country of boundless potential. With its abundance of human and natural resources, Nigeria should have no business with multidimensional poverty. Yet, tragically, 83% of the world’s extremely poor people now live in Nigeria. Never has there been a better case study of what happens when management fails than the country as it is today.

    At the heart of this crisis lie children. The children the country failed to train yesterday have become its problem today. The children it is failing to train today would surely pose a handful tomorrow.

    A country that allows its schools to close is one that opens its gates to its enemies. Every shut school is a highway to prison as education is the foundation of every egalitarian society; and without education, crime, and poverty enjoy a field day.

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    Education is invaluable to the human person. For children, especially those from extreme poverty, it is a lifeline, an equaliser, an indescribable gift.

    No sane country would allow this kind of systematic compromise of its future to happen on its watch. Given the critical role human capital development plays in national development, no serious society would allow the human capital of its youngest to fall under the hammer of systemic labour disputes, poor funding and regulatory inefficiency.

    It is roundly scandalous that the pupils were allowed to miss their end-of-term exams and have again been missing crucial school work in the new term with devastating consequences for the children, their families, and the country at large.

    Every day the children spend at home is a lost opportunity for Nigeria. The loss of social and economic value through the lack of human capital development in children, zero productivity from the striking teachers and interruptions to the jobs or businesses of parents whose schedules have been disrupted because children who should be in school are at home.

    The consequences of this kind of disruption are usually years in the making. But come they must, especially for a country where critical sectors are managed by grossly irresponsible and embarrassingly inept people.

    •Kene Obiezu keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Oloyede: Blind rage against truth and leadership

    Oloyede: Blind rage against truth and leadership

    Sir: One of the few administrators I deeply respect in Nigeria is Prof. Is-haq Oloyede. His credentials speak for themselves. His impact is as visible as the sun in a cloudless sky. As Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, he pulled the institution out of relative obscurity and into national prominence, making it Nigeria’s top university for several consecutive years.

    When he took the helm at the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), he brought the same transformative touch. Under his leadership, the once corruption-ridden institution became a model of transparency, efficiency, and accountability. He digitalised the Board’s operations and drastically increased remittances to government coffers, without inflating costs for candidates.

    Prof. Oloyede is one of the few public figures in Nigeria with a spotless record, no corruption scandals, no bribery allegations, no hidden skeletons. Both his personal and public lives have been bereft of tribalism, fanaticism or favouritism.

    Sadly, when the recent Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) glitches occurred, many Nigerians, motivated by Twitter trends and half-truths, turned on him with astonishing speed. We need to understand that criticism is not condemnation. We must learn the difference.

    Criticism is rooted in reason. It aims at improvement. It identifies flaws and suggests remedies. It leaves room for redemption, for learning, for growth. It corrects what is broken. Condemnation, on the other hand, exists only to destroy. It shames without offering solutions. It mocks without attempting understanding. It closes the door to progress and paints every mistake in the darkest shade. Condemnation crushes.

    Some have taken their pure poppycock even further, twisting it into an ethnic and religious narrative. They claim the UTME glitches were intentionally orchestrated to mock the Eastern region of Nigeria, suggesting that the failure disproportionately targeted that area. In their blind rage, they conveniently ignore the fact that Lagos, far from the East, was also significantly affected. This descent into ethno-religious blame games is not just illogical; it is dangerous. It drags us further away from truth and progress, and plunges us deeper into division. If we continue down this path, we will earn more disdain and destruction than national unity or development.

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    When the UTME technical issues broke out, JAMB responded with rare urgency. Unlike the typical arrogance of Nigerian institutions that always insist “nothing went wrong,” JAMB listened. An independent investigation followed. Experts from diverse, technically competent fields confirmed that no fewer than 165 of the 800+ centres were compromised. And what did Prof. Oloyede do? He owned it. He told the truth, with clarity and conviction. He apologised to affected candidates. He implemented corrective measures immediately. And he didn’t hide behind bureaucracy.

    But Nigeria is a place where honesty is a threat and humility is mocked. We say we want our leaders to take responsibility. But, the moment one does, we descend like vultures on fresh meat. We drag them. We insult them. We cancel them. As the Gen Zs would say, “we pour spit on them.”

