The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • Ondo South By-election: Oyewunmi, others lead the pack

    Ondo South By-election: Oyewunmi, others lead the pack

    By Afolabi Samuel

    Senator Jimoh Ibrahim’s transition to an ambassadorial role has declared the Ondo South Senatorial seat vacant, sparking an early race for his successor. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu nominated Senator Ibrahim as one of the 64 ambassadorial nominees late last year. He delivered his valedictory speech on Tuesday, January 21, 2026, after being confirmed as a non-career ambassador, marking the end of his active tenure as the representative for Ondo South. Under Section 68(1) (d) of the Nigerian Constitution, a member of the National Assembly must vacate his seat upon appointment to certain executive or diplomatic roles. While the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has not yet officially scheduled the date for a by-election, the race to replace him is already in full swing within the All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition parties. Several names have surfaced as potential successors to fill the remaining years of the 10th Senate term for the Senatorial District. These include Matthew Oyerinmade (MATO) from Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo LGA; Oladunni Odu, former Secretary to the State Government (SSG) to the late Rotimi Akeredolu (Okitipupa LGA); Mrs Jumoke Akindele, ex-Speaker under Dr. Segun Mimiko (Okitipupa LGA); Mr Morayo Lebi (Irele LGA), Hon. Mayowa Akinfolarin (Odigbo LGA), and Engr Boye Oyewunmi (Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo LGA).

    The entry of these men into the race has made the political landscape in the senatorial district currently very active. Electorates are indeed spoiled for choice with these high-calibre aspirants vying for the senatorial seat. It’s going to be a tough competition.

    Ondo South is a critical senatorial district, often considered as the economic engine of the state due to its oil-producing status. So, only the best is good for the zone. When Jimoh Ibrahim was there, he was one of the most articulate persons known for in-depth knowledge of issues and emotional intelligence. He stood tall among his colleagues shining like a piece of chinaware with his oratorical prowess. You cannot fault his arguments. To fill his vacant seat, we cannot afford to lower the standard.

    Besides, in a district as economically vital and diverse as Ondo South, representation is more than just filling a seat or satisfying a zoning requirement; it is about the total package of the candidate by replacing a ‘like for like’. Given the district’s unique challenges—such as the ecological degradation in the riverine areas, the need for infrastructure in the hinterlands, and the persistent issues with the electricity grid-the “darkness” in the South—the electorate is increasingly looking for specific qualities, including capacity, competence, grassroots connection, compassion and effective representation.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    The Senate is not a place for beginners. The district needs someone who understands the mechanisms of the National Assembly.

    Someone who has the capacity to chair or influence key committees (like the Niger Delta Development Commission, Oil & Gas, or Works).

    There is a need for a candidate who has remained present in the district even when they weren’t holding office. This presence is what builds the trust needed to mobilize the people to vote. Also, the ideal candidate must be media-genic, articulate and knowledgeable. These qualities go a long to determine what you get which is based on performance.

    Over the years, Ondo South has suffered from systemic neglect, particularly regarding the power sector. The electorate is looking for a compassionate representative—someone who has a history of philanthropy or community development before the election cycle. Also, because the district provides the bulk of the state’s wealth, the people want a Senator who can negotiate firmly with the Federal Government and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to ensure that the 13 percent derivation fund and other benefits actually reach the local communities.

    All the names parading the political landscape present rich resumes. To begin with, Matthew Oyerinmade operates in the oil and gas sector in Port Harcourt. And he’s wealthy. However, his major limitation is that he has never served the state in any capacity. He joined the APC in 2022. So, he is more or less a political neophyte.

    Morayo Lebi, a lawyer, has been in the system for a very long time. His active involvement in politics dates back to the era of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) and up to the current ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). He only shows up during election time and pulls back almost immediately.

    Morayo Akinfolarin, in his own case, belongs to the camp of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Bunmi Tunji-Ojo, who  has been involved in supremacy struggle with the State Governor. He cannot go far in his senatorial bid because the structure of the party belongs to the Governor.

    The only aspirant who embodies all the positive attributes earlier listed without blemish is Boye Oyewumi. Apart from the fact that he has been in politics since the era of NADECO, he has also served from the base to the top. He has paid his dues in politics. Among others, his democratic credentials remain the best. He was a member of the Abiola Hope 93 Campaign team and subsequently a notable figure in the NADECO. As the youngest member of the defunct pro-democracy abroad, he actively participated in the struggle for the enthronement of the current democratic dispensation in 1999.

    After taking a shot at the governorship slot, he joined the government of Rotimi Akeredolu, aka Aketi, (SAN) as the Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Development and Investment and subsequently elevated Special Adviser (SA), a cabinet member status. His exemplary performance elevated him to the position of  the pioneer Managing Director (MD) of the Ondo State Investment and Development Promotion Agency (ONDPA) and later the Vice Chairman.  Over the decades, his life has been on the service lane, despite being an established businessman. All major investments in Ondo South, including numerous agricultural projects, afforestation, bitumen, the deep Seaport and industrial sites happened during his time. His contribution to the state is organic and he is a statement of results, not a statement of efforts.

    Additionally, he has the singular honour of opening up the state to aviation. He facilitated Air Peace and brought back Overland, connecting Ondo state with both Lagos and Abuja, the two most important cities for Development. He revitalised Okitipupa Palm Oil PLC, turning it into a multi-billion naira investment. The CEO of Air peace, Allen Onyema, testified to his integrity, saying “I haven’t met a public servant like Boye Oyewunmi who struck a deal worth hundreds of million and he didn’t ask for any settlement. In a society where corruption has become a way of life, integrity serves as Boye’s unique selling point in his senatorial bid.

    Beyond integrity, his grassroots connection, apart from his persuasive ability to marshal points and drive them home, makes him a sellable candidate. With his affinity with the grassroots people, Boye understands the plight of his immediate environment and can advocate effectively on their behalf in the most effective manner.

