Category: Opinion

  • Fixing security starts with protecting the people who protect us

    Fixing security starts with protecting the people who protect us

    By Bayo Orebiyi

    Nigeria has proven more than once that tough reforms can move forward when leadership is willing to act. The removal of the fuel subsidy and the effort to stabilise the currency were bold steps. They showed that the administration is prepared to confront issues that once seemed impossible to touch. Security now needs the same level of commitment because the country cannot build anything durable while fear continues to spread across rural and urban communities.

    We speak often about insecurity, yet we hesitate to examine the institutions that carry the heavy burden every day. A police officer who reports for duty without protective equipment is already at a disadvantage. A police division that cannot fuel its patrol vehicles or repair them on time is not positioned to win against heavily armed criminals. A criminal ecosystem that can mount attacks in several states while displaying weapons online is operating in a space where the state’s presence is inconsistent.

    In 2022, the Federal Government distributed 10,635 bulletproof vests to the Nigeria Police Force. It was a welcomed step, but it also shows how far behind we are. The police serve more than two hundred million people. A single distribution from three years ago, without visible follow up, leaves many officers exposed. Some still report to work without vests, helmets or proper communication tools. Many buy their own uniforms and boots. Some contribute money for fuel or minor repairs. These costs do not belong on the pockets of the people asked to face danger on our behalf. We cannot expect courage from people who do not feel protected by the system they serve.

    Criminal groups understand this weakness. Some openly broadcast their activities on social media, boasting about the weapons they possess and the hesitation of security agencies to engage them. A state cannot thrive when criminals are more confident than the institutions meant to restrain them. Confidence is a security asset. When criminals hold it, the environment shifts. When the state holds it, stability becomes possible.

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    Nigeria does not lack security agencies. The police, the Civil Defence Corps, the armed forces and several specialised units all exist for a reason. What is missing is a modern, coordinated structure that binds their efforts into a reliable system. Without that structure, every agency improvises, and improvisation cannot defeat organised violence.

    Following the Money

    Two financial areas must come under closer scrutiny if Nigeria intends to take security seriously.

    The first is the system of security votes. Governors and many local government chairmen receive them monthly. At a time like this, Nigerians deserve to know how these funds translate into improved safety. This is not an accusation. It is a call for clarity. If citizens are told how much was spent on equipment, intelligence, community response and emergency operations, trust will rise. Transparency strengthens leadership. It does not weaken it.

    The second is the money that fuels criminal activity. Ransom payments, both private and suspected public, sustain the business of kidnapping. The recent release of abducted worshippers in Eruku in Kwara State raised difficult questions. Dozens of people were held, yet they returned without a single arrest or confrontation. Nigerians noticed. Many concluded that ransom must have been paid. When the public begins to believe that kidnapping is becoming a business transaction, confidence in the system erodes even further. Large scale banditry does not survive without financial backers. Nigeria must strengthen its ability to follow the money or the cycle of violence will continue.

    What Real Reform Requires

    Nigeria appears closer than ever to adopting state police. If decentralisation is the path forward, it must be built with the discipline of an institution, not the improvisation of politics. Recruitment must follow clear standards. Training must be consistent across all states. Equipment must be procured transparently. Oversight must be strong enough to prevent political interference. Without these safeguards, we risk multiplying security agencies without improving security.

    Reform also requires predictable funding for equipment, welfare and modern technology. Officers need protective gear that is replenished regularly, not in occasional batches. They need reliable communication tools and vehicles that are maintained on schedule. They need a welfare structure that allows them to focus on their work rather than personal financial burdens. They need data driven systems that help them respond faster and anticipate threats. When institutions are starved of tools, insecurity grows.

    The way we treat victims must improve as well. The Eruku release exposed a gap in our emergency response. Survivors stepped off buses exhausted and injured, only to be seated publicly for quick checks. People who have been through captivity should be taken directly to a hospital. They should receive private evaluation and trauma care, not a public display. Dignity is part of national security. A country that cannot care for its rescued citizens cannot claim to be winning the fight.

    Nigeria has the potential to build a security system worthy of its population and ambitions. But potential is not enough. We must move from improvisation to competence, from reaction to preparation and from fragmented efforts to a unified system. The nation has shown before that when a project becomes a priority, progress follows. Security must now become that priority.

    Nigeria cannot afford a security system that hopes for courage when what we need is competence.

    • Orebiyi, a public administration expert, writes from Yewa-South Local Government, Ogun State.

  • Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    Finally, President Tinubu takes the bull by the horns

    By Tunde Rahman

    Given how sensitive the subject has become, it is understandable that the matter of state police has taken this long. Importantly, it has also become imperative that some drastic measures have to be taken to end the current security situation.

    Last week, President Bola Tinubu finally took the critical step towards tackling the hydra-headed security problem in the country.

    States that want to establish their own police, he declared, should now be free to do so. The widely-praised decision on state police was part of far-reaching orders the President issued that week, when he declared a national emergency on security.

    Many leaders before Tinubu had seen the need for state police, but they lacked the political will to do what has long been regarded as necessary.

    In a strongly-worded statement issued on November 26, President Tinubu also directed that the Armed Forces and police should recruit additional personnel, while the State Security Service should now deploy the already-trained Forest Guards to our forests to flush out terrorists, bandits, and other criminal elements.

     The President had earlier ordered the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to immediately withdraw police personnel serving as guards to Very Important Personalities and engage them for police duties in security-challenged areas. Egbetokun said during the week that over 11,000 officers so deployed have now been withdrawn from VIP guard duties.

     While all these measures will make more personnel available and put more boots on the ground to combat crimes and other forms of insecurity across the land, the matter of state police, a hot-button issue that has been on the agenda for decades, seems to be the most fundamental.

    By finally agreeing to throw his weight behind the issue, President Tinubu has now taken the bull by the horns.

    He has taken his silent restructuring efforts to another notch. Many may not have noticed, but the silent restructuring has resulted in several courageous and innovative moves. For instance, one of the first bills President Tinubu signed into law upon assuming office on May 29, 2023, was the power sector reform legislation, which decentralised power generation, transmission, and distribution, allowing sub-nationals to participate in the sector. The President also approved that Federal Capital Territory funds be removed from the Treasury Single Account, thus unlocking the funds accruing to the territory for FCT Minister Nyesom Wike to deploy to developmental projects. And this is what has largely accounted for the unprecedented infrastructure revamp witnessed in the city.

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     But the most significant of these are the economic reforms the President has carried out, straddling fiscal policy, energy sector reform and tax restructuring. The President removed the twin subsidies on fuel and foreign exchange, which did not benefit the people and the country as envisaged. The humongous fuel subsidy was like a Sword of Damocles on the nation’s economic jugular, while the multiple exchange rates that prevailed before May 2023 allowed arbitrage to operate on all fours. All that the highly connected needed to do was this: obtain the foreign exchange at the official rate and move over to the black markets to sell at exorbitant rates, thus profiteering at the people’s expense.

    There is also the new tax regime, scheduled to be operational from January next year, under which all taxes in the country have been streamlined, without burdening taxpayers with new taxes.

    These monumental reforms are already yielding fruit. The economic indicators have already turned green. All that is left is for our people to reap bountifully from the gains of the reforms. The reforms need to affect their standard of living fully.

    However, this cannot happen under the prevailing atmosphere of insecurity. This cannot occur if terrorists, bandits and other criminal elements are still on the prowl. No stone is, therefore, being left unturned in addressing the security issues. All efforts must be geared towards combating the menace and protecting our people.

     The resort to state policing has the potential to reduce crimes, if not eliminate them. The people know most of the criminals in their neighbourhoods and communities. Giving states the power to establish their own police, as is the case in other jurisdictions, will convert the groundswell of intelligence at the local level into an advantage in surveillance, crime detection, and prevention.

     Those who argue that the governors would abuse state police with their absolute control, that the police may become a tool in the hands of the states’ chief executives for hounding and oppressing political opponents, should also remember that even federal police are subject to abuse. The #EndSARS protests of October 2020 was initially intended to draw attention to the excesses of the police, particularly police brutality from the now-disbanded SARS unit, before hoodlums hijacked the protests to unleash arson and loot public property and assets of targeted individuals.