    This is exactly why most of our politicians and public officers never admit wrongdoing. They know what awaits them isn’t engagement, but public crucifixion. Not feedback, but fury. Not reform, but ridicule. And it is a shame. We shout “accountability” in public but destroy those who dare to embody it. We claim to loathe dishonesty, yet crucify integrity when it makes a human mistake and owns up to it.

    If you still cannot recognise Oloyede’s brilliance, blame not the man. Blame your own blindness. After all, it is not the sun’s fault that the blind cannot see it.

    So, what do we really want? A better country? Or just another excuse to make noise? This moment demands that we pause and think. Not react. Not condemn. But reason. If we keep punishing the few good ones, who then will stand up to fix the broken walls?

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa Folorunsofatai03@gmail.com

  • National Assembly should reconsider rotational presidency

    National Assembly should reconsider rotational presidency

    By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

      Sir: Nigeria is a diverse nation facing unprecedented insecurity and ongoing religious and ethnic violence. Implementing a rotational presidency would undoubtedly promote peace, unity, tolerance, and rapid development across the country. It’s crucial to recognise that since the beginning of our democracy, certain geopolitical zones have yet to produce a president. This situation poses a significant threat to our democracy as some regions and ethnic groups are agitating for disintegration.

      Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, from Ogun State in the South West, ruled Nigeria for eight years, from 1999 to 2007. After his tenure, the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from Katsina State in the North West assumed the presidency for two years. Following his death, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan served as interim president for two years, and was later re-elected in 2011; he hails from Bayelsa State in the South-South geopolitical zone.

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      In 2015, Muhammadu Buhari took office and served for eight years, also representing the North West, the same region as the late Yar’Adua. Currently, Bola Ahmed Tinubu occupies the position of president and is from the same geopolitical zone as Olusegun Obasanjo. This indicates that power is primarily rotating among just three geopolitical zones—South West, North West, and South-South—out of the six that exist in the country. The North East, South East, and North Central zones have never produced a president.

      This exclusion has sparked threats of disintegration, particularly from the South East, which feels marginalised despite significantly contributing to the nation’s revenue. Additionally, the North Central and North East zones have never had a president, even though they have historically supported the North West and South West in producing presidents on multiple occasions.  Clearly, the focus of power rotation is limited to the South West and North West, with the South South having produced a president only once, seemingly by chance.

      This narrow rotation undermines democracy, exacerbates instability, and hinders development in the other regions. While the North West and South West are currently the most developed zones in the country, power must rotate among all six geopolitical zones rather than being restricted to just two.

      Therefore, the recent rejection of the rotational presidency bill by the National Assembly is an undesirable and undemocratic move, given the nation’s diversity. Passing this bill into law would enhance Nigeria’s global standing and strengthen its democracy. It is high time the three underrepresented regions began producing presidents, rather than just vice presidents. Accomplishing this would foster a sense of belonging among all Nigerians and significantly improve national peace, unity, and development.

      However, the continued exclusion of certain zones from presidential opportunities compromises the nation’s overall development. It is essential to urge the National Assembly to reconsider the bill for a better Nigeria.

      • Ukasha Rabiu Magama

      Magama, Toro, Bauchi State

    • Wrong approach to crashing food prices

      Wrong approach to crashing food prices

      • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

      Sir: In 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu granted duty waivers for the importation of key food items such as rice, maize, wheat, sorghum, and others. This decision was intended to tackle soaring food prices and has indeed led to a significant drop in the prices of food commodities.

      On May 15 2025, the Chairman of BUA Group, Abdul Samad Rabiu, announced that his company is intensifying efforts to further reduce the prices of rice and other essential commodities. While this gesture may appear patriotic and commendable, it raises critical questions: Is Abdul Samad a farmer? Shouldn’t such statements about food pricing and availability come from actual farmers and those directly involved in food production?

      To be fair, the massive and often irrational hoarding of food items by middlemen has created artificial scarcity and price hikes, which may have prompted the government intervention and Abdul Samad’s statement. However, these efforts, though well-intentioned, highlight a deeper, systemic problem that cannot be solved by importation alone.

      The government’s current approach, focused on crashing food prices through imports, is hurting local farmers and ultimately unsustainable.

