Category: Opinion

  • A ‘benevolent dictator’ turns 70

    I can never forget the day. Firmly etched in my memory, it illustrates in many ways what my mother, Grace Oluyemi Fatade, who turned 70 on March 6, stands for and how she sees motherhood.

    It was a sunny day, one of such that the tropical sun hits you badly that you feel like walking naked. Not sure if I was in lower six or upper six which makes me either 16 or 17, those heady teenage years when I was battling with the fact that some of my mates were already at universities and there I was still living with my parents. None of my siblings were back from their schools and my father too was not at home. After saying, ” E ku ile ma,” I headed straight for the kitchen, the pots were empty and no plate was covered just like the food warmers were empty. It dawned on me, no food yet that late afternoon even when the bacteria in my stomach were already gnawing at its wall.

    I went back to the living room and asked Iya Wale, as she is more known, for my food. She was busy with an orange and for my mother, eating an orange is an exercise in patience and tenacity. The world waits when she is dealing with an orange, her favourite fruit. Barely glancing at me, she answered that she was waiting on us all to come back and start preparing lunch. “So what about your school food?” I asked, referring to the meal the vendors usually serve her as the headmistress and which she never eats. “I gave it to the girl who carried my bag home,” she answered. Then I felt as if I was carrying the weight of the entire world as my hunger pang increases. Sulking, I headed for my room to go and lick my wounds. Immediately, she got into the mood that leaves nobody in doubt who calls the shot without shouting but still forcefully enough, ‘Nibo lo n lo? Bo si kitchen fun mi jo.”

    Reluctantly, I went to the kitchen and she followed me laying out everything that we needed to prepare lunch. It was one of those days we had to cook obe ata, the traditional Yoruba soup, and ewedu – jute leaves I think – before preparing amala. The hunger increased the more, yet no help was available. “Where are all these people? I asked her. She answered, “Will you concentrate on what I asked you to do and stop bothering about them,” she answered. I had to pluck the ooyo leaves from the stem tearing them at the vein as she wants while she washed the meat pieces. There was a heap that day as if she deliberately did that to punish me, I kept plucking. She later asked me to stop and turn on the pepper mill to grind the pepper, which she had also washed. I returned to plucking ooyo after which I washed it and sieve it so that nothing is wasted, another of her mantra.

    That was when I lost concentration and poured the water used in washing it to the pot already on fire. With my back to her, Iya Wale landed me one of her trademark abara, that slap she only seemed to know how best to serve. It stung adding more agony to the hunger, she gave me the second one and suddenly my senses came back. Flinging the bowl, I made for the kitchen door and bolted. She had anticipated my move and attempted to block me, but I was too quick for her. Immediately I left the house as she said, “Ma pada wo’le yi loni o.” The hunger disappeared as I headed for my friend’s house on the same street. Unfortunately, he was not yet back from school and his mum, another firebrand, was not around too. Loitering around, my grandfather appeared clutching his usual sack, which I know, would satiate my hunger. Sensing that something was amiss, Ajani Oladapo who knew his daughter well just patted my head asking what it was between the two of us as we walked back to our house. I did not want to go in, as I feared another round of abara, but my grandfather assured me that Olu, as he always called her, would not beat me in his presence. He was my saviour that day, as he pleaded with my mother not to beat me any further. Quickly, I demolished the esuru in my grandfather’s sack, as I knew if I waited, she might not allow me to eat until we finished the cooking I abandoned.

    Interestingly, Iya Wale does not remember the encounter today and that’s typical of her. There were many of such for one to stand out, but I’ve never forgotten. This woman remains the greatest human influence on me that whenever I see her name popped on my phone now, I feel like she is standing on my shoulders. I used to think that the phrase, ‘benevolent dictator’ was coined solely for my mother though I know better now. She is cut in the mould of “tough love” those who believe that children needed an iron hand to be on the right path and fortunately it has served her well. She broods no dissent and you dare not disobey her instructions as obedience has its rewards just as disobedience too is amply rewarded. We joke with her that you cannot pass any examinations she sets, as sometimes she is the only one who knows her questions. The first of 16 children, she effortlessly glides, leading her siblings, adults in their own ways, refusing to pitch tent even when some edge her along that line.

    But she loved and still loves us. Tough love, but love nevertheless. I remember telling my paternal grandmother who was living with us then that she was my mother and not Iya Wale. She disabused my mind saying that my mother truly love me and if one thought that would bother my mother, she did not flinch merely saying that she expressed similar sentiments about her own mother when she was younger. She taught us many things that listing them is an exercise in futility or the issue is what did she not teach us? Mundane things like shoe polishing and fixing buttons and major stuff like cooking, housekeeping and ironing. She is also at home with fractions while gerunds are not strange to her. My mother is the one who in those days of letter writing will send you a reply and your initial letter with red markings correcting your grammar.  Long before gender mainstreaming became a buzzword, my mother ensured there was no discrimination in household chores, boys cook and girls cut grasses too. She ensured that we were surrounded by books and she subtly influenced our reading habits that all who lived with her, and there were many, are voracious readers today. She consumes the printed material marking something here and there calling your attention to a passage that she knows you will benefit from.

    Few people can keep records like my mother and while I don’t have a record of everything I’ve written till date, she does even when I gave her the material originally. She is contented with whatever she has that I can truly say she is never envious of what others have. Constantly, she tells us that her standard is not the standard of others and so does not expect us to behave like others, as her expectations are higher than other mothers. Do I speak of how she would twist our ears during worship services because we were noisy or not dancing properly? Or how she would tiptoe after us when she asked you to drop stuff into the bin and caught us dropping it to the floor? With an effervescent husband, my mother never struggled with her husband or competed with him and always refused to mediate between us in disagreements. She would also not support any mutiny against her husband, never failed to remind us that, “he’s my husband.”

    Not really comfortable amidst crowd as she is homely to a fault, I sometimes think she would have got more if she had been better at making friends. Since she lost her closest friend in 1992, she never had any confidant who understands her like the late friend as she always say, “My family is my friend.” And truly to her, the family is everything. In retirement, her life revolves round her local Baptist church where she serves as a deaconess, her husband, pensioners association, children, grandchildren and extended family members. Asked what she wanted for her 70th, she said simply, “Anything you decide is okay.” Typical, always contented. Happy Birthday, Iya Wale, I wouldn’t trade you for another.