     State police may not be an end in itself. It would indeed require necessary fine-tuning, checks and corrections along the line when the system becomes operational. Those recruited into state police forces must be adequately trained, equipped, and briefed to understand the importance of their work and the implications of using force for improper purposes.

    Now, the National Assembly and the general public have their own responsibility cut out for them. The lawmakers should now play their part by enacting the enabling laws to give effect to state policing. Under our federal system of government, states ordinarily should have been empowered to maintain their own police forces, as the Federal Government does. This did not happen. State police is indeed long overdue.

    President Tinubu had said in his national security emergency statement: “I call on the National Assembly to begin reviewing our laws to allow states that require state police to establish them.

    States should rethink establishing boarding schools in remote areas without adequate security. Mosques and churches should constantly seek police and other security protection when they gather for prayers, especially in vulnerable areas.”

    He had said further: “My fellow Nigerians, this is a national emergency, and we are responding by deploying more boots on the ground, especially in security-challenged areas. The times require all hands on deck. As Nigerians, we should all get involved in securing our nation.”

     Also relevant to this security challenge is the whistleblowers’ role. Our people should be encouraged to smoke out crime wherever it may be lurking by providing information to the police. It is now imperative for the National Assembly to enact the necessary laws to protect whistleblowers. The Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes and Other Matters Commission, Mr Ola Olukoyede, has long been advocating this. The National Assembly must now take the gauntlet in the interest of a crime-free Nigeria and for the benefit of Nigerians. Let’s seize the moment we have craved for years.

    • Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.

  • Call to implement tripod model for curbing insecurity in Nigeria

    Call to implement tripod model for curbing insecurity in Nigeria

    Nigeria stands at a perilous crossroads today. The spectre of insecurity looms large, threatening not only the safety of lives and property but also the very fabric of our national unity, economic stability, and collective destiny. From the northern plains to the southern forests, from bustling cities to rural hamlets, the menace of banditry, insurgency, kidnapping, and communal violence has become a daily reality. This is not merely a passing challenge; it is an existential crisis that demands urgent, pragmatic, and visionary intervention.

    The time for rhetoric has long expired. What Nigeria requires now is decisive action anchored in innovation, cultural resonance, and institutional empowerment. It is within this context that I call upon the Federal Government to adopt what I term the Tripod Model of Security Intervention—a three-pillar framework designed to transform our approach to safeguarding lives and property. This model rests upon three strategic pillars: deploying drones and forest rangers to reclaim our forests and rural spaces, implementing state policing to localise and strengthen law enforcement, and constitutionally empowering our traditional monarchs to serve as grassroots patriotic security arms. Together, these pillars form a tripod—stable, balanced, and resilient. Without one, the structure falters; with all three, Nigeria can stand firm against the tide of insecurity.

    Implementing Recommendations from Drone and Forest Rangers

    Nigeria’s forests, once symbols of natural abundance and ecological heritage, have tragically become sanctuaries for criminality. Insurgents, kidnappers, and bandits exploit these vast, ungoverned spaces as hideouts, staging grounds, and operational bases. The inability of conventional policing to penetrate these terrains has emboldened criminal networks, leaving rural communities vulnerable and defenceless.

    In my earlier article, Drone and Forest Rangers, I outlined a comprehensive strategy to reclaim these spaces. The Federal Government must now move beyond deliberation to implementation. Advanced drone technology offers unparalleled opportunities for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and rapid response. Drones can monitor vast forested regions in real time, detect suspicious movements, and relay actionable intelligence to security agencies.

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    Yet drones alone are insufficient. Technology must be complemented by human presence. This is where forest rangers come in—well-trained, well-equipped personnel dedicated to patrolling, monitoring, and securing our forests. These rangers should be armed not only with modern tools but also with ecological knowledge, enabling them to protect both human communities and environmental resources.

    The synergy between drones and forest rangers will dismantle criminal hideouts, disrupt insurgent logistics, and restore confidence in rural and forested regions. Moreover, it will send a powerful message: Nigeria will no longer cede its natural spaces to criminality. Our forests must return to being sanctuaries of life, not death.

    Implementing State Policing

    Centralised policing, as currently practised in Nigeria, has proven inadequate in addressing the diverse and localised nature of our security challenges. A single, monolithic police structure cannot effectively respond to the unique cultural, geographical, and socio-political realities of thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory.

    State policing is not merely an option; it is an urgent necessity. Empowering states to manage their own security architecture will ensure rapid response, cultural alignment, and accountability. Local officers, recruited from within communities, will possess intimate knowledge of the terrain, language, and social dynamics. They will be better positioned to detect early warning signs of unrest, mediate conflicts, and respond swiftly to emergencies.

    Critics often raise concerns about the potential misuse of state police by governors for political purposes. While such concerns are valid, they are not insurmountable. Robust constitutional safeguards, independent oversight mechanisms, and federal coordination can mitigate these risks. Indeed, the dangers of inaction far outweigh the risks of reform.

    The Federal Government must therefore collaborate with the National Assembly to amend the constitution and institutionalise state policing. This reform will decentralise security, empower communities, and strengthen the federation. It will also relieve the overstretched federal police, allowing them to focus on national and trans-state threats such as terrorism, cybercrime, and organised crime.

    In truth, no modern federation thrives without localised policing. Nigeria must join the ranks of nations that recognise the indispensability of state-level law enforcement.

    Constitutionally Empowering Nigeria’s Monarchs as Grassroots Patriotic Security Arms

    Nigeria’s traditional rulers—Obas, Obis, Emirs, and other custodians of cultural heritage—occupy a unique position in our national life. They are not relics of the past but living institutions of trust, influence, and continuity. For centuries, they have served as custodians of community values, mediators of disputes, and guardians of local order.

    In the contemporary context of insecurity, these monarchs must be constitutionally empowered to serve as grassroots patriotic security arms. This empowerment should not be symbolic; it must be practical, financial, and institutional. A fraction of the security votes currently reserved for governors should be allocated to fund monarch-led security initiatives.

    Traditional rulers, with their deep-rooted networks and moral authority, can mobilise community vigilance, foster intelligence gathering, and coordinate local defence efforts. They can serve as bridges between formal security agencies and grassroots communities, ensuring that information flows seamlessly and trust is maintained.

    Moreover, empowering monarchs will restore a sense of ownership and patriotism at the community level. Citizens will no longer perceive security as a distant, government-imposed structure but as a collective responsibility anchored in familiar institutions. This cultural alignment is crucial; without it, security measures risk alienation and resistance.

    By leveraging the influence of traditional rulers, Nigeria can create a patriotic force that complements formal security agencies and strengthens community resilience. In times of crisis, monarchs can rally their people, mediate conflicts, and prevent escalation. Their involvement will transform security from a top-down imposition into a bottom-up collaboration.

    The Tripod Model: A Balanced Framework

    The genius of the Tripod Model lies in its balance. Each pillar addresses a distinct dimension of insecurity: technology and terrain through drones and forest rangers, localisation and accountability through state policing, and culture and community trust through empowered monarchs. Together, they form a holistic framework that is pragmatic, technology-driven, and culturally aligned. No single pillar can suffice; all three must be implemented in concert. Just as a tripod cannot stand on two legs, Nigeria cannot overcome insecurity with partial measures.

    This model also reflects the principle of subsidiarity: decisions and actions should be taken at the most immediate level consistent with their resolution. Forest rangers operate at the ecological level, state police at the political level, and monarchs at the cultural level. Each complements the other, creating a layered defence system that is both resilient and adaptive.

    Conclusion: The Time to Act is Now

    Insecurity is eroding Nigeria’s national unity, economic stability, and international reputation. It undermines investment, disrupts education, displaces communities, and corrodes trust in government. Left unchecked, it threatens to unravel the very fabric of our nation.

    The Tripod Model offers a way forward—a pragmatic, balanced, and visionary solution. It combines technology with tradition, decentralisation with unity, and innovation with cultural resonance. It is not a utopian dream but a practical framework that can be implemented with political will, constitutional reform, and institutional commitment.