    Effective representation is directly connected with the capacity for lobbying. As an alumni of University of Maiduguri, Borno state in the northeast, who has established well-rooted relationship with ‘who and who’ in the northern parts of the country since his undergraduate days, he will leverage his goodwill to secure the support of his colleagues from the region for any of his motion or bill. Based on his vast experience in government, he has the capacity to draft bills that address the specific needs of the riverine and agrarian South.

    And above all, with his proven success in business and public service; Boye is a name that carries weight in Abuja.

    • Afolabi wrote from Ore, Odigbo LGA of Ondo State

  • President Tinubu’s bold but subtle reforms

    President Tinubu’s bold but subtle reforms

    By Abiodun James Faleke

    As governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007, now President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the foremost advocate and activist for the most fundamental and far-reaching reforms in Nigeria’s federal system. At various times, then Governor Tinubu pushed his Attorney -General and Commissioner of Justice, Professor Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), to press at the apex court in the Federation, the Supreme Court, the various rights of Lagos State that were perceived to be breached by the Federal Government.

    In that process, Lagos won several landmark cases which upheld its right to have statutory allocations under the constitution released to the state; its constitutional responsibility over urban planning and environmental control; its rights over lottery and games betting; its right to create new local government councils without prejudice to the concomitant responsibility of the National Assembly to effect the necessary constitutional amendments for such new councils to become viable legal entities.

    Of course, it is also well known that as governor of Lagos State, President Tinubu was the first to articulate the case for state police when he insisted that state created, regulated and run police outfits had become an inevitable imperative to an over-centralized, unitary police force so obviously incapable of effectively fulfilling its security obligations to a complex, diverse and plural Nigerian Federation.

    Against this background of his history of political and judicial activism in the pursuit of the restructuring of the Nigerian polity and the deepening of our federal practice, it was expected in several quarters that President Tinubu, on assumption of office, would take radical, even revolutionary, steps to effect path-breaking changes in the structure and character of the Nigerian Federation.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    Such expectations not only underestimate the onerous complexities involved in the process of engineering fundamental structural change in Nigeria but also exaggerate the capability of one person, no matter how well-meaning, to remake and refashion the country according to his own imagination. Nigeria is a complex amalgam of an assortment of peoples, cultures, perspectives, perceptions, assumptions, beliefs and psychological outlooks as well as philosophical orientations.

    The strength and potential of any transformative leader for a reasonable degree of success in Nigeria is his strategic dexterity to bring about necessary change, mostly in an incremental manner and in a way that does not rupture ingrained habits and expectations with possible large-scale dysfunctional consequences.

    And that is the genius of President Bola Tinubu’s governance style in the little over two and a half years that he has been in power since May 2023. To his credit, President Tinubu has taken bold, reformative steps where necessary, especially with regard to the economy. But generally, he has proceeded cautiously, taking into consideration the myriad peculiarities and sensitivities of our diverse polity and recording concrete changes without destabilising consequences.

    Let us take the issue of the State police. The President of Nigeria will necessarily have to approach this issue more cautiously and tentatively than when considering the matter purely from the prism of a state governor. For one, not all states have the munificent fiscal resources to establish and fund state police outfits. Again, there is the understandable fear among opposition elements in states as to what antagonistic and dictatorial uses some state governors may deploy police outfits under their control. Furthermore, there is the issue of qualitative standardisation of training, psychological disposition, ethical orientation and professionalism that state police outfits cannot be allowed to fall below.

    All this implies that state police cannot be a matter of presidential diktat, brought into being ‘with immediate effect’. Rather, it will entail close collaborative hard work among the presidency, the national Assembly, state governors and legislators, as well as current members of the existing security architecture among critical stakeholders, as is currently being done. Yet, the continuing equipping, training and re-training of the military, police and intelligence services; the expansion and reorienting of the National Security and Civil Defense Corp (NSCDC); Establishment of the Forest Rangers; upgrading and modernization of police training colleges etc are gradual reforms being undertaken in this critical sector by a President who knows he must tread cautiously, wisely but firmly to achieve defined objectives.

    In a similar vein, the Ministry of Livestock Production, headed by some of the best and brightest brains from the requisite parts of the country known for this form of animal husbandry, is planning for and gradually bringing about the much-needed modernisation of techniques, practices and orientations in an area of the economy with huge, yet untapped potential. Again, through the Electricity Act 2023, the administration has brought about a decentralisation that enables states to build and regulate their own electricity markets, with several states now actively establishing their own power supply markets to foster local development.

    Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu, has said that the determined implementation of the Electricity Act, 2023, has enabled state governments to independently generate, transmit, and distribute power. Consequently, he notes that for the first time in history, state-level electrical markets now allow regions to design local energy solutions directed to meet their peculiar economic needs. Another important development is the development of a National Integrated Electricity Policy, which was approved in February 2025, and which defines the responsibilities of regulators, utilities, investors, technical operators and consumers, transcending traditional and renewable power generation sectors. This under Tinubu marked the end of over two decades without a broad -based roadmap for the power sector.

    Again, in the railway sector, the shifting of the responsibility for rail to the Concurrent Legislative List from the Exclusive Legislative List has been a major development under the Tinubu administration. This has opened up the space for states and private investors to develop rail projects and open new financing avenues. Some of the key standard Gauge lines focused on here include Kano-Katsina-Maradi, aimed for completion this year to boost trade; a major overhaul of the 2,024 km narrow -gauge line for economic revival in the Eastern Corridor and the Kaduna-Kano and Lagos-Kano Lines as key components of the sector’s modernisation drive.