    • Fatade is a journalist in Lagos.

     

     

  • IBB letter? There is no IBB letter…. what we have now are human snakes!

    If IBB says he never said so; never caused it to be said that he said, then HE DIDN’T SAY SO. QED

    This past week Asiwaju Bola Tinubu made a public appeal to OBJ and IBB basically to give peace a chance in Nigeria

    Earlier in the week, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo OBJ fired another shot at President Muhamadu Buhari PMB: OBJ told a German broadcast station that “corruption sits on Buhari’s nose”.

    And for the issue with ex-military President Ibrahim Babangida IBB take a look at this scenario – as soon as OBJ’s predicable but not foretold letter landed and the bomb dropped, IBB’s media aide hatched a plan to enable IBB take his own place in the headlines, along with his fellow ex-generals cum ex heads-of-state, namely PMB and OBJ.

    This aide promised his Oga that he would draft a far more refined letter than the OBJ one but his would be equally as hard hitting. Maybe he even had visions of his own name in the small print-In a release by IBB’s Special Assistant on Media Mr. So & So…

    He proceeded to produce and release the letter when….. OK ALRIGHT I am only imagining this! It is all in the realm of conjecture just like I say the IBB letter to PMB is as well.

    See, I used to work at a private radio station, one that belonged to the only foreigner to be given a Nigerian broadcast license. Whenever I needed anything, I would inform my boss and he would nod his assent, saying yes, yes to my request. But the first time I went to him for the receipt of the items, my boss gasped in (feigned) shock, claiming he never said he would make the items available! Then upon seeing my horrified expression he lowered his voice and told me: anything not written, I did not say (..ok you may have the items!)

    And so I learnt One Truth of the Ways of the World, put in my own words: ANYTHING not written could be denied ANYTIME.

    Taking us back to IBB, we don’t know; who can tell? It just might have been that in the confines of his private parlour, he expressed his private opinion (to the hearing of others with him at the time) that he did not think PMB should contest for a second term. But IBB knows IT IS PMB’s INALIENABLE RIGHT TO CONTEST, so IBB surely wouldn’t have wanted his private opinions out there.

    In any case, IBB’s aide issued a release that neither bore IBB’s name nor his signature! The interaction of said media aide with the police over that release is the price he pays for that life’s lesson (which I was only privileged to have gotten for free).

    Note that it was neither an arrest nor an interrogation. And the police apologized to the man; when he went to interact with them at their headquarters.

    In conclusion, if IBB says he never said so; never caused it to be said that he said, then HE DIDN’T SAY SO. QED!

    ••••••••••

     HUMAN SNAKES

    “I cannot conceive any man can have brought himself to that pitch of presumption, to consider his country as nothing but carte blanche, upon which he many scribble whatever he pleases”

    Edmund Burke, the British statesman parliamentarian and political theorist passed on several centuries before the British amalgamation that formed the country called Nigeria.

    His rest in peace spares him being inflicted by the ludicrous, farcical and most bizarre deposition of Nigerian citizen Philomena Chieshe, the JAMB staff under whose watch millions of naira in cash disappeared.

    Her reply to internal enquiries over the missing money has left not only Nigerians but all, of rational mind totally disgusted. As Joseph Conrad puts it, the real significance of crime is its being a breach of faith with the community of mankind.

    Prof. Ishag Oyewole, upon his appointment as Registrar of JAMB, cancelled the use of scratch cards, because of the corrupt practices of JAMB staff associated with its use.

    The board then proceeded to audit their state-wide branches, making account of monies generated and taking inventory of used/unused scratch cards employed up till 2016.

    Many starting cases of fraud, theft and corruption were discovered at several of the state branches of JAMB. The first case they thought was vacuous was that of the Nasarawa State coordinator Labaran Tanko. N23m was not accounted for and Mr. Tanko told the JAMB officials the wonderful tale of how he had had an accident in which all the scratch cards in his car had been burnt.

    He stated that he had all the serial numbers of the burnt cards. But  upon closer examination, all the purportedly burnt scratch cards had already been used by Nasarawa State candidates to register for JAMB: meaning you-know- what happened when Tanko got the money.

    Then exactly a week ago, even on a Sunday (by my mobile phone) the joint admission board issued a statement that it had suspended one of its staff members, Ms Philomena Chieshe in connection with missing money.

    Under the watch of Chieshe, an accounts clerk at JAMB, almost Forty Million Naira was found to have been missing.

    Chieshe gave the most asinine yet most whacky alibi ever yet heard by mankind when questioned by a team of auditors: she said a snake came into the vaults of the accounts office and swallowed the N36m, Thirty Six Million Naira.

    Her startling reply would almost make one momentary forget what one has always known, but I assure you that indeed snakes are pure carnivores – meaning they eat only meat. Not money in cash.

    Nigerians have been reacting to the development by Twitter.

    From Wale Adetona – “what kind of snake entered JAMB’s office and didn’t bite the gateman or the clerk but went ahead to swallow N36 million?

    Imoh Umoren: “This is a strange country. November 2008: satellite we build for 40 billion disappears. September 2004; Ship laden with 30,000 barrels of oil disappears August 2017: Rats chase the President out of office February 2018: Snake swallows 36 million from JAMB. I need a beer.”

    Ramsey Clark is a human rights lawyer and former US Attorney General. I end this with his profound statement- “there are few better measures of the concern a society has for its individual members and its own wellbeing than the way it handles or criminals”.

  • Kingsley Moghalu and how to elect Nigerians’ darling President

    Kingsley Moghalu and how to elect Nigerians’ darling President

    Quite necessarily, we Nigerians now have a bright idea of the ideal next president for the country. We have been advised by the very recognisable fundamental inadequacies of those who have led the country since 1999. The generality of Nigerians has suffered untold political, economic, social and psychological repercussions of having the fundamentally inadequate leaders. It is great that our reaction is the growing resolve that the country must get its topmost leadership right in 2019.

    Three of the qualities we want in the next president stand out. One, we want him or her to be young. This is not simply a matter of age, given the other qualities we want. But the youthfulness of the next president is important. We live in a fast-changing world. Keeping pace with the issues in today’s “digital” age can be very challenging for those whose prime years were in the “analogue” age.

