Category: Opinion

  • Akeredolu: Between expectations and reality

    Akeredolu: Between expectations and reality

    When thousands of Ondo State citizens lined up in the sun on November 26, 2016 to vote a new leadership for the state, they wanted something different from what Dr. Olusegun Mimiko was offering them. The people had three major candidates namely – Rotimi Akeredolu, Eyitayo Jegede and Olushola Oke – as options to choose from.

    Akeredolu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) eventually won the election.

    The ex-president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) was sworn in at the Akure township stadium before thousands of Ondo State citizens and guests from all walks of life.

    Sitting and standing in that stadium were weary faces whose parents hadn’t received salaries for months, young unemployed graduates, old men and women looking forward to policies that will actually move the state towards a NEW direction (as promised during the electioneering process).

    The crowd cheered loudly as Aketi as he’s fondly called promised to lead the state to “redemption.”

    Two weeks have gone by without any commissioner named, no public statements about government owned parastatals, no clear focus or blueprint unveiled and announcement of any major policy.

    Rather, there had been some unnecessary political statements and one begins to wonder if the governor has not forgotten his campaign promises so early.

    At the gala dinner organized for the new government, the governor was said to have lambasted a Senator for not supporting him during the election period but went ahead to publish in the newspaper  an advert  congratulating him upon inauguration.

    One wonders if the rumoured internal wrangling within the ruling party won’t affect Akeredolu’s performance in office.

    The southern part of the state hasn’t had electricity for many years now, also, the Akoko areas in the north haven’t had light in about a year. Equally, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba Akoko needs proper funding to make the institution better than it is presently, this must also be done without putting financial burden on the parents/guardians through increment in fees.

     

  • How to resurrect Nigeria’s economy

    It has become clear that the Nigerian economy has slipped from recession into a depression. In the first quarter of 2016 the Nigerian economy for the first time recorded a negative growth of -0.36%.This means that the economy didn’t just slow down, it shrank and shrivelled. Since then it has not gotten much better.

    It is essential to bear in mind that like most sub-Saharan economies, Nigeria is not your conventional economic model. The mechanism for retrieving accurate economic indices is not functional. Therefore while statistics may say there is 13% unemployment, in reality it’s actually 53%. While the government may report inflation to be 18%, it really is 58% and rising. All you have to do is go to your neighbourhood market and you would find out that prices for everyday goods have doubled and even tripled! The exchange rate went from almost 200 Naira to the dollar at the end of the last administration to a peak of 500 Naira just weeks ago. Given that most capital and even consumable goods are imported, this subsequently created a state of hyperinflation and a significant depreciation in domestic purchasing power. Coupled with the terrible power outages and deplorable business environment, many companies are closing down or leaving the country. Clearly the current state of the Nigerian economy is not attractive for any type of foreign investment.

    Economic recoveries following a depression are never achieved by blind market forces but by careful fiscal planning and government adaptations. Therefore in this case, something close to the Keynesian ideal of increasing aggregate demand through investments in key sectors of the economy using capital projects would immediately bring relief and stability. The capital projects would continue to generate long-term multiplier effects in terms of economic and GDP growth for decades to come, while the short-term effects of making these infrastructural upgrades using mainly local employment would boost aggregate demand by putting money into the hands of people who in turn spend it on suppliers. This will immediately resuscitate the ailing and dying economy, as well as improve the confidence of the people in their government. It’s a multidimensional approach that is ensured to succeed in less than two years once execution begins.

    Now, because the Nigerian economy is centred on oil and gas, and over 90 percent of government revenue comes from crude oil sales, it becomes imperative that this industry is properly restructured and upgraded to function in the 21st century. This is a case of taking care of the goose that lays your golden eggs. At the foundation of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry is the issue of bringing the national pipeline grid back online. The recent policy where the government attempted to legalise illegal bunkering is quite laughable. This sends a message to the world that the government is helpless and therefore is joining the crooks since it can’t beat them. The national pipeline grid can be upgraded and policed adequately using state- of-the-art technology like distributed acoustic sensing (DAS) and miniature drones. Without a functioning pipeline grid, refurbishing the old refineries and building new ones would result to nothing. Also, the destruction of these pipelines causes severe power outages and electrical issues. The national pipeline grid is at the foundation of Nigeria’s electrical power and petroleum industries and cannot be repaired simply by legalising bunkering.