    Perhaps the most poignant illustration of the difficulties and challenges of implementing reforms in a complex entity like Nigeria is the mixed reception accorded to President Tinubu’s tax reforms, which took effect at the beginning of this year. But for the tenacity of the President in insisting on the imperative of the tax reforms, the most intensive and extensive re-engineering of Nigeria’s fiscal governance architecture since independence, the complex of laws comprising the task reforms would have been stillborn.

     The opposition and animosity to the laws fueled by a mosaic of factors including imaginary regional antagonism, contrived tales of super exploitation of the less privileged, undemonstrated and unscientific assertions of tax imposition without developmental benefits to show, have been intense. At the commencement of the controversy, when the proposed new tax reforms were first unveiled to the public, a leading statesman from a part of the country declared vehemently that the law was dead on arrival; that it was designed against a particular region, even though he had not read the draft and had no intention of doing so!!

    Of course, architects of the Tinubu administration’s comprehensive tax law reforms have gone to great lengths and left no stone unturned to correct misconceptions and explain the essence of the reforms to Nigerians. Made up essentially of four components, the new laws encapsulate the Nigerian Tax Act (NTA); the Nigerian Tax Administration Act (NTAA); The Nigerian Revenue Service (Establishment) Act (NRSA) and the Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Act. As summarised in one report, “Together, these reforms consolidate and repeal more than a dozen outdated tax statutes, setting a unified direction for personal income tax, corporate taxation, VAT, capital gains, and fiscal governance”.

    Despite tax and economic experts’ expositions as regards the benefits of these reforms and their beneficial impacts, particularly on the most vulnerable individuals and corporate members of the private sector, some opposition political elements, labour leaders and civil society activists continue to make misleading claims on the tax reforms devoid of logical rationalisations or scientific validation. Under the new tax regime, for instance, small businesses enjoy considerable tax reliefs. In this regard, small companies with gross turnover less than N100m and fixed assets less than N250m are no longer required to pay Company Income Tax, Capital Gains Tax or the 4% Development Levy.

    Another feature of the tax reforms is that such multiple levies as TETFUND contributions, PTF, IT Levy and National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) Levy are replaced by a 4% Development Levy on assessable profits. Scores of duplicated tax obligations have been eliminated, and the sector has been streamlined for greater convenience and ease of doing business.

    Furthermore, those earning incomes less than N800,000 a year are now exempt from payment of Personal Income Tax, although high earners have a top marginal tax increment of 25%. In the same vein, while VAT payment is retained at 7.5%, essential food items, medical supplies and books now enjoy VAT exemption, thus exerting less pressure on the pockets, particularly of low-income earners.

    This is by no means an attempt to go into the details of the tax reforms Acts but only showing that rather than arbitrarily increasing taxes, the reforms actually ease the tax burden on the most vulnerable sections of the populace while striving to bring those currently evading tax payment while capable of paying into the tax net. Some try to play on an aversion to tax payment, which is endemic to most societies, to whip up sentiments against the government by instigating people to abhor the payment of taxes. In Nigeria, this attitude is not new; it dates back even to the First Republic.

    Thus, in a speech on the Supplementary Appropriation Ordinance delivered on the floor of the House of Representatives on 16th August, 1964, Chief Obafemi Awolowo came down hard on those politicians who had the habit of mobilising people against tax payment. In his words on that occasion, “What we have to guard against are misguided efforts in an attempt to solve the economic problems of this country, and also the vote-catching tactics of many politicians in this country, whereby they attempt to scare the people regarding anything that savours of taxation, whether direct or indirect.”

    Concluding that speech, Chief Awolowo averred that “And so it goes to show the effect of irresponsibility of certain politicians in this country by creating scares about payment of tax…and I would therefore wind up by saying that we, on the threshold of this New Constitution, are on the cross roads; there is that broad, smooth road, with promises of no- taxation, and efforts to get money from other places, leading nowhere but to perdition, poverty, disease and economic enslavement; and there is the other road – people who go there in pay tax. They also have to apply self-help and self-sacrifice to get where they want. But this road, Mr President, leads to success, to prosperity and to the exploitation of our natural resources by the people of this country”.

    • Faleke is the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Finance

  • Faith, diplomacy unite: Oluremi Tinubu’s impactful presence at Trump’s prayer breakfast marks new dawn for Nigeria-US relations

    Faith, diplomacy unite: Oluremi Tinubu’s impactful presence at Trump’s prayer breakfast marks new dawn for Nigeria-US relations

    By Olukayode Ajulo

    In a venerated hall of Washington, D.C., where the realms of power and prayer beautifully converge, a monumental event took place on February 5, 2026. This was not merely a day on the calendar; it was a transformative moment that echoed through the city’s historic halls, redefining the narrative of diplomacy and faith in an age of uncertainty.

    At the 74th Annual National Prayer Breakfast, U.S. President Donald Trump paused in the middle of his address to spotlight Nigeria’s First Lady, Dr Oluremi Tinubu, OON, CON. “We’re honoured to be joined today by the First Lady of Nigeria, who also happens to serve as a Christian pastor at one of the largest churches in Nigeria—a very respected woman. It’s a great honour. Thank you very much,” he declared, drawing applause from an audience of global leaders, clergy, and influencers.

    This wasn’t mere courtesy; it was a diplomatic thunderclap, echoing the potential for deeper ties between two nations bound by shared aspirations and challenges. Senator Tinubu’s attendance at this faith-based gathering, organised under Trump’s auspices, transcends symbolism.

    Symbol of faith-driven diplomacy

    As an ordained pastor of the Redeemed Christian Church of God—one of Africa’s most influential Pentecostal denominations—she embodies the intersection of spirituality and statesmanship.

    Her presence, amid discussions on global religious freedom and security, underscores a strategic pivot: leveraging faith as a bridge to fortify Nigeria-US relations.