    Very importantly, many Nigerians admitted that old age can be challenging in meeting the high physical demands of leading the country. Where a Nigerian President has been unable to function as a result of ill-health, which is common with old age, we have seen the usurpation of political power by the “cabal,” who frustrate legitimate, transparent and accountable use of political power.

    Two, we want this relatively young Nigerian to possess sound intellect. This requirement derives from the awareness of the abundant supply of well-educated Nigerians. It also derives from the awareness that both the comprehension of the perennial Nigerian development challenges and the solutions to address them require high mental acumen.

    For so long, the country has been led by people who are not intellectually equipped to solve the problems of the country. The notion that such leaders would make up for their shortcomings by working with technocrats has delivered very limited results. A technocratically competent leader will deliver optimal results by working with a good number of other technocrats at cabinet and advisory levels. Anything less will deliver, at best, underwhelming results.

    Moreover, the Nigerian president is ultra-powerful, in the absence of strong institutions that act as checks on the powers of the president in the advanced countries that practice the same presidential system of government. Without sound intellect, the president would see little use of building or supporting strong institutions that would not be tele-guided by him or her. This has been the case in Nigeria, to the effect of our underdevelopment.

    What’s more, nobody is allowed to outperform the Nigerian president. That is why he or she should possess the intellectual prowess to be a top performer. Three, we want this youthful and brainy president to be a good person. We don’t want him to be of the stock or a lackey of the corrupt, self-serving same old leadership we have been having. We have recently realised that a putative clean individual that is propped up by a group of corrupt individuals cannot deliver a clean government.

    The president must be empathetic. He or she must not be someone who will divide the citizens or take advantage of us, using our religion or ethnicity. We want him or her to see us, not merely as voters but as people whose legitimate aspirations should be the object of his government.

    So, how can we have this individual as the next president of the Federal Republic? There are two fundamental requirements for this to happen. One, the individuals who possess these qualifying attributes have to bring themselves forward for election. Two, we have to support and vote for the best among such candidates to fully assert our resolve for meritocracy.

    But our disinclination towards supporting and voting for our ideal candidates in previous presidential elections prevented such candidates from coming forward. While we have always had individuals who fit our requirements, we as the electorate – in particular those of us who made this sensible determination of the ideal leadership qualities and are influencers in our various capacities – have also been cynical of our very own preferences, insisting our idealism is unrealisable.

    We say a young, competent and clean individual cannot emerge as president in Nigeria because politics is a dirty, old game for people who cannot compete fairly. We also insist that politics is a game of money. But while money is required in running for office, money does not ultimately decide who wins the election. Ultimately, elections are won and lost by the number of votes a candidate secures.

    What the unscrupulous electoral aspirants and candidates do is go at any lengths to secure the highest number of votes. This may entail direct inducement of voters with looted public funds or mobilisation of thugs for ballot box snatching and stuffing. Even where there is collusion with the electoral officials to alter the vote tallies, this is mostly possible in tipping over a winner in a dead heat. The fertile ground for these malpractices is the withdrawal of a lot of us, the good people of the country, from supporting, volunteering and voting for our ideal candidates.

    Fortunately, the indication is that we have become wiser. We have seen how elections affect us – our career, business, wellbeing, community and country – when we withdraw from engaging the electoral process and fail to vote during elections. With our resolve to correct this situation, the 2019 presidential election will likely standout from the previous elections by the quality of the aspirants.

    Kingsley Moghalu, OON, has now made himself available for election as Nigerians’ darling presidential aspirant. Prof. Moghalu is relatively young. At 54, he is not too young to be inexperienced; neither would he be considered too old and tired. Since he returned to the country last November and set up his new “think and do tank” – not merely a think tank – IGET (Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation), he has been all over the country, delivering lectures, mentoring the youth and consulting with various stakeholders, including in Kano, Abuja, Nsukka, Ibadan, Abeokuta, Lagos and Port Harcourt. Quite young at heart, Kingsley Moghalu has been engaging directly with younger Nigerians on Facebook.

    Without equivocation, Moghalu is especially fitting, among some other Nigerians who have come out to declare their intention to run for the office of President. He is a consummate technocrat. After spending 17 years in the United Nations, rising to the topmost career position of Director at a young age of 43, he left the UN to found and lead an international consultancy in Geneva, Switzerland. From his role of providing advisory services to some of the global companies, he was tapped by the administration of late President Umaru Yar’Adua to become a deputy governor at the Central Bank of Nigeria in 2009.

    At the CBN, Moghalu, under the governorship of Lamido Sanusi (as he then was, but now the Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II), led the far-reaching reforms to stop the spread of systemic risk in the banking sector in 2009. He played leading roles in formulating the resolution vehicles for the banking crisis, ensuring no Nigerian lost his or her money in the banks.

    Since he served out his one term of five years gracefully in 2014, Moghalu was appointed to the Advisory Board of the Official Monetary and Financial Institutions Forum, the London-based global think tank that advises governments and central banks on fiscal and monetary policy. He later became a Professor of Practice in International Business and Public Policy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University.

    Kingsley Moghalu’s inspiring professional career leverages his first-rate education: he obtained his PhD from the London School of Economics. That Nigeria needs a policy thinker who can come up with cutting-edge solutions to Nigeria’s myriad challenges is not in doubt. And this is where Moghalu asserts his credentials as a transformational leader. He is the author of Emerging Africa: How the Global Economy’s ‘Last frontier’ Can Prosper and Matter. Emerging Africa provides both conceptual and practical frameworks for Nigeria’s transformation, within the larger discussion of how Africa can make accelerated developmental progress. His new book, Build, Innovate and Grow: My Vision for Our Country, shows he hasn’t simply fancied himself as president; he has prepared to lead Nigeria to socio-economic transformation.

    The election of Kingsley Moghalu as President of Nigeria would hold a powerful symbolism for we Nigerians, if we make it happen. A lot of us had resigned to the belief that it is impossible to trounce the self-serving political establishment at the ballot. Moghalu, as President, would be the ultimate disruption of that political establishment. He has had no affiliation to the PDP or APC. He is of a proud Igbo heritage, with transformational national outlook. His victory would be uniquely capable of stirring our individual and collective “can-do” spirit, erasing doubts that Nigeria can ever be politically egalitarian.

    Moghalu is a good person. He stood up for the professional integrity of the CBN while he was deputy governor. Since he left, his public views about the institution have been on how to enhance its professional rectitude. Second to his professional orientation is good dispositions to his colleagues and those who look up to him for guidance, support and mentoring.