      While reducing food prices is essential for national food security and the wellbeing of ordinary Nigerians, the pathway to achieving this goal must be rooted in empowering local producers. Farmers are the real drivers of food affordability. Without supporting them, any temporary relief brought by food imports will ‘collapse’ the local economy under the weight of neglected domestic agriculture.

      President Tinubu should prioritise policies that strengthen local agricultural capacity. This includes granting duty waivers not just for imported food, but more importantly for farm inputs, such as seeds, fertilizers, equipment, and agrochemicals. Supporting local agrochemical manufacturers and agro merchant firms will boost productivity and reduce dependence on foreign inputs.

      Moreover, providing farmers with easy access to affordable loans is critical. Many smallholder farmers lack the capital to invest in modern tools or expand their operations. Through targeted financing and robust extension services, the government can unleash the full potential of Nigeria’s agricultural sector, though many farmers and officials have abused several well-intentioned government incentives for agribusinesses.

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      If current policies continue to favour food importation over local production, the consequences could be dire. The economy may suffer, and Nigeria’s food security will become dangerously dependent on foreign nations. This dependency not only undermines national sovereignty but also exposes the country to global agricultural market shocks.

      Agriculture remains an important sector of Nigeria’s economy. Farmers contribute roughly 25% to the nation’s GDP. It is also the largest employer of labour, with over 25 million people, about 30.1% of the total workforce engaged in the sector. According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), more than 70% of Nigerians participate in agriculture in some form.

      Clearly, supporting local farming is not just about food; it is about livelihoods, national development, and economic stability.

      Cheaper food prices are indeed crucial for Nigeria’s survival, but they must be achieved the right way, through robust, self-reliant, and locally-driven food production. Supporting and scaling small, medium large-scale farming across the country will naturally lead to lower prices, eliminate hoarding, increase food exports, and align with the Tinubu administration’s stated “Nigeria First” policy.

      Food imports are a short-term fix; now is the time to shift to long-term solutions by putting farmers at the centre of President Tinubu’s government food policies and programmes.

      •Zayyad I. Muhammad

      Abuja

    • Can UN slim down to scale up impact?

      Can UN slim down to scale up impact?

      Sir: The United Nations (UN) has long been the cornerstone of global peace and diplomacy, conflict resolution and humanitarian efforts since its formation at the end of World War II in 1945. However, recent discussions about scaling down the UN, whether due to budgetary constraints, political pressure or call for reform, have raised significant concerns about its ability to maintain world peace and effectively carry out its operations.

      Since the inauguration of US President Donald Trump in January, his Make America Great Again (MAGA) maxim has tilted the world towards unilateralism. The US seeks to cut its financial assistance to the global body by 40 percent, citing that such funds are more urgently needed in America than elsewhere. Major contributors like Japan, Germany, China and Norway have occasionally pushed for cutting measures, arguing for more efficient use of funds.

      Again, political distrust among most UN member states has led to some states criticising the global body for inefficiency, bureaucratic bottlenecks in its operations or perceived bias leading to reduced funding support. In recent years, increased political distrust among states has significantly impacted the UN’s effectiveness. This distrust has led to a decline in trust in the UN itself, hindering cooperation and compromise, particularly within the Security Council.

      Additionally, fraying geopolitical relations and resource constraints have reduced the UN’s influence on global issues. For instance, the Russian-Ukraine War has dominated UN business, making it difficult for the Security Council to function constructively on other pertinent issues.

      It is worthy of note that there has been a renewed push towards regional organisations; entities like the Africa Union (AU), European Union (EU) and even the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as well as the Southern African Development Commission (SADC) etc. have taken up more responsibility and roles hitherto done by the UN, thereby reducing the global body’s role in either peacekeeping, mediation or resolution as the case may be.

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      It is pertinent to note that critics against the UN’s age-long aversion to reform have argued that the UN’s structure, for instance, the Security Council veto power is outdated, leading to paralysis on key issues, particularly when permanent members have blocked resolutions on issues like Macedonia, Syria, and Israel-Palestine.