    In a world fractured by geopolitical tensions, this encounter highlights how personal acknowledgements from leaders like Trump can catalyse broader alliances. It’s a reminder that diplomacy isn’t confined to boardrooms; it thrives in spaces where values align, fostering trust that official summits often struggle to build.

    Saluting a pillar of strength: Commending Senator Oluremi Tinubu

    Before delving further into the broader implications, we must pause to salute and commend Senator Oluremi Tinubu for her unwavering supporting role to her husband, President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As the steadfast partner in his journey—from the turbulence of Lagos politics to the pinnacle of national leadership—she has been a pillar of strength, quiet counsel, and moral grounding. Her grace under pressure, her commitment to family amid public scrutiny, and her dedication to service  exemplify the profound impact a supportive spouse can have on a leader’s success and a nation’s stability.

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    In her, Nigeria discerns not merely a First Lady, but a quintessential mother of the nation—one who cultivates hope, champions unity, and personifies resilience. Her presence inspires a collective spirit that binds the country together, fostering an atmosphere of optimism and strength as she navigates the complexities of national identity and progress.

    This exemplary model calls upon all spouses of leaders—across politics, business, and public life—to emulate her example. True partnership demands sacrifice, loyalty, and mutual uplifting

    When a spouse stands firmly behind their partner, offering wisdom, encouragement, and unwavering support, it multiplies their capacity to lead effectively and serve selflessly. Senator Tinubu’s life reminds us that behind every great leader often stands an equally great supporter, whose contributions may be unseen but are indispensable to enduring success.

    Strategic timing and global significance

    The significance of her Washington moment lies in its timing and context. With Trump back in the White House, his administration has signalled a renewed focus on protecting Christian communities worldwide, a stance Tinubu herself described as “divine intervention” during her remarks at the concurrent International Religious Summit.

    For Nigeria, grappling with insecurity in its northern regions and terrorist threats from groups like Boko Haram, this alignment opens doors to collaborative action. Trump’s praise isn’t just flattery—it’s an invitation to partnership, recognising Nigeria’s pivotal role in Africa’s stability. By attending, Tinubu not only represented her nation but also amplified its voice on the global stage, positioning Nigeria as a key player in faith-driven international discourse.

    Tangible benefits for Nigeria: Social, cultural, defence, and legal gains

    This diplomatic manoeuvre promises tangible dividends for Nigeria across multiple fronts. Socially, it could invigorate exchanges on community development and women’s empowerment—areas where Tinubu has long advocated. Imagine joint initiatives drawing from U.S. expertise in education and healthcare, tailored to Nigeria’s youth bulge, fostering social cohesion and reducing vulnerabilities to extremism.

    Culturally, the event paves the way for richer bilateral ties, from gospel music collaborations to literary festivals that celebrate our shared Judeo-Christian heritage. Such exchanges would enrich Nigeria’s vibrant cultural tapestry, promoting tolerance and unity in a diverse society.

     On the defence front, the implications are profound. Trump’s emphasis on countering religious persecution aligns seamlessly with Nigeria’s fight against insurgency. Enhanced U.S.-Nigeria security pacts could mean advanced training, intelligence sharing, and equipment to bolster our armed forces, building on past collaborations.

     This isn’t about dependency; it’s about mutual strength, ensuring West Africa’s anchor nation can safeguard its borders and contribute to regional peace.

     Legally, the partnership holds promise for institutional reforms. Nigeria’s ongoing battles with corruption and judicial inefficiencies could benefit from U.S. models in the rule of law and human rights. Joint workshops on anti-corruption strategies might accelerate our Economic and Financial Crimes Commission efforts. Moreover, with Tinubu’s legal background as a former senator, this engagement could spur dialogues on extradition treaties and cybercrime cooperation, fortifying our legal framework against transnational threats.

     Seizing the momentum: A call to action

    Critics might dismiss this as fleeting optics, but history teaches otherwise. Moments like these have birthed enduring alliances. For Nigeria, emerging from economic headwinds and seeking global relevance, this is a golden opportunity. It signals to investors, allies, and adversaries alike that our nation is open for business, backed by influential friends.

     As we reflect on Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s poised presence amid Washington’s elite—and her inspiring example as a supportive wife and mother of the nation—let us seize this momentum. Policymakers in Abuja and Lagos must build on it, proposing concrete initiatives that translate goodwill into action.

     Spouses of leaders everywhere should heed her call to steadfast support. The future of Nigeria-US relations isn’t written in stone but in the bold steps we take now. In faith, family, and diplomacy, we find not just common ground, but a pathway to prosperity.

     Senator Oluremi Tinubu has lit the torch—it’s time for Nigeria to run with it.

    • Dr Ajulo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, is the Attorney General of Ondo State.

  • Yusuff Maitama Tuggar: Leader committed to positive change

    Yusuff Maitama Tuggar: Leader committed to positive change

    By Adebayo Adeoye

    No doubt many have lost hope in the nation’s democratic process, but the beauty of democracy can always be restored when the people begin to enjoy the much-needed dividends of good and credible governance. This reality has brought many to the conclusion that the electorate must consciously choose leaders who understand governance and know their onions.

    The realities of various protests and public criticism have opened the eyes of many to the urgent need for a new set of individuals who are ready and committed to facilitating positive change. There is a growing demand for a generation of sound minds with the courage to pull the bull by the horns and do the needful to move communities to a place where hope is not only rekindled but dreams are turned into reality.

    It is for these reasons that many people increasingly point to Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, an experienced diplomat of high repute and a brilliant mind, as a symbol of hope for a new Bauchi State. This growing public yearning is fueled by his passion for using public service as a viable tool for societal re-engineering, rather than any personal declaration or ambition on his part.

    As part of his grassroots advocacy and passion for community building and development, Tuggar, in June last year, expressed sympathy for affected traders and condemned the demolition exercise. He pledged support for their recovery and rebuilding efforts. The demolitions, which affected shops along Kano Road and other parts of the Bauchi metropolis, left thousands of small business owners in despair.