    I therefore urge the Federal Government to act immediately. Implement these recommendations. Empower our institutions. Restore peace to Nigeria. History will not judge us by our intentions but by the actions we take today.

    Nigeria must rise to the challenge. The tripod awaits its deployment. The time to act is now.

    •Ademola is Africa’s First Professor of Cybersecurity and Information Technology Management, Chartered Manager, UK Digital Journalist,  Strategic Advisor & Prophetic Mobiliser for National Transformation, and General Evangelist of CAC Nigeria and Overseas

  • Ambassador Niniola celebrates AMBO as a builder, reformer, performer in heartfelt birthday tribute

    Ambassador Niniola celebrates AMBO as a builder, reformer, performer in heartfelt birthday tribute

    Today, we celebrate a man whose life reflects discipline, excellence, and unwavering commitment to public service, Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiju (AMBO). His journey from the banking halls of Wema, Spring, and Enterprise Bank to becoming one of Nigeria’s most respected financial minds speaks to a lifetime defined by results, not rhetoric.

    His remarkable turnaround of OSICOL remains one of Osun State’s finest governance success stories. At a time when the institution was written off, AMBO stepped in with clarity, rebuilt its financial backbone, introduced discipline, and transformed it into Omoluabi Holdings, growing its value from ₦300 million to ₦6 billion and delivering tangible projects across Abere, Lagos, Abuja, and Osogbo for the state’s prosperity. He didn’t revive just an institution; he restored confidence in what public-sector excellence could look like.

    Despite receiving the lowest FAC, Bola Oyebamiji, as Commissioner for Finance, brought order to Osun’s fiscal environment, raising IGR from ₦6 billion to ₦24 billion, strengthening TSA, SIFMIS, procurement systems, and helping the state achieve multiple SFTAS awards. In his hands, Osun’s finances did not collapse; they stabilized, strengthened, and earned national and global commendations.

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    At NIWA, President Tinubu entrusted him with another strategic assignment, and once again, AMBO delivered. He modernized operations, expanded safety mechanisms, introduced the pioneering Waterways Transportation Code, improved staff welfare, and reduced waterway accidents by 30% in his first year and 72% in his second year, proving yet again that leadership is not about titles, but impact.

    What sets AMBO apart is consistency. Across sectors and institutions, he has demonstrated competence, calm, and character. As Osun looks toward 2026, his record stands as proof that he is not coming to learn governance; he is coming to apply it.

    Beyond his accomplishments, AMBO’s humility stands out. Despite decades of achievements, he remains accessible, respectful, and deeply connected to the everyday people whose lives his decisions have shaped. His leadership is not elitist; it is human, empathetic, and grounded in service.

    On this special day, I joined everyone to celebrate a builder, a reformer, a performer, and a dependable ally whose contributions continue to speak louder than any campaign ever could. May God bless you with long life, strength, and greater opportunities to serve. Happy Birthday, Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji

    — Ambassador Issah Adedotun Niniola is the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Protocol

  • Another garland awaits Zacch Adedeji as Fed Govt is set to exceed revenue target

    Another garland awaits Zacch Adedeji as Fed Govt is set to exceed revenue target

    By Rabiu Usman

    Two months to the end of this year 2025, it is getting clearer that once again, the Federal Government through the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) under Dr Zacch Adedeji, is poised to surpass the revenue target for the year.

    Dr Zacch Adedeji had set a N25.2 trillion revenue target for 2025, N3.6 trillion higher than the revenue generated in 2024. The target for 2024 was N19.4 trillion. This target was not only met, it was exceeded by N2.2 trillion as N21.6 trillion was generated.

    For 2025, under the leadership of Zacch Adedeji, the FIRS has already recorded a total of N22.59 trillion in tax collections from January to September, leaving just N2.64 trillion to meet the targeted N25.2 trillion.

    The N22.59 trillion nine months tax collection will amount to an average of N2.51 trillion per month. Going by this, it can be rightly expected that the FIRS will surpass this year’s revenue target of N25.2 trillion by more than N4 trillion.

    From the total collections from January to September 2025, oil tax revenue stood at N5.29 trillion, representing 98 percent of the target, while non-oil taxes amounted to N17.3 trillion, or 128 percent of the target, accounting for 76 percent of the total collection.

    Since Zacch Adedeji took over as the FIRS boss, FIRS has achieved significant revenue improvements in mobilisation.

    While setting the 2025 target of N25.2 trillion, he had declared that its realization would be anchored on the strategic pillars of capacity building and training, infrastructure and facility enhancement, as well as technological advancement.

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    Dr. Zacch Adedeji, who had described the 2024 performance as a landmark moment in Nigeria’s tax administration history, stressed the need for sustained momentum, strategic reforms, and institutional consolidation.

    Two months to the end the year 2025, it is crystal clear that the momentum that made the 2023 and 2024 revenue target to be surpassed has not only been sustained, it has increased.

    And as assured by Adedeji, the one being referred to as the Nigeria version of “Zaccheus The Tax Collector”, “the FIRS will continue to implement new tax laws fairly, enhance the digitalisation of tax processes, train and retrain its staff, and strengthen partnerships with stakeholders to meet and surpass government revenue expectations.”

    According to him, the implementation of the new tax laws, which provide for the transformation of the FIRS into the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) will take effect on January 1, 2026, thus empowering the agency to be involved in non-tax revenue collection from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC).

    Adedeji noted that several strategic initiatives have modernised tax administration, including the National Single Window Project, designed to streamline trade and tax processes, and the e-invoicing system, which enhances transparency, accuracy, and digital integration in tax collection.

    He said; “FIRS has in 2025 continued its transformation into a modern, technology-driven, and service-oriented institution, achieving major legislative, operational, and technological milestones that position it for sustained growth and greater efficiency.”

    The FIRS has also not stopped praising the judiciary for what he called “its sound and consistent tax rulings that have helped shape the nation’s fiscal landscape.”

    Speaking at a capacity-building workshop for Justices of the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, and Judges of the Federal High Court on new tax laws recently, the FIRS Chairman, said that the introduction of new tax laws, including amendments to the Finance Acts, the Petroleum Industry Act, and other subsidiary legislations, has significantly reshaped the tax ecosystem. He however demanded deeper collaboration between the judiciary and tax authorities.

    “The judiciary, through its interpretative powers, remains the ultimate arbiter in maintaining the delicate balance between the legitimate powers of tax authorities and the rights of taxpayers.

    “Tax disputes that are resolved promptly and based on clear judicial principles foster compliance and contribute to economic stability,” he said.

    With a record-breaking revenue growth of N47.39 trillion, representing 115 per cent of the target, non-oil revenue accounting for 76 per cent of total collections, the diversification and reform success in the country’s tax administration is becoming more and more obvious.

    And for the country’s Zaccheus The Tax Collector, it is yet another Garland, even as another ambitious target is being expected for 2026.

    • Usman, a public affairs commentator writes from Abuja

  • Putin, Trump and next

    Putin, Trump and next

    By Diane Francis

    Why doesn’t Donald Trump have sympathy with Ukraine like most people do? Why has he placed no sanctions on Russia or its oil customers? Why does he hesitate to give Ukraine Tomahawk missiles to retaliate against Russia’s devastating attacks on civilians? Why does he handle Putin with kid gloves and respect? Why is he the tough guy who beats up or bombs rivals but tiptoes around Putin, allowing him to embarrass, humiliate, and outflank him? Why is there no deal to end the war? Of growing concern is that Trump’s efforts have also been erratic and questionable, raising questions as to whether he’s impaired, has been promised riches by Putin, or is being blackmailed. Whatever the reason, Putin, the world’s worst geopolitical predator, has been able to run circles around the most powerful man on the Planet. So far.

    It makes little sense that a tough guy from New York City with a bottomless desire for success and the Nobel Peace Prize has squandered the momentum he created by executing the Israel-Gaza peace deal, a template that he made. All that is needed to stop Russia’s slaughter is: Back Ukraine to the hilt with weapons, as he did Israel, demolish Russia’s oil industry and economy with long-range missiles as well as severe sanctions, sanction all of Russia’s oil customers, publicly isolate, humiliate, and call Putin a war criminal who kidnaps children, then demand a ceasefire or escalate. Trump’s failure to put his own patented peace plan into gear makes him an accomplice, not a savior.