      The use of the veto has hampered the UN’s ability to act on global security crises, especially when a resolution could have provided an opportunity for the UN to intervene. For example, Russia’s vetoes on Syria in October of 2016. Also, its inability to expand the Security Council membership to reflect a changed world has been criticised by many, especially in the emerging world.

       A downsized United Nations could reduce conflict mediation across the globe as the global body may struggle to deploy peacekeeping missions or mediate disputes, thereby increasing the risk of unchecked conflicts such as in Yemen, Sudan and Somalia. Similarly, much as an effective and efficient UN is needed, especially in scaling down its operations, there is danger in the fact that a weakened UN which has promoted multilateralism could embolden unilateral actions by powerful states such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and Israel’s relentless annexation of Gaza since October, 2023 as well as US government’s weaponising of trade tariffs against perceived trade adversaries could ultimately undermine collective security.

      The UN downsizing could even jeopardise its humanitarian crisis management agencies such as United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), World Food Programme (WFP), United Nations Children Fund (UNICEP), which may face funding cuts, worsening response on famine, refugee crisis and pandemic as the UN provides critical basic services like healthcare, education, potable water, electricity and security to the world’s forgotten places and people.

      Downsizing the UN means its ability to cover fewer peacekeeping missions, potentially leading to forced withdrawal of troops from volatile regions, creating security vacuums, especially in less talked about conflicts like in Somalia, Yemen, Sudan and even the Democratic Republic of Congo.

      A weakened UN could erode known human norms, which was one of the fundamental basics for its formation and its 1948 adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UN plays a key role in upholding international law e.g. (International Criminal Court, ICC, International Court of Justice, ICJ); weakening it may reduce accountability for human rights violations.

      Furthermore, decline in development programmes across the globe could be witnessed, if the current push for downsizing is done, meaning projects supporting the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) could suffer, slowing progress in poverty reduction, healthcare and climate actions.

      In conclusion, while some argue that downsizing could lead to a more efficient UN, the risk to global stability is substantial. The UN’s role in preventing conflicts, aiding vulnerable populations and fostering cooperation remains irreplaceable. Instead of drastic cuts, a balanced approach of combining prudent reforms with sustainable funding from member states may be the best way to ensure the UN continues to serve as a pillar for world peace and diplomacy.

      •Anagba, Joseph Obidi

      Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Abuja

    • Sokoto’s water revolution

      Sokoto’s water revolution

      Sir: Water, as emphasised in the Holy Qur’an, is the very essence of life. In Surah Al-Anbiya (21:30), Allah reminds us: “We made from water every living thing. Will they not then believe?” This sacred injunction speaks not just to the spiritual, but also to the practical obligation of leaders to ensure the availability of this divine gift. In Sokoto State, that obligation has found a champion in Governor Ahmed Aliyu. 

      Since assuming office, Governor Aliyu has confronted the state’s water crisis with dogged determination, placing water supply at the heart of his administration’s nine-point development agenda. And rightly so. For years, residents of Sokoto State endured unimaginable hardships, struggling to access clean and affordable water. It was a humanitarian crisis that defied logic—people paid as much as N1,000 for a few jerrycans of water.

      The urgency of the situation demanded not just policy intervention, but a moral response. Dr Aliyu, a deeply religious and people-focused leader, responded by declaring a state of emergency on water supply within his first three months in office. And true to the principles of both governance and faith, he didn’t just make pronouncements—he acted decisively and the water problems of Sokoto are now a thing of the past.

      One of the cornerstones of this bold intervention is the ‘40 Million Gallons Daily Water Project.’ Initiated by the Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko administration but later abandoned by the immediate past administration, the project had become a symbol of unfulfilled promise. Governor Aliyu resuscitated it with fresh commitment, fresh funding, and a fresh sense of urgency.

      The project is both ambitious and strategic, designed to serve millions across the Sokoto metropolis and neighbouring communities. It covers six major locations: Old Airport, Mana, Tamaje, and Gagi—each site designed to hold 3 million gallons, totaling 12 million gallons; Rugga Liman, the largest with a massive 20-million-gallon capacity; and Runjin Sambo, delivering 8 million gallons.

      As of now, two of the sites—Tamaje and Old Airport—are completed and awaiting commissioning. Construction at the remaining locations is 70% complete and expected to wrap up before the onset of the rainy season.