    Understanding how pivotal education has become to the wholesome development of human nature, Amb Yusuf Maitama Tuggar the Minister of Foreign Affairs this January has granted a scholarship to 40 indigent students to study at the Aminu Sale College of Education in Azare, Bauchi State. No doubt upon the completion of their studies they will contribute immensely to the educational advancement of the zone.

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    In Nigeria, public leadership has long carried an unwritten expectation: that national prominence should never sever local responsibility. Community foundations linked to political figures often serve as informal bridges between state institutions and grassroots needs. Through the Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar in Bauchi State appears to reflect this tradition modest in publicity, yet steady in local impact.

    Its most visible contribution lies in humanitarian welfare. Periodic distribution of food items, grains, and basic relief materials has provided short-term stability to vulnerable households, particularly in rural communities where inflation, climate pressures, and employment gaps remain acute. Through his intervention on the 15th of December 2024, the ECOWAS Emergency Flood Response supported 850 households across  Katagum, Jama’are, Zaki, Gamawa, and Giade local government areas, with a total of 1,000 households benefiting  from the initiative. Last he made a personal donation of 20 Million Naira to the same zone to cushion the effects of flooding.

    This, among many other actions, has showcased his milk of kindness and deep concern for the welfare of the people.

    The current Minister of Foreign Affairs has consistently demonstrated belief in policies and initiatives that have direct impact on the welfare of the people. Many believe that much can be achieved in Bauchi State through proper governance, adequate leadership and effective representation, values he has continued to exemplify in public service. His track record suggests that he would bring governance closer to the grassroots if ever called upon to serve at that level.

    Beyond his current role as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tuggar’s career is marked by deep-rooted political heritage, extensive private sector experience in the energy sector, and recent high-level diplomatic achievements.

    Indeed, the growing calls for a bright mind like him to lead Bauchi State reflect the people’s desire to move away from recycling mediocrity towards purposeful leadership with clear vision and plans for governance.

  • Beyond the compulsory real-time transmission of results

    Beyond the compulsory real-time transmission of results

    By Temitope Ajayi

    Our habit of amending our electoral laws almost every election cycle deserves serious scrutiny. The popular justification, continuous improvement, sounds persuasive but does not withstand close examination.

    It cannot be the case that credible elections are only possible if electoral laws are rewritten every four years. If that were true, stable democracies would be in permanent legislative flux. Countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, South Africa, the neighbouring Ghana and Benin Republic all conduct regular elections. Yet, it is difficult to find evidence that they amend their electoral laws before every round of general elections. Their systems improve not because the rules are endlessly rewritten, but because institutions mature, enforcement is strengthened and political actors improve at internalising democratic norms.

    The question, therefore, is not what laws they are passing, but what behaviours and institutional disciplines they are sustaining that we are not. I am all for compulsory electronic transmission of election results. But it is drunkenly optimistic to assume that merely writing it into law will automatically improve electoral outcomes.

    We must understand that laws do not conduct elections. People do. The fixation on legal amendments often obscures a more uncomfortable truth. Nigeria’s electoral problems are less about rules and more about conduct.

    Our political class and, increasingly, civil society actors, have become addicted to buzzwords. Every election cycle produces a fresh vocabulary designed to animate advocacy, sustain NGO ecosystems and give the impression of reform. But elections will only improve when politicians accept a basic democratic reality. In every contest, someone wins and someone loses.

    The controversy surrounding the 2023 presidential election illustrates this problem clearly. The candidate who came third has continued, years later, to insist that he won. He attributes his loss to rigging, particularly the alleged failure to transmit results in real time to the IReV portal.

    It has been nearly three years since we had the election that produced President Bola Tinubu and just as long since results from over 170,000 polling units were uploaded to the portal. If the results declared and signed at polling units truly differ from those published online, three years offer more than enough time for political parties, civil society organisations and election observers to present credible counter-results. None has done so.

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    This silence is telling. The reality is straightforward. Voting is manual. Ballot papers are counted manually. Results are written manually after BVAS accreditation. Party agents sign these results and retain copies. Whether transmission is delayed or instantaneous does not alter what was recorded at the polling unit.

    Technology can enhance transparency, but it cannot manufacture outcomes. The most significant electoral reforms Nigeria has achieved since 1958 are the Permanent Voter’s Card and electronic accreditation via BVAS. These innovations have drastically reduced ballot stuffing and election-day brigandage. No polling unit can now return results exceeding the number of accredited voters captured on BVAS. That is real reform, not rhetorical progress.

    If compulsory real-time transmission of results will provide emotional or psychological reassurance to aggrieved actors, the National Assembly can include it. But it should do so without illusions.

    Those determined to reject defeat will always find something else to blame. If not IReV today, it will be another contrivance tomorrow. Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of electoral laws. It suffers from a shortage of democratic restraint, institutional discipline and political maturity. Until those change, no amount of legislative tinkering will deliver the elections we claim to desire.

    -Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

  • The quick wins Tinubu’s state visit to Turkiye

    The quick wins Tinubu’s state visit to Turkiye

    President Bola Tinubu on Monday arrived in Ankara, the state capital of Türkiye, to commence a historic state visit. On Tuesday, before a grand reception at the Presidential Palace, T.C. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Külliyesi, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan paid a visit to the President at his suite.

    President Tinubu arrived at the Presidential Palace, where a resplendent ceremony was held to welcome him. After inspecting the guard of honour, the President and his host, President Erdogan, went into a private meeting for bilateral talks.

    President Tinubu’s visit holds immense significance, and happening at a time, the nation is gaining global attention for very good reasons. Nigeria has regained its natural place in the league of nations.