    Kingsley Moghalu surpasses our cogent three requirements. He has charm and an admirable family. He has oratorical prowess. This means he would be a president that is capable of engaging Nigerians directly. He would also be able to meaningfully engage the international community and global investors. Therefore, he would be a president that will truly make Nigerians proud. As a journalist, I am particularly excited that it would be joy to interview him.

    . Akintunde is Managing Editor, Financial Nigeria publications and Director, Nigeria Development and Finance Forum.

    Read Also: 2019: Moghalu declares for presidency

  • Ending Chibok and Dapchi crisis

    Ending Chibok and Dapchi crisis

    Several reactions have continued to trail the attack on the Government Girls Science and Technical College, Dapchi, Yobe State by Boko Haram insurgents where no fewer than 110 girls were abducted from their dormitories.

    This was after a shooting occurred in the school premises as the girls were observing Maghrib (sunset) prayers, breaking their voluntary fast and getting set for supper.

    Robert Ogbogu, Team Lead, at Locate Initiative for Missing and Exploited Persons (Locate NG) believes that sad occurrences like this can be better avoided.

    Speaking in an exclusive interview with our correspondent, Robert laid claim to the International Humanitarian Law which binds countries of the world to account for missing persons in domestic and international armed conflicts.

    “The International Humanitarian Law Rule 117 significantly binds countries to account for missing persons in both international and domestic armed conflicts and Nigeria is bound to fulfil this obligation but unfortunately this is not so, as the government has not only ignored this provision but also failed to learn from previous incidents.

    “That is why we are having a repeat of Chibok in Dapchi. The Nigerian government has ignored security threats Boko Haram insurgents pose in our society and tragedy has struck once again. With Rule 117 in perspective, an enabling environment has been provided for relevant stakeholders to introduce reform programs that will help find and account for missing persons,” he said.

    Robert stated that the number of missing persons over the years have continued to pose threats to citizens and critical stakeholders in the country.

    “The fate of missing persons in Nigeria has been a major challenge to citizens and other critical stakeholders as it relates to public safety, security and human rights.”

    “Key concerns range from poor and untimely reporting, poor case management, delays in the search process, human rights abuses, lack of modern information technology tools and weak coordination and cooperation amongst relevant
    stakeholders, security agencies and citizens,” Robert added.

    Read Also: Military tackles Rep over Dapchi girls’ whereabouts

    Robert agreed that the Government has done a great job in releasing a list of the abducted girls but needs to do more than just that if the girls are to return home as he called for more enlightenment in the face of the on-going crisis.

    “The government are doing well already by deploying military assets and officers to work but more has to be done. They need to engage the locals and I urge parents, friends and families of the missing girls to come forward with the pictures of the girls so we can upload same to our missing persons portal. It saddens me that at this moment we are yet to put faces to the names of the girls.

    “I know Nigerians want to help and they can do it better with adequate information. You never can tell, these girls might be held hostage in plain sight and if we fail to act now, consequences for delay in acquiring military intelligence to rescue our girls could be dire now and in the not too distant future. In cases like these, the need for enlightenment on preventive tips to staying safe in volatile area must be provided for mass consumption,”Ogbogu enthused.

    Robert spoke of www.locate.ng which is an easy, fast and research supported intervention that addresses the three most important reasons why it takes a long time for missing persons to be found or not found at all in Nigeria – reporting, broadcast, citizen engagement, and instant search.

    Locate will allow Nigerians report, broadcast and engage to find missing persons. It will bring together citizens, media houses, security agencies, development partners, national and state government, civil society organizations, and religious centres.

    Locate is designed to receive reports and broadcast alerts of missing and displaced persons; and also provide social and psychological support to families of victims of missing and displaced persons.

  • Restoring the Balance Between Culture and Nature at Lake Chad

    Restoring the Balance Between Culture and Nature at Lake Chad

    Lake Chad is disappearing. The consequences of this ecological disaster reaches deep into the communities that are sustained by this ecosystem. This is as much a humanitarian and security situation as an ecological one.

    Last December, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that 2.6 million people face crisis levels of food insecurity and that the number is expected to rise. Add to this the presence of the armed group Boko Haram in parts of the region, and it becomes clear that these issues require an international and multi-faceted response.

    This will be at the top of the minds of decision-makers, scientists and civil society representatives as they gather in Abuja for the International Conference on Lake Chad this Monday. UNESCO will be among them to launch the Biosphere and Heritage of Lake Chad project.

    This innovative project draws on UNESCO’s 20 years in the region and will bring to bear all of the organization’s expertise not only in science, but also in culture, education and communication to develop innovative solutions from the ground up.

    Just as two strands of DNA are necessary for life, humankind and the ecosystem are bound together. This is why we will work with our partners and the concerned communities to formulate an approach to the management of the Lake Chad Basin, that will rely on the interdependency of people and the environment, blending science and local knowledge to create sustainable solutions to the restoration of this precious water resource, which supports 30 million people in the countries that share the lake.

    With support from the African Development Bank, and in collaboration with the Lake Chad Basin Commission, we will train local scientists in the cutting-edge imaging technologies to track changes in the environment.

    On the basis of these findings, we will pilot innovative projects for the restoration of damaged ecosystems, including the forest home of several endangered species and the nesting spots of dozens of species of migratory birds.

    UNESCO’s International Hydrological Programme will support Chad, Cameroun and Nigeria to integrate the African Flood and Drought Monitor system to ensure more agile coping mechanisms for seasonal variations.

    We will work with partners to protect the Yuri cow, which for generations has been emblematic of the people of the Lake Chad region and which is now under threat of extinction, because protecting the environment is a way of life and both a scientific and cultural endeavor.

    Lake Chad is as much steeped in the history of humanity as it is in the waters of the Chari, Logone and Yobe rivers, which form it. For tens of millions of years it has been at the centre of a delicate but rich web of life. It was once home to one of our oldest known ancestors, Toumaï, who walked these shores 7 million years ago.

    Which is why UNESCO will support all of the governments of the region to prepare the way for recognizing new trans-boundary sites of the basin as a UNESCO World Heritage site and Biosphere Reserves to promote reconciliation, resilience and, ultimately, peace.