      This isn’t just about numbers. The impact of this project on public health, education, sanitation, and overall quality of life will be far-reaching. It’s a game changer for the growing population of Sokoto, who will finally have reliable access to clean and safe water.

      But the governor’s water strategy doesn’t stop at mega projects alone. Realising that small, decentralised water sources are equally vital, the administration embarked on a Borehole Renovation Project that’s bringing life back to 19 boreholes across metropolitan local governments, including Sokoto North, Sokoto South, Kware, and Dange/Shuni. These boreholes had long fallen into disrepair, forgotten by the previous administration and left to decay.

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      Governor Aliyu’s approach here is both technical and innovative. The boreholes are being upgraded with solar-powered pumps and modern filtration systems to ensure sustainability and resilience in the face of erratic power supply and climate challenges. The renovation, now 70% complete, spans across Arkilla Liman, Kontagora Road, Abuja Road, Yauri Flats, Guiwa G Line, Guiwa Low-cost (two boreholes), Gidan Igwai, Kofar Kware, More 1 and 2, Fakon Idi, Danbuwa Gidan Sarki, Danbuwa Fed. Project, Mana, Gagi, Ibrahim Gusau Primary School, Danfili Area, Tudun Wada Madatsa, and Tudun Wada Bayan Icce.

      In each of these places, clean water is returning—quietly but surely. It is no surprise, then, that the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Sokoto State recently passed a unanimous vote of confidence in Governor Aliyu. While that might sound political on the surface, the weight behind the gesture is rooted in verifiable actions—actions like fixing the water crisis.

      Water is a daily need. You can’t fake its presence or absence. And when water flows from once-dry taps, or when communities that used to trek miles to fetch water now fill their pots at the doorstep, it’s impossible to ignore. Aliyu has given the people of Sokoto a miracle they can touch, taste, and live.

      This is leadership that listens. Leadership that acts. Leadership that aligns policy with divine principle. Water, as the Qur’an teaches, is life. And by ensuring its availability, Governor Aliyu is giving life back to Sokoto—one gallon at a time.

      The journey is far from over, but the direction is right, and the pace is encouraging. The transformation being recorded in the water sector is a sign of bigger things to come across other facets of the state’s development. The evidence of this assurance is in the numbers presented as the governor’s scorecard. We urge all who care to go and verify.

      In the final analysis, Dr Aliyu is not just providing water; he’s restoring dignity, hope, and health. And that, in every language and every faith, is true leadership. And as he marches towards the halfway point of his first term, the people of Sokoto will be safe in the knowledge that they have found in Governor Aliyu, a leader for all seasons.

      •Abdul’azeez Musa Sokoto

    • Let’s go solar

      Let’s go solar

      Sir: A day after I purchased my portable power station, I was watching a football match with a few friends when, twenty minutes into the game, we experienced a power outage. I was not surprised, especially given the unpredictable nature of our national grid.

       Deciding to make the best of the situation, I fired up my portable power station and, as a friendly neighbour, illuminated the compound by turning on the outdoor lights. This caught my neighbours off guard. Not only do I have a reliable energy source, but I also enjoy the comfort of sleeping peacefully at night without the noise of the generator or the need to turn it off at 11:30 pm or midnight.

      Now, imagine an era marked by the urgent need for renewable energy solutions. The solar industry stands at the forefront of a transformative shift towards sustainable energy, and one of the key challenges faced by this blooming sector is efficient distribution.

      So, how do we talk about wattage without a warehouse? Let us paddle this canoe together carefully.

      As the world swings toward renewable energy sources to fight climate change, solar power emerges as a leading contender in the race for sustainable energy solutions. However, the transition from traditional fossil fuels to solar power is not solely about technology and innovation ─ it also surrounds efficient distribution and logistics. The journey from solar panels stored in warehouses to energy generated in homes and businesses requires a diligent and purpose-driven approach to scaling solar distribution.

      Effective scaling, however, begins in the warehouse, where solar components, such as panels, inverters, batteries and mounting rails, to mention a few, are stored before distribution. Warehousing strategies must include optimal inventory management practices, such as Just-In-Time (JIT) inventory, to minimise holding costs and prevent stock-outs. Implementing advanced inventory tracking systems allows for real-time monitoring of stock levels and demand forecasting, ensuring that popular products are readily available and reducing lead times for installations.