    Nigeria is Türkiye’s largest trading partner in sub-Saharan Africa, with over 50 Turkish companies operating in the country and with investments totalling over $400 million. Nigeria’s exports to Türkiye were $504.67 million during 2024, according to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade.

    The visit is not a jaunt or a leisure run, but a historically, economically, diplomatically, and security-wise consequential visit.

    Some of the quick wins, viz-a-viz the memoranda of understanding, signed, include:

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    1. Agreement on defence cooperation. Türkiye is a Middle-Eastern power with advanced defence capabilities and some success in combating terrorism. Nigeria, as a strategic partner, is strengthening its relations with Türkiye in this regard.

    2. Joint declaration establishing the economy and trade joint committee.

    3. Agreement in the field of Halal quality assurance.

    4. Cooperation in the field of higher education.

    5. Cooperation in the field of media and communication.

    6. Cooperation in the field of diaspora policy.

    7. Cooperation in the field of education.

    8. Cooperation between the Republic of Türkiye, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Diplomacy Academy, and the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Affairs Academy.

    9. Cooperation between the Republic of Türkiye, Ministry of Family and Social Services and Federal Republic of Nigeria, Ministry of Women Affairs.

    Speaking after the signing ceremony, President Tinubu emphasised the urgency of collaboration among global partners in tackling today’s existential problems for tomorrow’s security, peace, and progress.

    “How do we build an inclusive economy together? How do we reform and get vulnerable people involved in the economy? How do we ensure peace in the world?” Nigeria’s President said.

    “We discussed efforts against terrorism. We discussed how to defeat agents of destabilisation.”

    President Tinubu’s state visit to Türkiye earns our nation another dividend in trade, defence, and diplomacy.

    • Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement

  • From gun-blazing to partners: Appraising Tinubu’s diplomatic masterclass

    From gun-blazing to partners: Appraising Tinubu’s diplomatic masterclass

    By Dada Olusegun

    In the volatile theatre of international relations, where a single tweet or a misplaced word can trigger a diplomatic meltdown, the hallmark of authentic leadership is the ability to maintain composure under fire. Recently, Nigeria found itself at the centre of such a storm.

    Following intense pressure, United States President Donald Trump designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) in November 2025. This designation, rooted in allegations of “Christian persecution,” was accompanied by a characteristically blunt threat: to enter Nigeria “guns-a-blazing” to resolve the security crisis.

    For many, this was a moment for panic. And for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, however, it was an opportunity for a diplomatic masterclass—a strategic pivot that transformed a threat of violation into a triumph of partnership.

    The Calm Amidst the Storm

    The timing of the US designation was particularly “bleep,” coming on the heels of the tragic Kwara church attack in mid-November 2025. During a live-streamed worship session at a Christ Apostolic Church branch in Eruku, terrorists abducted dozens of worshippers, providing fuel for a narrative that Nigeria was undergoing religious cleansing.

    While critics clamoured for a combative response to Washington’s accusations, President Tinubu chose the path of intellectual honesty and fact-based engagement. He recognised that while attacks in Christian-dominated areas like Yelwata and Jos are devastating, they are often the result of complex factors like resource competition, ethnic friction, and farmer-herder clashes rather than state-sanctioned religious cleansing. Crucially, the administration pointed to the equal, if not greater, suffering in Muslim-dominated enclaves in Zamfara, Borno, and Katsina, where terrorism knows no faith.

    The Ribadu Mission: Dismantling Misconceptions

    Instead of engaging in a public war of words, Tinubu deployed his National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, to Washington. This move was a calculated “chess move” in diplomacy.

    READ ALSO: Gov Abba Yusuf’s convoluted defection

    Ribadu’s mandate was clear: dismantle the misconceptions brick by brick. By meeting with the US Secretary of War and members of Congress, the Nigerian delegation presented the reality of the government’s efforts, including:

     * Record-Breaking Security Spending: N3.85 trillion in 2024 and an unprecedented N4.9 trillion in the 2025 budget.

     * Improved Coordination: The centralisation of intelligence under the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).

     * Sovereign Transparency: Inviting US delegations for fact-finding missions to see the ground reality beyond the headlines.

    From Threats to Tactical Success

    The results of this “cool-headed” approach were swift and significant. The “guns-blazing” rhetoric was replaced by the first-ever joint intelligence-led operation between the US and Nigeria. In late December 2025, US-led intelligence and air support resulted in the successful bombing of terrorist enclaves in Sokoto state, neutralising hundreds of Lakurawa terrorists. This group had been terrorising the North West.

    This collaboration did not stop at kinetic operations. By Tuesday, January 13, 2026, the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) confirmed the delivery of critical military supplies to Abuja.

    Furthermore, the US has moved to fast-track the sale of advanced military aircraft to Nigeria, a move that would have been unthinkable just months prior during the height of the CPC tensions.

    A Master Strategist at the Helm

    President Tinubu has demonstrated that he is a leader who knows when to be firm and when to be flexible. By refusing to be baited into a defensive crouch, he forced the “almighty” USA to move from a position of judgment to one of active participation.

    The transition from being a target of US threats to being a “critical security partner” is no accident;

    • Dada is Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Digital Media

  • VAT on banking services: Setting the record straight

    VAT on banking services: Setting the record straight

    By Arabinrin Aderonke 

    In recent days, Nigerians have been inundated with reports suggesting that the Federal Government has introduced Value Added Tax (VAT) on banking services such as electronic transfers, fees and commissions. Understandably, this has triggered anxiety among citizens already grappling with economic pressures. However, the truth is far less dramatic than the headlines suggest.

    Contrary to widespread claims, VAT on banking services is not new. It was not introduced by the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025, and it does not represent an additional financial burden on bank customers.

    For decades, Nigeria’s VAT framework has applied to fees, commissions and charges for services rendered by banks and other financial institutions. What has changed is not the law, but enforcement.