    Matthias Schmale, the UN’s humanitarian coordinator in Ukraine, said 2025 has been deadlier for civilians than 2024, with casualties rising 30 percent.

    Equally perplexing is that Trump is unafraid of bombing and sanctioning the Ayatollahs or destroying thugs like Nicholas Maduro in Venezuela. But, in the case of Ukraine, Trump has held back from slamming Putin for refusing to agree to a ceasefire, as Ukraine did weeks ago, and has held back from providing more firepower to Kyiv as it is continuously bombarded. Instead, he has a chat with Putin and backs down. Clearly, nuclear escalation is always a concern, but Trump recently positioned nuclear submarines close to Russia to reassert American deterrence boldly.

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    What’s perplexing is the Trump-Putin relationship. Trump talks Tomahawks, Putin calls, and Trump shrinks. Then, Trump agrees that another summit will be held in Budapest. That bilateral is a coup for Putin for three reasons: Ukraine is not invited to participate, equivalent to settling the Israel-Gaza war by holding talks with Iran and Hamas without including Israel. Secondly, the summit provides another global photo-op for Putin, as did the pointless summit in Alaska, and thirdly, it also raises Putin’s stature in a city run by a pro-Putin government.

    Budapest is an unacceptable venue. Putin chose it because it was where, three decades ago, Kyiv agreed to surrender its nuclear arsenal in return for security guarantees from the US, Britain, Russia, and others – guarantees that were never honored. Ukraine was invaded twice since then by Russia, and the US and Britain didn’t lift a finger. Besides that, Hungary is Europe’s “skunk at the picnic” and a small, inconsequential nation run by Viktor Orban, a Putin lackey. Russia openly bribes Hungary by providing it with cheap oil, and Hungary returns the favor by refusing to supply self-defense military equipment to Ukraine, nor to allow military equipment sent by other European Union (EU) member states to pass through the country.

    Frankly, Hungary should be booted out of the EU and NATO because its government is obstructive to both alliances and is also guilty of democratic backsliding. Orban vetoes EU aid to Ukraine, and only recently agreed not to veto NATO assistance to Ukraine in return for concessions. But Orban is also a favorite of Trump because of his right-wing autocratic policies. So far, concerning Ukraine, it’s game, set, and match for Putin. In one phone call, Trump went from contemplating Tomahawks and sanctions to providing Putin with another global stage. Worse, in advance of the meet-up, Trump is putting pressure on Ukraine to capitulate, not on Putin. For example, he recently told Ukraine to accept Putin’s terms or risk being “destroyed” and suggested that Ukraine may have to trade land (Donbas) for peace.

    A bilateral summit also suits Trump and will help project his “peacemaker” image. More importantly, it will allow his team to conduct “business” with the Kremlin. Since his inauguration, Russia has dangled economic proposals to the American business community as a tactic to undermine support for Ukraine and as a disincentive against destroying Russia’s economy to stop the war, according to an Oct. 17 report published by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in Washington. “The Kremlin continues to employ a dual-handed rhetorical strategy, leveraging economic proposals and veiled military threats in an effort to simultaneously pursue normalizing US-Russian relations and deterring US support for Ukraine,” it wrote.

    This initiative is being directed by the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) CEO and key Kremlin negotiator, Kirill Dmitriev, who publicly promotes a gigantic joint US-Russian economic venture, according to the ISW. This undertow of promised opportunities is obviously designed to prevent attacks that could destroy Russia’s asset base as well as to discourage draconian sanctions that could cripple its key businesses.

    Interestingly, the Republican and business-oriented Wall Street Journal urges full-on escalation against Russia in an editorial entitled “Give Ukraine the Tomahawks, Mr. President.” It stated that “Mr. Trump’s reluctance seems to involve two concerns, and the first is escalation with a nuclear power. But Mr. Putin has been lobbing cruise and ballistic missiles at Ukraine for years, and there’s nothing escalatory about return fire. Tomahawks could be a force for peace by altering Mr. Putin’s capacity to carry on his grinding war. Mr. Trump has said repeatedly he wants to end the war, and no doubt he means it. But Mr. Putin so far hasn’t shown any willingness to stop shooting.”

    So what’s next? There may be a light at the end of this tunnel. For starters, Trump would never have agreed to go to Budapest without certainty that there is or will be a deal. The Putin call was lengthy and took 2.5 hours, which indicates that a complicated agreement may have been sketched out. The latest rumor is that Putin wants Donetsk but is willing to “surrender” parts of occupied southern Ukraine, wrote the ISW on Oct. 20. But no one knows.

    Optimistically, the best scenario would be that Trump may, in fact, pull off another Israel-Gaza triumph. After all, Putin knows that without a ceasefire win for Trump, the stalemate will grind on, Ukrainians won’t capitulate, and Tomahawks, backed by Ukrainian drones, will eventually have to wipe out what’s left of Russia’s economy. Only a deal can prevent Russia’s collapse and eventual dissolution. So Trump let Putin pick Budapest, but only if he agreed to freeze the battle line where it is now, give up some land, and immediately stop shooting.

    • This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Fayemi, fuel subsidy, and the danger of a single story

    Fayemi, fuel subsidy, and the danger of a single story

    By Tosin Durodola

    There is a familiar pattern in Nigerian politics. A short clip travels fast, gains outrage, and becomes the version of events that sticks. Nuance rarely survives that journey. The latest target of this treatment is Dr Kayode Fayemi, former Governor of Ekiti State, following the renewed circulation of a brief video in which he appears to dismiss the Occupy Nigeria protests of 2012 as “mere politics.” The clip is being reshared without the wider argument that surrounded it. Anyone who wants an accurate record of what he said should start with that missing context. The circulation of fragments is not trivial because such fragments quickly harden into collective memory.

    Once a phrase becomes the story, subsequent corrections struggle to gain traction, and public debate begins to orbit a caricature rather than the full account. Readers deserve a fuller reconstruction of events, sources, and sequence before settling on a judgment.

    The remark did not arise spontaneously this week. It came from a lecture Dr Fayemi delivered in September 2023 while speaking on democratic accountability and difficult policy choices. The subject of fuel subsidy reform was raised. He observed that the political class in 2012 had not presented a united front. In fact, the Action Congress of Nigeria, his party at the time, opposed subsidy removal in the heat of social pressure, even though governors in the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, which included ACN governors, had earlier supported President Jonathan’s decision because the subsidy regime was seen as corrupt and fiscally damaging.

    ACN politicians ultimately sided with the protests, not because the policy lacked merit, but because the politics of that moment demanded it. His plea was that leaders should face the issue honestly rather than shield themselves from backlash when reality hits. In other words, the political speech now circulating was a commentary on political behaviour, not a dismissal of public suffering.

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    Dr Fayemi has acknowledged his own role in that 2012 episode, noting that governors were caught between technocratic evidence and partisan mobilisation, eventually aligning with their party position despite personal conviction. The lecture also situated subsidy reform within a wider democratic test about trust, fairness, and the credibility of social protection measures.

    The reactions to that lecture prompted Dr Fayemi to write an article in Punch titled “Tackling the Danger of a Single Story.” In that piece he recognised that the Occupy Nigeria movement was driven by anger over economic hardship, distrust, and fear of deeper inequality. He did not trivialise those concerns. He argued that the policy itself became a casualty of partisanship. He also used the example to call for more responsible politics, especially where difficult reforms affect millions of ordinary people. His Punch article made clear that the ACN’s posture in 2012 was shaped by political calculations during ongoing merger talks that later birthed the APC. In retrospect, he regrets the tactical posture that contributed to policy reversal, and it was in that sense that he apologised directly to Jonathan at the 2023 lecture.

    To understand the full picture, we must recall what made the 2023 context fundamentally different. Unlike 2012, the 2023 political class was united on subsidy removal before the election. Tinubu, Atiku and Obi all campaigned on removing fuel subsidy.