      Also, you will agree with me that efficient distribution is pivotal in the solar industry. A seamless supply chain can significantly reduce costs, enhance installation timelines, and ultimately improve customer satisfaction. Whether it is large- or small-scale installations, the distribution network must be designed to ensure that solar products are delivered safely, on time, and in full (OTIF).

      Again, just to refresh our memory, on the 14th of April, Arnergy announced that the company had secured an $18m series B funding. The question now is: What does this mean to the renewable energy landscape, and how does this benefit Nigeria and Africa at large?

      The $18 million funding secured by Arnergy emphasises the growing investor confidence in renewable energy solutions and the importance of efficient supply chains.

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      With this influx of capital, the company plans to enhance its logistics operations, refine its distribution channels, and expand its presence in key regions. These improvements will not only streamline operations but also reduce costs, ultimately benefiting consumers and making solar solutions more accessible.

      Also, this funding will facilitate the expansion of distribution networks, ensuring that solar products reach marginalised communities.

      By establishing warehouses in strategic locations, the company can significantly cut down on delivery times and costs. This grassroots approach will not only support local economies but also accelerate the adoption of solar technologies in areas where traditional energy sources are still prevalent.

      In addition, the CEO of Arnergy, Femi Adeyemo, while expressing his excitement on LinkedIn, spoke about the velocity the new capital will provide as Arnergy onboard new distribution partners, introduce game-changing products, expand the business reach through new sales outlets, launch new businesses, and provide Nigerians and Africans with platforms to do meaningful work and create wealth.

      His statement above has proven, without a doubt, that the future of solar distribution lies in precision and purpose. Companies that prioritise efficiency, sustainability, and customer satisfaction are likely to thrive in this evolving market. As demand for solar power continues to rise, the industry must adapt and innovate, ensuring that the transition to renewable energy is as seamless and accessible as possible.

      In conclusion, scaling solar distribution effectively is more than just a logistical challenge ─ it is an opportunity to redefine how we harness clean energy. The solar distribution company is not only focused on increasing wattage output but also doing so with a purpose. By optimising warehouse operations, forming strategic partnerships, leveraging technology, and investing in workforce development, the solar industry can create a robust distribution network that meets the energy needs of tomorrow while committing to sustainable practices today. From warehouse to wattage, the journey is a testament to the power of precision and purpose in achieving a greener future.

      Before I drop my pen, recall my neighbours being caught off guard. One of them later knocked on my door to inquire about my power source. I encouraged him to embrace clean energy to help make the world a better place for everyone. I am still waiting for feedback from him because he promised to purchase one of the systems.

      It all starts from the warehouse. Let’s go solar.

      •Temidayo Iyiade Lagos

    • Relevance of an estate surveyor and valuer

      Relevance of an estate surveyor and valuer

      Sir: Somebody walked to me at a function recently and asked a question. He said: ‘’If I am not buying or selling, letting, leasing or renting a property, do I still need an estate surveyor and valuer?’’

      To somebody out there, buying or selling of properties does not define an estate surveyor and valuer, or the depth of the services he renders. In an economy such as ours, even in more developed ones, whether you are buying a property or not, the service of an estate surveyor and valuer is very relevant to our day-to-day activities.

      Think of where you live, the property must be properly managed, and who manages it – an estate surveyor and valuer. There are other areas where you probably might have invested, maybe in a multi-tenanted property, be it office, or other usage where you have numerous tenants, in which case, it is expected that your investment should bring value to you. It is also expected that more investments should be derivable from it. 

      An estate surveyor and valuer will advise you on when to continue investing in a particular area or direction, how to sustain and when to offload your investment, the strategy to apply, as well as giving you the analysis of diversification. You have a lot to gain from the knowledge he provides.

      Specifically on the Nigerian property market, Nigeria is a peculiar country. Though the private sector does not really drive the economy, in the sense that everybody and everything depends on the government, the country remains an investment attraction and commercial destination in Africa.