    The Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) has been compelled to clarify this point following a wave of misinformation that blurred the line between service charges and actual funds transferred. VAT is not, and has never been, charged on the amount of money a customer transfers or withdraws. Rather, it applies strictly to the service fee imposed by the bank. 

    This distinction is critical.

    When you make a bank transfer, whether ₦10,000 or ₦1 million, the amount sent to the recipient is not reduced by VAT. The full amount is applied as your principal. VAT is charged only on the bank’s service fee for processing the transaction, not on the money being transferred.

    For example, on a ₦100,000 transfer, the bank may charge a ₦50 service fee, on which 7.5% VAT equals ₦3.75, in addition to a flat ₦50 stamp duty. Similarly, for USSD transactions, VAT applies only to the session fee. This shows that VAT is strictly a tax on service charges, not on customers’ funds.

    Interest earned on savings accounts and fixed deposits also remains exempt, as it does not constitute a supply of goods or services under the law.

    Equally important is what VAT does not cover. Basic food items, essential goods, medical and pharmaceutical products, as well as educational services, remain firmly exempt under the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025. These protections were deliberately preserved to shield ordinary Nigerians from unnecessary hardship.

    So, why the sudden public concern?

    The answer lies in improved compliance and enforcement. Financial institutions are being reminded of their obligation to remit VAT already charged and collected. This renewed focus has created the false impression of a new tax, when in reality, it is the implementation of an existing one.

    Tax reforms often attract controversy, especially in times of economic strain. Yet clarity must prevail over confusion. Spreading inaccurate information undermines public trust and distracts from the real conversation Nigeria must have about transparency, accountability and effective tax administration.

    The Nigeria Revenue Service has made it clear that the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025, does not introduce any new VAT burden on ordinary citizens, particularly in sensitive areas such as savings, food, healthcare and education.

    As Nigerians, we deserve honest explanations — not alarmist headlines. In a democracy, scrutiny is healthy, but it must be anchored on facts.

    The task before us is not to fear taxation, but to demand that taxes already in place are administered fairly, communicated clearly, and used responsibly for national development. That is the conversation worth having.

    – Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the Technical Assistant on Broadcast Media to the Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service

  • America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild

    America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild

    By Ian Bremmer

    This will be a tipping-point year. The biggest source of global instability won’t be China, Russia, Iran, or any of the 60-odd conflicts burning across the planet (the most since World War II). It will be the United States.

    This conclusion runs throughout the Eurasia Group’s Top Risks 2026 report.

    The world’s most powerful country and architect of the postwar global order is now actively unwinding that order, led by a president who is more committed to, and capable of, reshaping America’s international role than any of his modern predecessors.

    Last weekend offered a preview of what this will mean in practice. After months of escalating pressure – sanctions, a massive naval deployment, and a full oil blockade – US special forces captured Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro in Caracas and flew him to New York City to face criminal charges.

    A dictator removed and brought to justice with no American casualties – it was President Donald Trump’s cleanest military win yet.

    Trump has already branded his approach to the Western Hemisphere the “Donroe Doctrine.”

    It is his version of President James Monroe’s 19th-century assertion of US primacy in the Americas.

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    But whereas Monroe warned European powers to stay out of America’s neighborhood, Trump is using military pressure, economic coercion, and personal score-settling to bend the region to his will. And he’s just getting started.

    The disturbing implications of a US president recklessly playing geopolitical monopoly.

    The spheres-of-influence framework

    “America First” isolationism this is not. Simultaneously, the US is becoming more, not less, entangled with Israel and various Gulf states.

    Trump’s willingness to strike Iran last year and meddle in European politics doesn’t exactly scream retrenchment, either.

    Nor does the spheres-of-influence framework fit what he is doing. That label implies that Trump is carving up the world with rival powers, each staying in their own lane.

    But his administration just sent Taiwan its largest-ever arms package, and its Indo-Pacific posture does not evince a desire to cede Asia to China.

    Trump’s foreign policy doesn’t run on traditional axes like allies versus adversaries, democracies versus autocracies, or strategic competition versus cooperation.

    If the answer is no, and you have something he wants, you are a target. If the answer is yes, you can probably cut a deal.

    A simpler calculus is at work: Can you hit back hard enough to hurt the man in charge?

    In the case of Venezuela, Trump wanted to topple Maduro, and there was nothing Maduro could do to stop him.

    He had no allies willing to act, no military capable of retaliating, and no leverage over anything Trump cared about. So, he was removed.

    Never mind that Venezuela’s entire regime structure remains intact, and that any transition to a stable democratic government will be messy, contested, and largely Venezuela’s to manage (or mismanage).

    Trump is content with Venezuela continuing to be run by the same repressive regime, as long as it agrees to do his bidding (indeed, he chose this arrangement over an opposition-led government).

    The law of the jungle

    The threat of “or else” appears to be working so far. Trump has just announced that Venezuela’s “new” authorities will hand over 30-50 million barrels of oil to the US, with the proceeds “controlled by me, as president.”

    Moreover, continued success in Venezuela, however narrowly defined, will embolden Trump to double down on this approach and push further – whether in Cuba, Colombia, Nicaragua, Mexico, or Greenland.

    On the other end of the spectrum is China. When Trump escalated tariffs last year, the Chinese retaliated with export restrictions on rare earths and critical minerals – essential ingredients for a broad array of 21st-century consumer and military products.

    With US vulnerabilities exposed, Trump was forced to back down. Now, he’s intent on maintaining détente and securing a deal at all costs.

    America is unilaterally exercising power wherever Trump thinks he can get away with it, uncoupled from the norms, bureaucratic processes, alliance structures, and multilateral institutions that once gave US leadership legitimacy.