    We need to act now to break the cycle of ecological disaster, livelihood disruption, mass displacement and political upheaval, which leads to further ecological disaster.

    These waters, among the largest waterways of Africa, provide a unique opportunity to build relationships between communities and across borders. This teeming source of life must be preserved to restore the bountiful resources that once surrounded Lake Chad and restored the people’s pride in our shared heritage.

    Azoulay is the Director-General of UNESCO

  • A burgeoning class of moral degenerates

    Is religion not a way by which we try to reach our gods or God? Man’s effort and quests to know what lies beyond the earth plane and the origin of Man gave birth to the existence of many diverse religions in the world. Today, we’ve such religions as Confucianism, Hinduism, Taoism, Judaism, Islam, African Traditional Religion, Christianity, and others. Each religion has its own doctrines and teachings to which its followers adhere. But, all religions preach love.

    Religion, which is one of the agents of socialisation, is a force for engendering positive morality in the society. No true religious teachers and priests would encourage members of their religious groups to perpetrate anti-social deeds. That’s why in the past those who were reared and bred in deeply religious homes grew up to become respectable, responsible, and God-fearing individuals, who had positive morality – code.

    In the past, when church ministers were true to the teachings and doctrines of their religions, they would preach the message of holiness and righteousness rather than prosperity messages, not to talk of them committing heinous and atrocious crimes. Then, people with probity were revered and accorded high respect in the society.

    But, with the passage of time, after our attainment of political sovereignty in 1960, the erosion of ennobling family values started in Nigeria. Sadly, the proliferation of mosques and churches in every nook and cranny of the country has not succeeded in stemming the tide of the perpetration of vices. Rather, religious mountebanks, who are desperate to make money and attract people to their churches, preach about the indispensability of wealth in a man’s life instead of instilling the virtues of honesty, faithfulness, and love into the people. Those who are fired up by those teachings and messages do seek to acquire money by any means and at any cost.

    To our surprise, now, even pastors exploit the vulnerability, naivety, and frustration of members of their churches to fleece them of their money. Recently, our newspapers reported how some Pentecostal pastors fleeced Wilson Oruma, a former international football star of his hard-earned money, causing him to suffer mental instability.

    So, corruption, which is the cankerworm asphyxiating life out of Nigeria, thrives here simply because of our values, norms, and Philosophies.  In our country, well-educated people with probity, who are not rich, are derided and treated with scorn while we eulogise and lionise illiterate people with ill-gotten wealth. A former local government chairman, who did not dip hand into the financial till of government to make good for himself , is called a sucker.

    Has the whole moral order in Nigeria not been upturned? So, can well-adjusted and God-fearing children emerge from homes, where parents are corrupt and morally debauched? The answer to the question is a categorical no. Family is the basic unit of the society. And, a child’s first contact is with the immediate members of his/her family. Children look up to their parents for guidance and see them as role models, too.

    But, can a father who is with moral vacuity and spiritual aridity exert a good influence on his children? And as he cannot claim the moral high ground over his children, he would not rebuke them when they err, and when they perpetrate atrocious deeds. Parents who have penchant for executing despicable deeds cannot breed children who possess unblemished character.

    • Chiedu Uche Okoye Uruowulu- Obosi Anambra State.

     

  • Abia and insolence of judicial rascality

    The recent legislative engagement in Abia State, resulting in the suspension of the chief judge, and the subsequent legal brouhaha once more reignites the eternal debate amongst “learned” friends, philosophers and the critical mass of the polity on the relationship between morals, ethics, due process, and justice.

    Poser is: beyond the rigmarole of “due process”, what is the fall-back position of the civil society when a beacon of the bench that is supposed to be a repository of huge intellect,  judicial courtesy,  puritanism, professional honesty, resorts to unnecessary gladiatorial duels with fellow judges, barristers and court room staff? Much has been heard of a chief judge who instead of expanding and pushing the boundaries of legal jurisprudence rather deploys her ingenuity and erudition to “legally beheading” learned colleagues with an acerbic tongue. Judicial workers are routinely slapped, assaulted and legal practitioners punished by kneeling down in an open court, in the manner of a village headmistress.

    Must we, the so-called “unlearned persons” in  the wider society, watch askance, hands akimbo and playing the innocent by-stander, while the drivel of legalism, and juvenile court room ego battles, compromise and wash aside  morality and justice?  It is trite in law that judges and lawyers must apply the statute for its true purpose – in the manner canvassed by the iconic image of Lustitia, the quintessential female goddess of justice that adorns court houses carrying scales and a sword, blindfolded, ostensibly dispensing and disposing justice.

    Ever since the news broke, of the suspension, much heavy weather has been made of the lack of input from the National Judicial Council before the Chief Judge was suspended. Advocates of status quo interpretation, over flog the selective wordings of section 292, paragraph 21 of the 3rd Schedule, Part 1 of the 1999 Constitution {as amended}  But a cursory look reveals that the section cited is just one of many ways of removing a Chief Judge.  Same Section 292.{a} {ii}  stipulates that

    (1) A judicial officer shall not be removed from his office or appointment before his age of retirement except in the following circumstances

    (a) in the case of 

    (i) Chief Justice of Nigeria, President of the Court of Appeal, Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Chief Judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Grand Kadi of the Sharia Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja and President, Customary Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, by the President acting on an address supported by two thirds majority of the Senate.

    (ii) Chief Judge of a State, Grand Kadi of a Sharia Court of Appeal or President of a Customary Court of Appeal of a State, by the Governor acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the House of Assembly of the state, praying that he be so removed for his inability to discharge the functions of his office or appointment (whether arising from infirmity of mind or of body) or for misconduct or contravention of the Code of Conduct;

    (b) in any case, other than those to which paragraph (a) of this subsection applies, by the President or, as the case may be, the Governor.

    Note that this section 292.{a} {ii}is silent on the role of the NJC. And it is one out of many options of removing a Chief Judge. The other option is cited above 271 Part 1.

    Question on the lips of many Nigerians is why is the NJC literally comatose and slow to reaction in fulfilling its constitutional mandate? Its trademark slothfulness is now of tragic proportion and in no small measure contributed to the morass in Abia judiciary. And in the bid to drain the legal swamp ridden with crisis, stand off and allegations of heavy handedness, malfeasance, manic-depressive behaviour, etc the Abia State House of Assembly rightly, had to wade in on a rescue mission. All this talk of self-help does not fly in the face of the realities on the ground.