    The agreement was clear. Yet by September 2023, after President Tinubu implemented the policy they all promised, both Atiku and Obi had already begun to criticise the administration. That reversal raised the spectre of history repeating itself. It was this development that informed Dr Fayemi’s warning at the lecture. His point was that Nigeria must not return to a cycle where parties weaponise a reform they publicly endorsed. He urged other leaders not to “pay Tinubu back in his own coin” the way ACN paid Jonathan back in 2012. The plea for consistency was unmistakable.

    Despite that clarification, the conversation resurfaced this week after a public event held on Tuesday. Once again the question of political will in 2012 was raised. Dr Fayemi repeated that governors had supported the policy in principle and that the administration failed to carry it through. This has now become the latest line pushed across social media. The impression being created is that he changed his position, or worse, that he now wishes to rewrite history. Both claims ignore the record.

    He has made the same argument consistently. Fuel subsidy reform was necessary. The politics around it were messy. The people bore the consequences. The cycle of selective outrage continues because a short clip is easier to circulate than a 45-minute lecture or a carefully argued rejoinder. It also shows why those who care about an accurate archive must track when a statement was made, to whom it was addressed, and how it relates to earlier or later clarifications.

    Nigeria has long struggled with society-wide trust in subsidy reform. Citizens hear promises of palliatives and safety measures but remember the years in which removal led to higher costs without visible relief. Politicians recognise the long-term need for reform but resist taking ownership of it when the street protests begin. Both sides know the stakes. Both sides have grievances.

    When analysis reduces this to good versus bad, or truth versus hypocrisy, the country loses a chance to examine what went wrong and why it keeps happening. A major part of the lesson from 2012 is that reforms of this scale cannot be managed on the back of political optics alone. Credibility, sequencing, and social protection architecture matter for legitimacy.

    This is why the sequence of Dr Fayemi’s comments matters. The clip being shared reflects a fragment of a wider concern about political evasion. His later writing gives the bigger picture that should have accompanied that fragment from the start.

    The renewed comments this week simply repeat his call for honesty on the subject. When viewed in order, the thread is clear. When timeline and intent are restored, the accusation of revisionism loses its force, and the focus shifts back to the structural failures of Nigeria’s political economy.

    No public figure is above critique. Dr Fayemi is no exception. If some Nigerians want to debate his position, that is fair ground. The issue is how that debate is framed. When a selective edit replaces the full argument, the result is a distorted record. That approach might score quick points online but does little for political memory. A serious democracy asks for more careful listening. If we apply that standard here, critique can become a space for learning rather than misrepresentation.

    Fuel subsidy reform remains one of the hardest policy issues in Nigeria. The hardship many citizens face since the latest removal shows why the protests of 2012 had real force. It also shows why political actors cannot afford to pretend they never supported the idea once the consequences become visible. That was the warning at the centre of Dr Fayemi’s lecture. It should be read with that intent in mind, not reduced to a clip stripped of context. Without a culture of policy accountability, the country risks repeating the same errors under different administrations.

    There is a better standard we can hold ourselves to. When public statements are examined, let the full words speak before judgment is passed. Context will not remove disagreement. It will at least ensure that the disagreement is an honest one. Nigeria deserves a political record built on accuracy and a more responsible path for the difficult decisions that lie ahead. When memory is curated responsibly, policy lessons stand a chance of surviving beyond the news cycle.

    Durodola, PhD, teaches politics, history, conflict, and displacement. He writes from Abuja

  • Love, mercy and forgiveness

    Love, mercy and forgiveness

    By Abdu Rafiu

    Love, it is said, conquers all things. The saying was echoed by the Archbishop of Homs for the Syrian Catholics, Jacques Mourad while narrating his harrowing experiences in captivity. He was among several Assyrian Christians in North-East Syria abducted in February, 2015. According to Agency reports at the time abduction occurred when ISIL fighters seized two Assyrian villages from the Kurdish forces in the Province of Hassakeh. Between 70 and 100 people fell victims. Archbishop Mourad said disarmingly that treating others with love is the Christian’s duty even in the most difficult circumstances, and to the youths, his message was that they should cultivate and preserve spiritual and moral values in all situations. On his attitude to his tormentors, the bishop said hatred has no place in the believer’s heart, emphasizing the point that forgiveness and mercy are essential to the Christian faith.

    The situation in Syria is not too dissimilar to the Nigerian situation. For those who can invite themselves into deep contemplation, they will see a bigger picture of our world upside down, in turmoil. And it will get worse as purification of the planet earth intensifies and accelerates with the unusual pressure of Light Power encompassing our universe. That Light Power is mediated by the Holy Spirit, the World Judge, unsuspected by a great many of the believers. In August this year, it can be recalled that 27 were killed in an attack on worshippers in a mosque at the village of Unguwan Mantau in Malumfashi Local Government Area. The Katsina State Commissioner for Internal Affairs, Nasir Muazu, said the attack occurred during morning prayers with the gunmen opening fire inside the mosque, shooting sporadically. At the last count, the death toll had risen to 50, and dozens were abducted. Muazu said the local government “reaffirms its unwavering support for community-based security initiatives.” The local government called the incident a reprisal attack, fearing that it might have to do with the ambush by local residents two days earlier during which some bandits were killed.

    The attack on the Great Mosque of Kano occurred on Friday, 28 November, 2014. Al Jazeera reported that banditry is rife in North-Western Nigeria and Central Regions, where herders and farmers clash and armed gangs target locals for financial gain.

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    In March this year, on the 21st to be specific, assailants from the Islamic State in Greater Sahara (ISGS), said to be an affiliate of ISIL surrounded Fambita Mosque and randomly shot at worshippers, according to a statement from Niger’s Defence Ministry. They then set a market and several homes on fire. The attack took place on a Friday and left 44 worshippers killed. The incident was in the last 10 days of the month of Ramadan. Authorities said it was intended to cause as many civilian casualties as possible. The agencies including BBC in its digital bulletin report that in recent years, the Sahel has seen a major uptick in violence, following the expansion of armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL terrorist groups which took over territory in north Mali following the 2012 Tuareg rebellion there. Since then the violence has spread into neighbouring countries of Niger and Burkina Faso, and more recently, says the report, into some coastal West African nations. UN Deputy Secretary-General, Nigeria’s Amina Mohammed characterized the Sahel as “ground zero” for one of the most brutal security crisis in the world.

    Despite efforts by member states, terrorism-related deaths in the region have reportedly soared past 6,000 for three consecutive years, making up more than half of all global fatalities. It is said the attack on Fambita Mosque should be a wake-up call to all-including international community-“as to the seriousness of the situation and the widening risks faced by civilians in Niger.”

    Everything put on the scale, the attacks on Christian communities, their farms and homes as well as their priests are more, both in frequency and extent. Therefore fears have been expressed about genocidal motives undergirding the attacks. What with 100 people killed in June and Amnesty International had to call for the government to end the “almost daily bloodshed in Benue State.”

    In attacks that led to what agency reports have dubbed mass exodus, at least 15 million people have been displaced, forced to abandon their villages, ancestral homes and churches to flee the massacres. Efforts by this column should be to heal wounds and not to inflame passions and emotions. As such the column refrains from getting into gory details. As we all know, however, and it is corroborated by Intersociety, a non-governmental organization, as well as Catholic News Agency, the worst hit states include Taraba, Adamawa, Borno, Kaduna, Benue, Plateau, Enugu, Imo, Niger, Kogi, Nasarawa, Bauchi, Yobe and Southern Kaduna where Jihadist groups such as Boko Haram, ISWAP (Islamic State West Africa Province), herdsmen and bandits have combined religious terrorism with criminal motives.

    Professor Dr. Michalis Marioras of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens reflecting on the way forward would like to see vastly improved inter-religious dialogue and cooperation.”We need fewer words and more actions,” he is quoted to have said. “In my vision of interreligious dialogue and cooperation, the main aim is to pass from academic dialogue or theological dialogue to social action. I’m very happy to see that now we are talking about the real problems of our days. As an academic teacher I believe in education; education can change stereotypes and mindsets but we have to be honest. We have to prepare new generations to be ready not only to co-exist but to cohabitate in our planet.”