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      No other investment is comparable to real estate investment. Recollect the losses some investors incurred in the capital market as a result of the global economic meltdown or the global financial crisis some years ago; the consequences were legion and many investors lost heavily. Some are yet to recover from the shock and the losses. This would not happen to real estate investment.

      When you invest in real estate, you are secured and you can always sleep with your eyes closed. It is the only investment that you can feel, touch and behold. If there is a more reliable one, I am yet to know about it. It is not only a reliable investment destination, but a secured, viable and enduring one. It is an investment you can fall back on, in the aftermath of a crisis, it is the only investment that edges against inflation, and it appreciates with time.

      •Tunji OlajumokeLagos

    • Two years of Tinubu’s impactful economic policies

      Two years of Tinubu’s impactful economic policies

      Sir: The administration of President Bola Tinubu will be two years old on May 29, 2025.  He didn’t leave anyone in doubt as to the clear focus of his economic agenda from day one.  At the inauguration ground in Eagle Square, Abuja, he made the now famous and impactful statement that  “fuel subsidy is gone.” Fuel subsidy had been a monster that successive governments were afraid to tackle, perhaps for fear of its political ramifications, especially the reaction of the organised labour.

      President Tinubu made it abundantly clear that tough decisions had to be made to prevent the collapse of the nation’s economy.  The removal of fuel subsidy brought inflationary consequences, resulting in the increase in the prices of virtually all goods and services. To mitigate the negative impact, the president engineered the distribution of palliatives to the most vulnerable in society to cushion the negative effects of the end of the subsidy regime which lasted many decades.

      President Tinubu also made another major economic decision to float the naira or merge the exchange rates (official and parallel markets) in order for the national currency to find its real value.  On every occasion, he explained that what Nigerians were experiencing was temporary, and that, with time, they will enjoy the positive impact of his economic reforms.  In less than two years, Nigerians have begun experiencing the positive impact of the reforms.

      The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently confirmed that Nigeria has fully repaid the $3.4billion financial support it received under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI) to cushion the economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. The IMF’s Resident Representative for Nigeria, Mr Christian Ebeke said the repayment was completed on April 30, 2025. He clarified that Nigeria would however continue to make annual payments of approximately $30million in SDR-related charges over the next few years. This is good news for Nigeria because the repayment would boost the country’s international credit rating and strengthen the naira.

      Nigeria’s overall Debt Stock, both external and domestic, of the Federal Government, the 36 states and the FCT, went down from $108.2billion dollars to $94billion dollars as of December 31, 2024.

      The administration of President Tinubu has also cleared all the verified foreign exchange backlog of about $7billion, which made some foreign airlines to threaten to exit the country.

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      Despite dutifully paying off the backlog and reducing Nigeria’s total debt stock through consistent payments to creditors, the country’s gross external reserves still grew to approximately $41billion. This is significantly higher than the $33billion recorded in 2023.

      Nigeria achieved a Balance of Payments surplus of $6.83billion in 2024. This represents a significant turnaround from deficits of $3.34billion in 2023 and $3.32billion in 2022, reflecting stronger trade performance and increased investors’ confidence in Nigeria’s economy.

      In the last two years, the nation’s non-oil exports increased by 24.6 percent to $7.46billion dollars, while gas exports surged by 48.3 percent to $8.66billion dollars, boosting Nigeria’s overall trade surplus.

      Portfolio investment inflows, which measure   investors’ confidence in a country, rose by 105 percent to $13.35billion in 2024.  The renewed investors’ confidence in Nigeria is largely driven by President Tinubu’s bold macroeconomic reforms.

      The economic reforms so far carried out by the president have significantly improved the revenues of the states. The states and the FCT, now receive more money monthly from the Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). The states are now in a financial position to execute projects that have direct impact on the lives of the people, and also pay the new minimum wage of N70,000.

      The Federal Government share from FAAC is being used to fund  gigantic road projects such as the Lagos- Calabar Coastal Highway and the Sokoto- Badagry superhighway.

      In fact, 74 road projects are going on simultaneously across 24 states of the federation.

      President Tinubu deserves praise for staying the course of his economic reforms despite the negative criticisms from naysayers. He deserves our collective support as he strives to build our present and future.