    The lackadaisical and lethargic manner the NJC treated the matter before now, was pivotal to the brouhaha. For several months, the council acknowledged the impasse in the Abia judiciary. Rather than doing the needful, it outsourced its responsibilities to “some elderly judicial officers of Abia State” for settlement. By December 2017, nothing had been achieved by way of armistice before the dam broke loose.

    The deleterious state of affairs would not have hit rock bottom if it had intervened with dispatch. Part of its set goal vide Section 153 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is to  oversee a  pro-active and vibrant judiciary that has judicial officers and staff with proven integrity and impeccable character.

    If the truth must be told, the apex leadership of the Abia judiciary had degraded itself to an atomistic entity, riven with instability and perpetually colliding against itself, and in the process danced naked in the village square. The NJC must resolve, to wield the big stick as at when due, especially on the issue of clearing the Augean stables of corrupt judges. Recall that a former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloysius Kastina-Alu, once lamented that the nation’s judiciary’s cup is half empty with respect to integrity and was not immune from the malaise of corruption which had plunged the nation.  

    The Abia civil society, inclusive the legal community and stakeholders, nay the Nigerian wider society deserve and it is their right to have a people-friendly, justice delivery system rooted in morality, ethics and shorn of meaningless verbiage. Short of that, there will always be critics and sundry external interventions.

    Lord Denning, and master of the rolls, arguably, the greatest English Judge of the 20th century, weighed in, on the matter when he proffered his erudition thus, “if we seek truth and justice, we cannot find it by argument and debate, nor by reading and thinking, but only by the maintenance of true religion, virtue and morals. Religion concerns the spirit man whereby he is able to recognize what is truth and what is justice; whereas law is only the application, however imperfectly, of truth and justice in our everyday affairs. If religion and morals perish in the land, truth and justice will also. We have already strayed too far from the faith of our fathers. Let us return to it, for it is the only thing that can save us”

    That is the morality of the Abia House of Assembly’s intervention.

     

    • Torti is a public policy analyst and management consultant.
  • Nigeria and maritime security

    At a time like this when the global energy situation is in a flux, fluctuating prices of crude oil, and the growing demand for and use of alternative energy sources have necessitated a careful reassessment by countries like ours who depend on crude oil for a huge percentage of foreign exchange earnings. Faith in fossil fuels continues to decline globally. With the concomitant decreasing revenue, crude oil dependent countries must now try as a matter of necessity to augment any projected revenue shortfalls by thinking outside the box. This is more so if we in Nigeria must still pursue the kind of aggressive infrastructural development that President Muhammadu Buhari promised upon his election. The whole idea of thinking beyond oil meant that government had to deliberately invest in the development of other sectors of our economy like the maritime and agricultural sectors that have potentials of contributing as much revenue as crude oil to our economy -if not more.

    The figures speak for themselves. With a coastline of 853 km, an exclusive economic zone of 200 nautical miles and a continental shelf of 47,934 square kilometres, it is no news that Nigeria is one of the African countries endowed with substantial marine resources. According to data from National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), fish represented 28 percent of the protein content of average Nigerian diet in 2004. The catch profile includes croakers, soles, groupers, snappers, barracudas, elephant snouts, trunk fish and shellfish, such as shrimps, crabs, periwinkles and oysters. Our country is one of the 15 countries that make up the Gulf of Guinea which stretches from Gabon to Liberia.  As at today, about 70 percent of Africa’s oil production comes from the Gulf of Guinea and with possibilities of more discoveries of offshore hydrocarbon deposits, these numbers are likely going to rise. The current estimate of oil production in the gulf stand at 5.4 million barrels per day. However, it is a well-known fact that maritime security remains a key to maintaining the flow of revenue from oil and gas sector. Besides, maritime resources like fish remain an important source of protein that contributes to diet as well as livelihood of many of us in Africa.

    The centrality of security in the Gulf of Guinea to geopolitics and geo-economics of Africa cannot therefore be overemphasized. The Gulf remains an important transit hub for much of the region’s estimated $253 billion of commerce—most notably petroleum products. Yet, in recent years, it has also become a hotbed of piracy, overshadowing the Gulf of Aden. In 2014, there were just 11 incidents in the latter compared to 41 in the Gulf of Guinea. The theft of crude oil especially but not exclusively along our coastal waters is a huge source of haemorrhage of national revenue. It has become so intense and widespread that it has now been cynically referred to as an epidemic. Several figures on the volume of Nigeria’s crude oil stolen everyday exist. However official figures still hover around 200,000 to 400,000 barrels per day. The Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) recently announced that Nigeria lost about 15.9 billion US dollars to oil thieves between the period of 2011 and 2014.

    Available statistics indicate that between 2015 and 2017, the number of ships on illegal bunkering mission rose from 23 in 2015 to 50 in 2017 including 77 reported attacks on vessels in Nigerian territorial waters in 2016 alone. Within the same year, nine shipping vessels on illegal fishing were also arrested.  In addition, the Gulf of Guinea is said to be a key route for arms and drug smuggling to Western and Northern Africa.

    Such magnitude of challenge requires trans-national effort and international cooperation to manage them effectively. It will require intelligence gathering, information sharing and building cutting edge technological capabilities. It also requires sincerity of purpose on the part of all concerned stakeholders especially international partners. A situation where organised criminal networks continue to brazenly steal oil and cargo from vessels transiting any part of the world is an indictment on all devotees of international cooperation. It does not make any one of us look good. After all, the markets for all these stolen items are flourishing because there are those who keep buying them. For something as sophisticated as oil theft to take place as frequently as it does in our region leaves more questions than answers. I am told the barges of different sizes are used to transport these illicit products before they are conveyed to waiting vessels on the high sea. Who buys them? That such levels of complicated transactions are concluded without detection has a lot to say about the level of commitment of countries especially those that are signatories to relevant maritime conventions. But we cannot continue to complain, it is a time to act within the limits of sovereignty and provisions of international law.

    I must admit that security challenges we face on our territorial waters within the Gulf of Guinea are quite complex although not insoluble. However, the economic implications are so huge that they can no longer be ignored. Therefore, countries must find ways to courageously confront this persistent pestilence once and for all. I am not saying that it will be easy or it will be instant but I know that it is possible only if we can frame it as a common threat that it is.