    Professor Michalis Marioras is a member of the World Council of Churches (WCC) Reference Group, an inter-religious Dialogue and Cooperation. He spoke in Athens, Greece, at the 60th meeting and the Life and Work Centenary Conference in May, this year. He believes that leaders have to go from the spiritual elite to the grassroots. “We need the people,” he says. “It is very easy to communicate as academics or clergy between us. But the results must go down to the grassroots, the people, everyday life.”

    However, while it is necessary to establish inter-religious dialogue and cooperation, it will remain hollow without true knowledge of life and existence and implications of activities by both the leaders and the led.

    That reminds one of the Indian uprising 33 years ago. At the last count in December, 1992, no fewer than 1,016 persons had been killed in the Hindu-Moslem uprising which erupted following the demolition of a 16 Century Babri Mosque in Ayodhya town in Northern India. The violence climaxed a series of clashes on the land by adherents of two major religions not only in India, but the whole world. When the uprising sparked, leading to the death of 50 persons overnight, it spread rapidly to eight states of India, and then expectedly to the tinder-box state of Uttar Pradesh and indeed across the countries and the seas to the United Kingdom where there were reprisal actions against Hindu Temples.

    The land on which the mosque then 464 years old was built had been a source of constant conflicts and cause of litigations. As of the time the Hindu fundamentalists moved in to pull down the mosque, a case was pending in the Supreme Court which had ruled that the status-quo be maintained. Other authorities, Federal and local, had favoured a status-quo ante.

    The Hindu groups had claimed that the site was the birthplace of Rama, a war hero whom they had deified, and had erected on it a temple which they lost to those they described as Moslem invaders who overpowered the Hindus and built their mosque nearly 500 years as of 33 years ago. The Moslems had dismissed the historical claim by the Hindus as a fallacy. The Hindus said they had foreseen a Temple rising again on the land, and they considered it their responsibility to reclaim the land, preserve it, and when guided to kick-start the building the Temple, they would gladly do so. Mercifully and commendably, the Federal Government of India, upon receiving news of the attack on the Mosque, immediately pledged to rebuild it.

    It would require Solomonic wisdom to say who the rightful owners of the land were. The Moslems? The Hindus? Whose child was it? That was the naughty question Solomon faced when two women met him each laying claim to a child.

    It is reckless in the extreme to pull down any mosque, church and what have you, places dedicated to the sublime and humble worship of the Most High, our Maker; places where people gather to send their gratitude to the Almighty Creator of all the worlds, seen and unseen, all universes and all the Realms, for experiences of each day. It is inexplicable that people dare move against hallowed places, for whatever reason. It is even more condemnable that people are killed ostensibly to please God, the Most High. Many a man deludes himself into believing that if he kills, his place is assured in Heaven. He who kills in the name of religion or the state does so to please his religion or the state and not the Almighty Father. Evil is completely alien to the Creator. Evil cannot be found in Love, and the Most High is Love. He is Love, Justice and Purity. He is goodness and perfection embodied. It is only goodness that can come out of goodness, and perfection out of perfection. What else can we expect to come out of goodness if not goodness! Evil belongs to Darkness. Since Darkness cannot withstand the Light, it follows that the products of Darkness cannot also withstand the pressure of the Light. Darkness has no foundation. But Light is Living. It is Life which is eternal. The idea to create hell can never arise from the Purity of the Most High God. Hell is a creation of man, arising from wrong-doings.

    To kill is to transgress the Law, The Fifth Commandment which says: “Thou shalt not kill!” To kill, therefore, is evil. And according to the Living Knowledge made available to seeking human beings on earth today, we now know that the commandment goes beyond physical elimination, to deadening of a person’s gifts meant to be developed and be of great benefit to mankind. If killing is evil, it is logical to conclude that it cannot be pleasing to the Creator. He who kills in the name of religion, or even destroys another person’s property will bear personal responsibility for his activities as the Laws of Creation do not know state or religion.

    Apostle Paul it was who said we cannot live in sin and expect Grace to abound. The Hindus may not have been familiar with Paul’s monumental statement. But they can recall Buddha’s admonition that when evil deeds arise, they bring harm to you and to others.

    Destroying a mosque is evil. So is destroying a church.

    Having said this, do the Hindus have a responsibility to reclaim and preserve their sacred land? Is it possible for them to receive guidance about the uniqueness of a piece of land? Certain lands are sacred and are to be protected for humble service to the Creator according to the light of those who may lay claim to them; and it is possible for them to have been guided to such lands. But how do you lay claim to a land lost nearly 500 years ago?

    The heavy weight of ethereal deposits from mankind has caused the earth to move ponderously below its orbital path. With purification going on in all countries on the face of the earth at the moment, manifesting in political instability, economic collapse, social decay and attitudinal degeneracy, all brought about by the pressure of the Light increasing by the day, the earth is gradually rising from the depths. In the process areas of the earth which cannot join in the movement owing to their weight, cause cracks in the earth crust, and larva escapes on to the face of the earth which we refer to as volcanic eruptions. The weight is signal to the elemental beings the builders of the earth to set to work. This is why tremors and earthquakes occur almost continually in these past decades. The same is true of plane crashes, making nonsense of scientific calculations and notions which have been regarded as settled. The calculations of aeronautics engineers and geographers are progressively rendered null and void, to use the language of lawyers. It is all in line with the seeming cacophony of the trumpet of the World Judgment. Nature is speaking to mankind, but man is expecting the fulfillment of Light promises according to his own wishes which are governed by his limitations, the capacity of his intellect which is only a tool for material comprehension. But Light happenings speak only to the spirit, the real man sojourning on earth. Ennoblement arises only in the spirit.

    The point this column is getting at is if at a point in the history of India, a community had come to recognition of the Holy Will of the Most High, and had lived in conformity with this Will which manifests in the Laws of Nature, the activities of the Holy Spirit, that community would be clarified, so would be the air-their environment generally. The land would be consecrated in the purity of their activities. It is such a land which has not been poisoned and dragged down that would be preserved for Light Activities. It is, therefore, possible for those with inner purity, inner probity, those with rich inner life, to see what land has been reserved for what purpose. Divine messages can never be intelligible to him who thinks only in the earthly way, for what they reveal can only be absorbed by the spirit. Land radiates. A wholesome land will radiate correspondingly. Even if the whole world does not believe the promises, even if they are not aware of them, it does not make the promises false.

    Prophecies are not made to please men. And human opinions in the matter do not count. Was Mount Sinai on which Moses was mercifully permitted to receive The Ten Commandments an ordinary land? Certainly not. Israel was the Promised Land prepared and preserved for the use of the Lord Christ to save mankind from their self-inflicted ruin with His Word of Truth.

    He came to arrest the alarming decline in spirituality, and through His Word, free mankind from their faults and weaknesses which hold them back from getting to Paradise. Israeli land was, therefore, not an ordinary land. If the Hindus were right in their claims to the land, it still does not justify the destruction of the mosque. If the land is not being used for the purpose for which it was intended by the Light, for the pure worship of the Most High, in the reckoning of the Creator not that of man, the Creator knows what to do. They would be guided as to how to go about reclaiming it. And this would not involve the use of violence, for violence is not the way of the Creator as He will not work against His own perfect Will to fulfill any promises which can find fulfillment only in the Will. The Hindus should have prayed and left the repossession to the automatic workings of Creation. If they were pure and earnest, their prayers would go to the Throne of Grace and would be answered. No one pleases the Creator by his religion, but by the purity of his thoughts, speeches and deeds-the activities of his hands, which, as we are permitted to know through higher knowledge today, are tantamount to doing the Will of the Most High, that we will become mature, become true spiritual personalities with talents and abilities unfolded.

    Where there is Truth, there can be no controversy. And with the unfolding of Truth light will be beamed to all issues and all questions will be answered. And nothing that does not stand on the foundation of Truth will exist anymore. Then the hour will have arrived “when neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem will you worship the Father…but in Spirit and in Truth for such the Father seeks to worship Him.” – John 4: 21.