      •Owaikhena Osikhekha Lagos

    • Rethinking protest methods

      Rethinking protest methods

      Sir: In many parts of the world, especially in developing nations, citizens often find themselves locked in a frustrating cycle with their leaders—demanding change, invoking laws, organising protests, and receiving little to no lasting results. The pattern is familiar: government officials make promises, the people push back when those promises are broken, and protests erupt with passionate cries backed by constitutional rights. Yet, in many instances, the outcome remains the same—silence, delay, or temporary half-measures.

      This reality raises a vital question: are we approaching leadership the right way? Should we continue relying solely on protests, legal stipulations, and harsh rhetoric to compel action, or is there a more effective path? Increasingly, there’s a growing need to explore a different approach—one that appeals to the humanity, conscience, and emotions of our leaders rather than simply challenging their legal obligations or political standing.

      The law is a critical instrument for social order and justice. Protests have historically achieved notable wins—from civil rights movements to anti-colonial struggles. However, not every challenge in governance can be resolved by waving a legal document or chanting slogans on the streets. When these methods are used repetitively without strategic creativity or emotional intelligence, they lose potency. People become desensitised, leaders grow resistant, and society remains in a gridlock of unmet expectations.

      Furthermore, constant confrontation breeds animosity. Leaders feel attacked, citizens feel ignored, and the resulting mistrust poisons the space for dialogue. What is often overlooked is that beyond their titles and offices, leaders are human beings. They have personal stories, fears, aspirations, and even doubts. Speaking to their legal duties alone may not stir them into compassionate action—but speaking to their hearts might.

      History is rich with examples of change driven not by force, but by empathy. When Martin Luther King Jr. spoke of his dream, he painted a picture of unity and equality that stirred the hearts of both black and white Americans. When Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, he did not seek revenge but chose reconciliation—a decision that disarmed his opponents and won global admiration.

      In leadership, emotional appeal can often go further than legal pressure. A well-timed story, a powerful letter, a moving image, or a peaceful gesture can ignite the conscience of even the most hardened public official. It personalises the problem. It stops being about “those people protesting again,” and becomes about a crying mother, a sick child, or a hopeful youth. It transforms abstract issues into real lives.

      Imagine citizens organising a “Day of Empty Plates” to draw attention to hunger, where families place empty dishes outside their homes in silent protest. Or writing personalised letters to a governor from students in a dilapidated school, sharing their dreams and fears. Or religious leaders hosting interfaith vigils to call for peace and justice in their communities. These are humanity gestures—soft yet powerful tools that awaken moral responsibility. They don’t accuse; they invite. They don’t antagonise; they appeal. They make it easier for leaders to say yes, not out of fear or pressure, but out of conviction.

      Read Also: Only 33% of entry-level jobs in Nigeria’s formal sector are held by women – Report

      When we use such methods, we tap into a different kind of power: moral persuasion. We shift from demanding action to inspiring it. And when a leader acts because they want to, rather than because they have to, the results tend to be more sincere and sustainable.

      One of the greatest mistakes in civic engagement is the repeated use of tactics that have proven ineffective. If shouting at the gates of the government house did not work last month, repeating it again and again won’t make it suddenly effective. It is essential for advocates, activists, and concerned citizens to understand that strategy matters as much as the message. Flexibility, creativity, and emotional intelligence should guide our methods. If confrontation doesn’t work, try compassion. If legal petitions fail, try storytelling. If protests are ignored, try symbolic actions. Don’t stay stuck in a loop of frustration. Try something new.

      This is not a call to abandon the rule of law or to stop standing up for justice. It is a call to expand our toolbox—to recognise that getting leaders to act requires more than just laws and protests. It requires engagement that is rooted in humanity, not hostility. Leaders, too, must embrace this mindset. They must open themselves to hear the voices of their people not as threats but as reminders of the sacred duty they hold. A responsive leader is not one who yields only when pushed but one who listens before the cries become screams.

      In the end, true leadership and active citizenship are both acts of the heart. We must speak the truth—but with empathy. We must demand justice—but with dignity. And we must never be afraid to try new ways of engaging our leaders. Sometimes, the softest voice carries the strongest message.

      •Samuel Jekeli Centre for Social Justice, Abuja