    In pursuit of this objective, President Buhari visited Malabo in Equatorial Guinea last year, where the two countries signed an agreement on the establishment of combined Maritime Policing and Security Patrol committee to enhance the security of the Gulf of Guinea and help curb maritime crimes like piracy, crude oil theft and smuggling. Part of it will entail deploying appropriate technology for extensive surveillance, training of relevant law enforcement officers to build their maritime law enforcement capabilities. Already the Nigerian Maritime Administrative and Security Agency(NIMASA) is implementing a comprehensive maritime strategy in collaboration with partners. In this regard, it has already established a Command and Control Centre for enhanced situation awareness, response capability, law enforcement and regional cooperation.

    This comprehensive strategy envisions maritime security using both top-bottom and bottom-up approaches. Looking at maritime security from the top through deploying technology infrastructure, reduction of criminality and improving policing capabilities are useful yet incomplete.  We often overlook a very important component which has to do with the communities. Overlooking the interest of communities have often led to disruptions as intervention could raise livelihood and sustainability questions which could linger for a while. NIMASA therefore took time to look at maritime security from bottom by seeking to understand and mainstream the perspectives inhabitants of coastal communities in a holistic manner. The strategy is also part of a domestic response to the call by the African Union Commission (AUC) for the articulation of the 2050, Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (AIMS) in 2009 and the adoption of AU Charter on Maritime Security, Safety and Development in 2016.

    Recently, the Nigeria’s Federal Executive Council approved the Deep Blue Project whose key objective is the provision of an Integrated National Security and Waterways Protection Infrastructure to enhance the country’s response capabilities to criminal activities, implement a robust intelligence gathering system and regional integration in collaboration with other countries.

    Moreover, our country also supported the Durban Resolution on Maritime Safety, Maritime Security and Protection of Marine Environment in Africa. The resolution encouraged member-states to harmonize and review maritime, port and inland water way legislations to let them conform to international norms. Nigeria is also working with other countries in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to implement the Code of Conduct on Repression of Piracy and other illicit Activities as well as the ECOWAS Integrated Maritime Strategy under the Zone E Multinational Maritime Coordination Centre Mechanism.

    It is important to emphasize here that we also recognise that any effort that will improve maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea will entail a convergence of views of other national maritime agencies in a strategic alliance to pursue unified objectives. It is an important key to unlock the economic diversity and progress that is most needed in our continent at the moment. Therefore, countries within the region must come together as never, if we hope to subdue this common and costly threat of insecurity.

     

    • Amaechi is Minister of Transportation.
  • Minister’s powers

    The recall of the head of National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Prof Usman Yusuf, by the President, despite the displeasure and outstanding query from his supervisory minister and investigating agencies of the executive, over alleged misappropriation of N919 million, exposes the underbelly of our presidential system of government. According to report, the president unilaterally overruled the minister, and ordered that Yusuf be recalled regardless of a ministerial interdiction, and post-haste to the consternation of many Nigerians, he has assumed duties last week.

    By his action, the president was reemphasising that the minister and the official concerned work at his pleasure, unlike what would obtain under the parliamentary system of government, wherein the doctrine of collective responsibility is pronounced and practiced. Under the presidential system of government which we practice, section 147(1) of the 1999 constitution (as amended) provides: “There shall be such offices of ministers of government of the federation as may be established by the president.”

    The extent of the powers of the president is adumbrated in section 148(1), which provides: “The president may, in his discretion, assign to the vice-president or any minister of the government of the federation responsibility for any business of the government of the federation, including the administration of any department of government.” Indeed, while the president is compelled by the constitution to nominate ministers and hold regular meetings with them, he has wide discretion with respect to the use he makes of their inputs.

    With a written constitution, the Nigerian presidential system of government concentrates enormous powers in the president, which he could exploit at will against any sub-official, as recently happened in the ministry of health. In such instance, the minders of a president if asked to defend any unsavoury action of their principal, ignore the moral propriety of the queries raised, and rather remind critics that their principal has not broken any law, even when the conduct in question may negate known conventions of good governance.

    This is different from the parliamentary system of government, especially in Britain, which gives conventions the force of law, such that if the chief executive were to undermine his minsters, they could engineer a vote of no confidence against him in the parliament. After all, the ministers, including the prime minister are all parliamentarians, even though they hold no executive powers. Were Nigeria practising a parliamentary system of government, it would have been unthinkable for the president to overrule his minister over such a sensitive allegation of corrupt practices, knowing the administration’s agenda to fight corruption.

    In exercising his executive powers, President Buhari unfortunately ignored some fundamental conventions. For instance, it is unconventional to overrule his minister so openly, over a matter within the purview of the minister’s assigned responsibilities; it is also unconventional to unilaterally recall a public official interdicted over allegations of corruption by competent authorities; furthermore it is unconventional for the president to directly intervene in favour of a junior executive against a supervising authority; and of course it is unconventional and even unconstitutional to act in manner suggestive of favouritism and nepotism.

    As to what constitutes constitutional convention, renowned constitutional law expert K. C. Wheare defined it thus: “By convention is meant, a binding rule, a rule of behaviour accepted as obligatory by those concerned in the working of the constitution….” Another prominent expert, Prof A. V. Dicey defined it as: “Rules for determining the mode in which the discretionary powers of the crown or of minister as servants of the crown ought to be exercised.” In our instance, it may be likened to what the constitution expects from its official, including the president, with regards to public acts and conduct.

    Indeed, whether we practice presidential or parliamentary system of government, the doctrine of due process of law is fundamental, for the progress of any modern society. Unless for an authoritarian or feudal system of government, modern governance cannot successfully run on the whims and caprices of those in authority, regardless of the substantive powers granted by the constitution. So, even in the exercise of powers duly granted by the constitution, every authority must do so, in obedience to the procedure provided in the enabling law or subsidiary legislation.

    In the instant case, the minister cannot unilaterally interdict the NHIS boss, without following due process envisaged and provided for in the civil service rules. So too should the president not intervene unilaterally to overrule the finding of a committee duly set up in accordance with the civil service rules. While the powers of the president can be stretched to act as an appeal tribunal over the exercise of ministerial powers, where the minister exercises a quasi-judicial function vested in him, it must be done in such a manner to meet the requirement of procedural due process of law.