    To reduce recriminations and conflicts, and foster inter-religious understanding in the land, the government should reactivate the Advisory Council on Religious Affairs set up by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida in 1986, then in the saddle, following the controversy that trailed Nigeria’s membership of OIC, (Organization of Islamic Cooperation). There was also the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council, a voluntary association made up of equal numbers of eminent Christians and Muslims. The composition rose to 30 on either side following co-option of women and youths-from 25 on each side at the inception. The brief to the council set up by Babangida was to promote inter-religious peace and stability-what both Bishop Jacques Mourad and Professor Michalis are advocating for Syria “to move forward together on the path of understanding.”

    • This article was culled from www.radiatingthetruth.com

    • Abdu Rafiu is a renowned editor, newspaper manager and respected elder of journalism.

  • Local Govt Service Commissions, local govt autonomy reform implementation, and challenges ahead

    Local Govt Service Commissions, local govt autonomy reform implementation, and challenges ahead

    In delivering the keynote address at the just concluded 2025 National Summit of the Local Government Service Commissions (LGSCs), I was compelled to observe the significance of the Summit coming on the heels of the 2024 reconvened National Council of the Civil Service Commissions of the federation as well as the Biennial Assembly and Conference of the African Association of Public Service Commissions (AAPSCOMMSs) which held in Nairobi, Kenya, also in 2024. These meetings and events signal the possibility that the public administration communities of service and practice in Nigeria might be waking up to their gatekeeping responsibilities in a collective bid to strengthen the profession of public administration in Nigeria and on the continent. This is a very good signal. And it is one that the Federal Civil Service Commission is ever ready to extend and partner with the Association of the LGSCs in concretizing.

    This emerging awareness is crucial given that all across the globe, there is consensus regarding the significance of local governance and the strengthening of democratic governance through the devolution of powers to local authorities. This growing awareness is even more important for developing contexts like Nigeria where democratic governance must necessarily constitute the means for activating development. This immediately reveals the ideological dimension of the ongoing discussion in Nigeria around the necessity of reforming the local government as the formidable third-tier of democratic government as well as grant it autonomy to deliver on local and grassroots governance. Successfully reforming the local government is therefore the way to go in placing the grassroots and its potentials at the center of democratic governance in Nigeria. There is no doubt whatsoever that the grassroots, aside its democratic potentials, also possess the natural resources and the requisite capabilities that could be harnessed to lift millions of Nigerians out of crippling multidimensional poverty. The grassroots possess the social capital that enables the people in the various rural communities to organize themselves around the available resources that could facilitate inclusive growth and development. This could therefore enable the government to mobilize local governance as a complement for achieving democratic governance, as well as consolidating, for example, the sustainable development goals (SDGs). The implication of all this, and especially of the government’s reform that grants financial autonomy to local government, is that there is now a larger imperative –involving the LGSCs—that focuses on the significance of local governance and its capability readiness for the national development and democratic projects in Nigeria.

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    The idea of the civil service commission (CSC) came out of the Northcote-Trevelyan civil service reform of the British civil service in 1885. It was meant to serve as the gatekeeping mechanism for preserving and protecting the merit system, professionalism and the vocation of the civil service. Its responsibility is to ensure that the system only recruit, train and absorb those who have the public spiritedness which insists on deferred gratification in the service of the public. In the Nigerian case, and beyond the emergence of the FCSC and CSCs of States, the LGSC came out of the 1976 local government reforms with the constitutional mandate to standardize the administrative and personnel practices, maintain professional standards conducive for efficiency at the local authority level, as well as overseeing manpower planning, assessment of staffing requirements, career management, training and capacity development, and so on. And the most fundamental criterion for evaluating the efficiency and the capacity of the LGSC to not only manage the affairs of the local government is now to also monitor and guarantee the degree of local autonomy enjoyed by the LGAs.

    The Local Autonomy Index, for example, provides a barometer that speaks to the level of autonomy enjoyed by any local authority: Is the leadership of local councils locally and freely elected? Is local revenue available for the use of the local governments? Do LGs generate and implement their own budget? Can LGs seek legal redress if any other tier of government breaches its enabling law? Do LGs enjoy administrative autonomy to control their management systems, in terms of the recruitment and appointment of own staff, etc.?

    The autonomy issue intersects the deepening of democratic governance in Nigeria because granting the third tier its governance autonomy implies allowing it to deploy its resources and national revenue accruing to it towards catalysing poverty reduction, wealth creation, and economic development. All these in turn become the bedrock for the transformation of the economic basis of the Nigerian state itself. Indeed, the Ojetunji Aboyade Committee on Revenue Allocation of 1977, by assigning a share of revenue allocation from the Federation Account to local governments and like the other two tiers, had set it in good governance stead to become a focal point of significant development activities that require high-calibre professional personnel to manage. And given the recent Supreme Court judgment on local government fiscal autonomy, there is the serious possibility that an era of robust and vibrant local governance is about to dawn in ways that takes the local governments away from its low fiscal responsibility towards a model of developmental efficiency.

    Even putting the autonomy issue in this optimistic frame must anticipate serious issues that intersect with the current problems attending the nature and status of the local government as the third-tier of government in Nigeria. One reality is that many of these local government areas were created not because of any concern for administrative viability, but more importantly to service political patronages and necessities. In coming to terms with the realization of local government autonomy in Nigeria, therefore, the LGSC has to first confront structural, systemic and constitutional issues that complicate the possibility of bringing it to pass. First, there is the acute politicization of the local government autonomy that hinges on the overlordship of the state government. In other words, there is a constitutional and legal conflict arising between, on the one hand, the guarantee of section 7 of the 1999 Constitution legislating the existence of democratically elected local governments, and on the other hand, the legal capacity of the state government to create laws and policies that regulate the local government system. Second, there is a constitutional ambiguity with regard to the status and role of the local government as the third tier of the federal government which has been hitherto exploited to facilitate the politicization mentioned earlier.

    Third, and based on the many years of neglect, political patronage and bureaucratic and political corruption, the local government authority has developed a deep-rooted institutional capability and capacity deficit that manifest in the form of poor pay and compensation structure, non-competency-based human resource management standards and procedures, weak or even virtually non-existent internal management control, degraded rating, and more, that together have reduced the local government to the lowest bottom of public perception. Lastly, there is also the conflict of interest and loyalty that result from local government staff who pay allegiance to the state government rather than to the local councils that employ them. This has implications for the possibility of designing and implementing local policies.

    The LGSC therefore confronts the urgency of supervising the emergence of Nigeria’s own indigenous model of local governance that will in turn supervise and harness the grassroots and community-based structures of social capital, networks and subsidiarity as the nodal service delivery points in terms of, for example, community policing, waste management, etc. This will require that the LGSC will also be prepared to service the high-end capacity, capability and professional competence that local autonomy will demand in terms of the management of the local government councils. This now brings us full cycle back to the LGSC and its fundamental role in gatekeeping the reform of the local government councils and authorities.

    In facilitating its gatekeeping constitutional responsibility, the LGSC first has to manage its own existence and authority placed under the watchful control of the state governments. It is therefore centrally situated at the eye of the storm to mediate the challenge of achieving autonomy.

    This situation concretizes the significance of the LGSC as the structural and administrative node for connecting local governance to democratic governance in Nigeria’s political context. This only then means that for the institution to succeed in its gatekeeping mandate, it demands a deep-seated reconceptualization of its objectives, mandates and modus operandi. Reconstituting and reforming the LGSC demands a lot in terms of constitutional enabling and structural capability. This will affect the leadership and stakeholder composition as well as the dynamics of its operations. For instance, the LGSC would have to operate not only with a renewed and redesigned manifest of delegated powers and functions involving local government chairmen and councillors, it will also need new schedules of duties and responsibilities that connect the local government to the citizens as end users.        