    What we are dealing with here is not grand strategy, but the law of the jungle

    As constraints tighten elsewhere – voters angry about affordability ahead of this year’s midterm elections, for example, and shrinking US trade leverage – Trump is eager to cement his legacy.

    His willingness to take risks on the security side, where he remains largely unconstrained, will only grow.

    The Western Hemisphere happens to be an especially prey-rich habitat – and one where the US has asymmetric leverage that no one can counter. Trump can score easy wins with minimal pushback and costs.

    America’s lost credibility

    But Trump’s approach is hardly confined to America’s immediate neighborhood.

    If it wasn’t clear already, the administration’s threats against Greenland show that Europe is also in its sights.

    The continent’s three largest economies – the United Kingdom, France, and Germany – all entered the new year with weak, unpopular governments besieged by populists within.

    With Russia at their doorstep, the Trump administration is openly backing far-right parties that would further fragment the continent.

    EU Leaders, Volodymyr Zelensky

    Unless Europeans find ways to gain leverage and credibly impose costs that Trump cares about – and soon – they will feel the same squeeze he’s applying across the Western Hemisphere

    For most countries, responding to an unpredictable, unreliable, and dangerous US is now an urgent priority. Some will fail, and some will succeed.

    It may already be too late for Europe to adapt, but China is in a stronger position, content to let its chief rival undermine itself.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping can afford to play the long game. He will be in power well after Trump’s term ends in 2029.

    The damage to American power itself will persist past this administration. Alliances, partnerships, and credibility aren’t just nice to have.

    They are force multipliers, giving the US leverage that raw military and economic power alone cannot sustain.

    Trump is burning through that inheritance, treating it as a constraint rather than an asset.

    He is governing as though American power operates outside of time, and as if he can reshape the world by force without lasting consequence.

    But the alliances he’s shredding won’t snap back when the next president takes office.

    America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild if it can be rebuilt at all. That is why 2026 is a tipping-point year – not because we know how things will end, but because we are already starting to see what happens when the country that wrote the rules decides it no longer wants to play by them.

    • This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Venezuela: The return of rule by force

    Venezuela: The return of rule by force

    By Yasemin Aydın

    Regardless of how one judges Nicolás Maduro’s rule, a line was crossed the moment the sitting president of a sovereign country was forcibly taken from his bed in the middle of the night. This was not simply a change of power. It is clearly a symbolic rupture, the kind that alters expectations long before it reshapes institutions. A moment when one of the last protective assumptions of the international order was openly suspended: that sovereignty, however fragile, still provides a minimum shield against direct force.

    What makes this moment particularly dangerous is not the individual removed from power, but the logic now being normalized. From a social anthropological perspective, the decisive question is not what happened, but how it is being framed. Violence does not operate solely through physical coercion. Its deeper impact lies in symbolic normalization: in the stories told to justify it, the moral language used to soften it and the approval that follows.

    This is where Venezuela matters far beyond Venezuela. The dominant narrative is not one of law, restraint or international process, but of political necessity. The operation is described as “strategically understandable,” even if legally questionable. That framing alone is enough to erode norms. Because once violence is accepted as politically rational, international law is reduced to a secondary concern: optional, conditional, negotiable.

    And this has consequences well beyond Latin America. Anyone who calls a violation of international law “strategically understandable” deprives Europe of its strongest argument in support of Ukraine. Russia can then respond with brutal logical consistency: “We are a great power. We act out of security interests. Your closest ally does the same.” At that point, condemnation loses credibility. What remains is power speaking to power.

    International law either applies universally, or it loses its meaning altogether. Anything else is a double standard; and double standards are not a moral flaw alone, they are a structural weakness. They hollow out precisely the order Europe claims to defend.

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    This shift is not a rhetorical one, it is structural. The demonstrative use of raw force is not a sign of strength but of normative weakness. It signals the erosion of shared limits. Consent is replaced by coercion; restraint by post-hoc justification. Violence, once framed as necessary, ceases to be exceptional and becomes a legitimate instrument of political resolution.

    Max Weber’s classic definition of the state as the holder of the monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force becomes newly relevant here, precisely because it reveals the limits of legitimacy beyond the state. There is no world government. No global monopoly on force. International law serves as the substitute: a fragile system of self-restraint that functions only as long as major actors choose to bind themselves by it. When those self-bindings are selectively abandoned, a gray zone emerges in which violence is no longer legitimized, only enforced.

    Anthropologically speaking, this is the moment when rules continue to exist formally but lose their social authority. They become rituals without binding power: invoked when convenient, ignored when costly. Finnish legal scholar Martti Koskenniemi has long warned that international law oscillates between normativity and power and begins to collapse when it is perceived merely as an instrument of the strong. When law is confused with moral superiority or strategic convenience, it loses its universality. What remains is hierarchy, not justice.

    What follows is not chaos, but something more insidious: a learning process. States observe which violations go unpunished, which are excused, which are even applauded. Non-state actors — militias, mercenary groups, hybrid forces — draw their conclusions. From a social anthropological standpoint, this is not the breakdown of order, but order in decline: a harsher grammar of global action in which taboos erode, boundaries blur and rules apply primarily to those without power.

    This is why the argument that Venezuela merely represents the removal of an authoritarian regime is deeply misleading. It reduces politics to moral psychology and ignores structural consequences. The decisive question is not who was targeted, but how. Methods create realities. They shape expectations, fears and future behavior far beyond the immediate case. They teach others what is now possible and what will be tolerated.

    Venezuela is therefore not an exception. It is a signal. A moment revealing how fragile the remaining self-restraints of the international order have become. What we are witnessing is not a sudden collapse, but a quiet shift in collective norms: away from law, toward enforceability.

    The real danger lies not in the fall of one ruler but in the growing familiarity with a world in which power once again openly replaces what was painstakingly established as law. A world in which violence no longer needs justification, only success.