    What makes the Usman’s case very intriguing is that reportedly an appropriate committee was set, and the official allegedly indicted for corrupt practices. With an administrative indictment in place, the appropriate procedure was to suspend him, while his matter is handed over to criminal investigating agencies of government, like the EFCC and ICPC for investigation and prosecution if their findings call for that. Having taken the required procedural steps, the minister must be ruing his helplessness with the manner he was overruled by the president.

    As noted above, the president has powers to cause a review of the findings of a ministerial committee, considering that the constitution grants him overall executive powers. But in the exercise of that power it must be done in accordance with laid down procedure, and not based on whims and caprices of his executive powers. For instance, he could constitute a panel, to review the findings of the ministerial committee, or constitute himself into such a committee, so long as he or the committee observes the fundamental principles of fair hearing embedded in the doctrine of due process.

    But by unilaterally weighing into the dispute on the side of the subordinate official, the president has apparently passed a vote of no confidence on Professor Isaac Adewole, the Honourable Minister of Health. A similar scenario played out with respect to the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr Ibe Kachikwu and the Group Managing Director of NNPC, Engr. Maikanti Baru, when the two fell out. Like in the present instance, the minister had accused Baru of misconduct bordering on corrupt practices.

    Just as they offered Kachikwu, many have advised Professor Adewole to honourably resign, but he is yet to react to that counsel. Regardless of whether he resigns or not, it is important that every effort is made by Buhari’s government to shed the toga of exercising executive powers for untoward reasons, especially where such an action may be linked to similar acts in the past, which convey an impression of conferring undue advantage to an ethnic nationality. The crisis of confidence from such doubts is the erosion of trust in the system of government we operate.

  • UK’s Unexplained Wealth Orders: Why Nigerians should take note

    In our secondary school days, those unfortunate enough to lose their belongings would be admonished ‘lost property….careless owner’. The United Kingdom government is planning to teach many high net worth Nigerians and some members of our middle class, a financially painful school lesson.

    In recent years, the UK had one of the best performing property markets in the world. It was buoyed by inflows from Russia, China, Dubai and Nigeria. With high global oil prices, this new class of super-rich were feted and courted by the British with few questions asked as they snapped up attractive UK properties. But there were warnings that all was not well. In March 2015, Reuters cited the UK as a haven for illicit funds.

    Transparency International’s Executive Director, Robert Barrington, in 2015 said, “There is growing evidence that the UK property market has become a safe haven for corrupt capital stolen from around the world, facilitated by the laws which allow UK property to be owned by secret offshore companies.” Over 36,000 properties in London, mainly in highbrow areas, are said to be owned by offshore companies. Various reports cited London as a money laundering haven, but the UK Government was conspicuously silent on the issue, turning a blind eye as millions of dollars poured in.

    Sceptics may suggest that the UK government is looking for how to fund the bill for its Brexit divorce from the European Union or to finance its budget deficit. Whatever the reason, the new UK law that introduces ‘Unexplained Wealth Orders’ is a carefully devised move that could see a massive transfer of wealth from Nigeria and the countries mentioned above to Britain.

    From January 31, new powers enable the UK government to query ‘Unexplained Wealth’ and seize assets whose funding source cannot be explained. UK Courts can grant Unexplained Wealth Orders (UWOs) and forfeit property for which the owners are unable to prove the source of fund. The properties will be transferred to the UK Government and sold to fund their law enforcement efforts.

    Whilst the narrative in the UK is that the plan is to tackle Russian oligarchs, Nigerians will undoubtedly be affected due to their love for all things British and the threshold is just £50,000 (N25M). According to a British law firm, Mishcon de Reya, the requirements for obtaining the UWOs include that “there are reasonable grounds to suspect that the known sources of the respondents’ lawfully obtained income would have been insufficient for the purposes of enabling them to obtain the property.” There is a special focus on politically exposed persons, but there is an implied presumption of guilt for non-politicians too. Interestingly, the orders can be obtained even if the property was purchased before the law came into effect and it does not matter where the property is located, whether or not the person resides in the UK or whether there may be other persons who hold the property. In summary, it will be relatively easy for UK Government to secure these orders against foreigners.

    Those who have followed that standard advice to have two or even three layers of nominee ownership to shield the identity of the true owner will find themselves as targets. This standard structure, advocated by offshore specialists who set up trusts in Mauritius, British Virgin Islands and other havens, will not offer protection against UWO’s if the ultimate owner cannot explain the source of funds. The UK has already put in place the Beneficial Ownership register for Overseas Legal Entities. This means that a Nigerian who owns a UK property through a Mauritius based Trust, for example, could see their names exposed and therefore need to prove the legitimacy of the source of funds.

    However thankfully, for Nigerians there is a way out. This is one of those rare situations, where Nigerians should be extremely grateful to their government.

    The ongoing Voluntary Assets and Income Declaration Scheme’s tax amnesty is a potential escape. VAIDS allows Nigerians to regularise their tax status but importantly entails an asset declaration. This basically allows citizens to restate their income and assets over the last seven years and beyond. There is therefore hope of a valid defence against an UWO application. If a Nigerian is confronted with an UWO action, but had declared the asset and paid the right taxes no matter how many years after the purchase, it will be hard for the UK to justify a seizure.

    Without the tax amnesty, Nigerians would be at serious risk, scrambling around to procure backdated tax clearance certificates which would be readily disregarded by the UK courts on the grounds that there would be no evidence of tax payment in the year under question. Of course, VAIDS was not designed as an amnesty for looted funds or hot money but it could offer a very valuable protection.

    Nigerians have traditionally not paid taxes and have never been asked to fully explain their income. That era is over forever and with the volume of investments in the UK property market, we are particularly vulnerable. For the UK government to dispute the validity of a VAIDS declaration that Nigeria has accepted and on which taxes have been paid, would violate the bilateral tax treaties between the two countries and would mean the UK questioning the legality of the Nigerian government’s ongoing tax amnesty.

    My simple advice to my fellow Nigerians first, is to thank President Muhammadu Buhari and his economic management team for this timely intervention but ask for an extension of time. Secondly, Nigerians should run, declare and regularise their tax status, so that the UK’s Unexplained Wealth law does not become an unexplained loss of wealth. Anyone ignoring this threat is doing so at his or her own peril.

     

    • Olaniyan, a tax lawyer, writes from South London.