    What then are the key reform requirements that will facilitate this reconceptualization of the LGSC as a key institution in the transformation of local governance in Nigeria? Aside the imperative of restructuring the LGSC to facilitate the emergence of new stakeholder and a robust mandate and modus operandi, the administrative autonomy of the institution must be ensured. This is the crucial first step in the responsibility of enabling it to work towards the re-professionalization of the local government councils in ways that ensure its efficient productivity. This administrative independence allows it to streamline recruitment, appointment and personnel administration without undue and distracting interference from the state and from the local government leadership. 

    The second most significant reform issue concerns funding. This is where administrative autonomy connects with fiscal responsibility of the LGSC. A crucial dimension of its personnel administrative responsibility is manpower training and development. Without these, then the entire gatekeeping architecture collapses. The imperative, confronted by the LGSC, of gatekeeping personnel and human resource function, managing performance improvement and capacity reprofiling demands that the funding necessity must go beyond the meagre allocation that would hitherto accrue from the erstwhile State-Local Government Joint Account. Without a consistent source of significant funding, then the significance of the LGSC is crippled.  

    The importance of the LGSC in the public administration dynamics of local government and local governance in Nigeria cannot be underestimated. In constitutional and political terms, it is caught in a dilemma between what the Constitution mandates, and what the reality of state legal capacities demand. It requires a formidable reconceptualization in ways that will enable it give birth to a developmental model of local governance that Nigeria urgently needs to capacitate its democratic governance and national development. A good starting point is for the federal government to revisit the constitutional measures for inter-governmental relationship and partnership that make the state government a key stakeholder in local governance without in any way undermining the crucial local government autonomy as the third tier of government. This constitutional vigilance of the federal government, armed with constitutional safeguard, will ensure that the LGSC become the structural negotiation of a win-win relationship between the state and the local government to facilitate the emergence of the grassroots as a formidable site for progressive development that empowers the citizens and strengthens Nigeria’s democracy.  

    Prof. Tunji Olaopa Chairman, Federal Civil Service Commission & Professor  of Public Administration,  Abuja. (Being text of the Keynote Address delivered at the 2025 National Summit of the Association of Local Government Service Commissions of Nigeria held in Abuja on the 15th of October, 2025)

  • Much ado about a presidential pardon

    Much ado about a presidential pardon

    By Tunde Rahman

    The past week showed how people can easily misconstrue well-intentioned actions of the government. After the presidential pardon and clemency were handed down to some Nigerians and a few foreigners, intense controversy had erupted. Indeed, some commentators and analysts have been so vocal against the clemency, particularly as it relates to drug trafficking and capital offence convicts.

    Following the consultation with the Council of State on Thursday, October 11, President Bola Tinubu granted some reprieve to 175 persons. The reprieve was based on the recommendations of the Presidential Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, headed by the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi.

    Pardoned posthumously by President Tinubu were foremost nationalist Sir Herbert Macaulay; poet and soldier Major-General Mamman Vatsa; the writer and environmentalist, Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight fellow Ogoni activists, as well as the four Ogoni leaders considered his antagonists. Also pardoned were some jailed illegal miners, public officials found guilty of corruption, remorseful drug offenders and capital offence convicts, including Maryam Sanda, who is on death row for killing her husband in 2017 in a matrimonial row. The last two categories are the most controversial. I will dwell on them shortly. 

    The list of beneficiaries of the presidential reprieve is long and comprehensive. The committee went as far back as what transpired during the pre-independence era. For instance, the pardon granted to Macaulay corrected the historic injustice done to him by the British Colonialists. The case of the Ogoni 4 and Ogoni 9 killings that occurred in November 1995 during the military dictatorship of late General Sani Abacha was to engender complete reconciliation in Ogoniland. This presidential gesture has been widely applauded in Ogoniland and the entire South-South geopolitical zone.

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    Presidential Spokesman Bayo Onanuga had explained in the statement announcing the pardon that President Tinubu granted the clemency because most of the convicts had shown sufficient remorse and good conduct. Others were due to old age, acute medical conditions, acquisition of new vocational skills or enrolment in the National Open University.

    It must be pointed out that the presidency fully disclosed the pardon as a matter of full disclosure and transparency. Some other governments will typically mask the complete list, knowing it would generate controversy. This open gesture signifies that the Tinubu government has nothing to hide. Contrary to the erroneous suggestions by some people, there was no ulterior or political motive to the pardon.

    However, whether in Nigeria or other jurisdictions where presidents have the power to exercise the prerogative of mercy,  the exercise is always controversial.

    A similar storm was ignited during the Second Republic when President Shehu Shagari pardoned former warlord Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu for his role in the country’s 30-month civil war. Public outrage also greeted the full and unconditional pardon granted in 2013 by former President Goodluck Jonathan to his former boss and ally, the late Bayelsa governor Diepreye Alamieyesiegha, who was convicted of stealing millions of dollars.

    The presidential pardon and the response it usually elicits are no different internationally, particularly in the United States. President Bill Clinton reportedly signed 140 pardons on January 20, 2001, his last day in office. This included one for his younger half-brother, Roger Clinton, who was convicted in 1985 for cocaine possession and drug trafficking.

    According to Newsweek, such was Roger Clinton’s notoriety that the US Secret Service codenamed him “Headache” because of the constant trouble he gave President Clinton in office.

    Former US President Biden pardoned his son, Hunter Biden, after he had publicly pledged not to do so. Hunter Biden was convicted between January 1, 2014, and December 1, 2024, of offences, including gun running. President Biden also reportedly pardoned his other relatives who were convicted of sundry offences. 

    In his first term, President Donald Trump, in December 2020, pardoned Charles Kushner, the father of Jared Kushner, who is married to his daughter, Ivanka Trump. Jared Kushner was convicted of illegal campaign funding, tax evasion and witness tampering. All the pardons were intensely controversial.

    Back home, the present clemency for some drug offenders, along with that of Maryam Sanda, has emerged as the most contentious. For instance, in his seeming desperation to nail the government over Maryam Sanda’s pardon, last Tuesday, October 14, a columnist in Leadership newspaper, Abdulrauf Aliyu, went overboard in an article centred on Sanda’s pardon. It was titled “The Theatre of Presidential Pardon.” The columnist lied that the pardon was granted to Sanda before the final determination of the case, claiming that the case was still pending before the Supreme Court. 

    He proceeded on that wrong premise and argued that the government tempered the law for mercy. Nothing can be further from the truth! This is a rather sad commentary for a columnist who should know better. The Supreme Court has since affirmed the judgment of the Appeal Court confirming Sanda’s conviction.

    Sanda’s pardon is well-intentioned. Apart from the reports that Sanda had shown remorse in prison, it has also emerged that her father-in-law, Alhaji Ahmed Bello Isa, the father of the late Bilyaminu Bello, sought clemency for her. Alhaji Isa has disclosed that he personally appealed to both Presidents Muhammadu Buhari and Tinubu to grant her pardon so she can take care of the two children left behind by his son. He said the continued stay of her daughter-in-law or indeed her death would not bring back Bilyaminu.

    Also, the convicted drug offenders have spent time in jail. Some of them have even enrolled in the Open University or learned a new trade. It would be unfair to argue that former drug trafficking offenders who have shown remorse and turned a new leaf do not deserve mercy or forgiveness. Clemency for them, in my view, does not mean the war against drug trafficking has been compromised.

    The law remains that anyone indulging in illicit drugs will have a date with the law. The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) under General Buba Marwa (rtd) is doing a yeoman’s job trying to ensure drug traffickers are brought to book and the country is free of hard drugs and their menace. 

    Instructively, the AGF and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, whose committee recommended the pardon, has affirmed that the list is still subject to review. None of the pardoned inmates has been released. He said the process is undergoing the final administrative review to satisfy the required legal and procedural standards before the release instruments are signed and issued. The list of those pardoned has to be gazetted by the government. Until that is done, there is still ample room for review. President Tinubu will not be averse to any required review

    The President was moved by compassion and his legendary kind-heartedness in approving the pardon. There is no evidence that he has an offspring, blood relation, or known associate on the pardon or clemency list. The opposition politicians, who have also been very strident in criticising President Tinubu over the pardon, will continue to do so even when confronted with the fundamental justification for the action. However, those who benefited from the pardon and their families will continue to appreciate the President’s humane gesture. 

    *Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.