    Next is the Apapa tank farm, which holds about 80% or more of Nigeria’s refined petroleum products. This area is a tank farm with over 200 tanks-one of the largest in the world- and has a very poor record of industrial inspections and maintenance.  Because there is a poor piping grid, the nation must rely on tankers to distribute the products which leave the traffic situation in Apapa hellish. Given that this area also leads to the primary seaport for the country, it’s an absolute eyesore to behold and indeed a terrible experience. However, congestion is the least of the problem. If there is a leak from one of those tanks due to poor maintenance, the domino explosions would destroy a major portion of Lagos and indeed cripple Nigeria for a long time to come. The government can begin building another tank farm in the Lekki area not just as a backup facility, but to aid in reducing the risk factor in case something bad happens. Also it will function as an auxiliary product storage unit while the Apapa facility is being inspected according to API 653 standards and fitted with proper gas and leak detection equipment. This will decongest the area, improve productivity, reduce and spread the risk factor and use mostly local employment in the repair and new construction activities, thus boosting aggregate demand. The danger, necessity and immediacy of this issue cannot be overstated.

    Furthermore, the government must improve the electricity situation in the country which may very well be the worst in the world. The epileptic power supply is the greatest deterrent to foreign investment. Foreign investors will not entertain an environment where they must provide their own electricity using gas powered generators. Sometimes the generators too are useless when the fuel supply is plagued by periodic shortages. This is just too much headache and overhead cost for most investors. Nigeria is losing a huge opportunity and potentially can be the China of Africa, attracting foreign manufacturing companies and enjoying technology transfer. The electricity issue is really a shame. The government can begin looking into alternative sources to diversify the age old Kainji-dam. The large expanses of land in the middle belt can be equipped with wind turbines to boost the national power grid. This investment will serve the country well for decades to come and will improve national productivity. This too is a worthy capital project to invest in immediately.

    Finally there is the issue of industrial farming: large scale government sponsored farmlands all across the country and the subsidisation of private farmers to supply food. Food has become seriously expensive and a hungry demographic is a dangerous one indeed. The government can open large scale farmlands to service every region of the country. The country is blessed with land and agricultural potential, there is no reason it should be importing food that it can grow for itself.

    These key public investment directives along with the usual road and urban expansion programmes will in less than four years create a new atmosphere for Nigeria. The domestic employment used for these capital intensive projects would boost aggregate demand in the short run and keep the micro-economy liquid and buoyant. On the supply side excess capacity would be reduced, while the multiplier effects of infrastructural upgrades would ensure that national productivity operates on a higher plateau than previously.

    Remember the Nigerian recession has turned into a depression and it will not fix itself. It would require great statesmanship and strategic policy initiatives carried out in a timely manner.

     

    • Ifedobi is an economist and consultant for the American Petroleum Institute (API), based in the USA
  • What is Fayemi’s politics?

    “Even if you disagree with his politics, one must agree that Dr. Kayode Fayemi is one of the most cerebral politicians of his generation in this dispensation. In terms of performance, he was an outstanding governor of Ekiti State no matter how one interprets the circumstances of his loss to the tempestuous and restless apostle of ‘stomach infrastructure’…It is thus not surprising that in his book, Regaining the Legacy…, Fayemi demonstrates a firm grasp of the theoretical and ideological moorings of progressive governance and policy, which definitely informed his policy choices as governor.”——Segun Ayobolu, in his column in The Nation entitled “Why Theory Matters” on Saturday, January 28, 2017.

    It must be said here without any equivocation that responses in whatever guise to Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals and Steel Development, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, on issues of national importance should be welcomed. As one of Nigeria’s most important public figures whose highly visible and critically important ministerial portfolio was never enough to overwhelm him or dampen his enthusiasm for sharing his knowledge and experience in public arenas; and his analysis of the socio-economic and political issues of our time—through his authorship of books and public speaking—one cannot frown at the fact that Fayemi is bound to mean different things to different people.

    But what must not be allowed by those discerning enough to see another emerging political personage in the South West—who may well have issued from the loincloth of the region’s late sage in terms of articulating his beliefs, demonstrating his values and injecting these virtues into his politics—is to weave a narrative around Fayemi that’s not borne out of verifiable facts, but rather some conjectural narrative presented as ‘alternative facts’ without a challenge.

    The above epigraph from Segun Ayobolu—who has earned his stripes as one of the few scrupulously cerebral and erudite columnists of his generation, and who has also won my respect and admiration ever since that day he walked into my Chicago office as Tinubu’s Chief Press Secretary—I must admit, became another pointer that an important segment of the nation’s literati is still not convinced that there’s absolutely nothing untoward about Fayemi’s politics. So, what exactly is Fayemi’s politics?

    To those in the progressive fold pointing fingers at his politics even when they’re yet to define in actuality what this is, their seeming discomfort with Fayemi’s politics presupposes that there’s probably something enervating, counter-productive, if not clandestinely sinister in the nature and character of his politics that goes against moral decency, if not against the “omoluwabi” ethos of his geo-political region that we all should be wary of.

    For starters, Fayemi happened on the consciousness of the Nigerian public and on the country’s political landscape not as a master-servant whose political portfolio was at the behest of a higher political overlord, but as someone whose political journey started from one of the highest political tickets in the land as the governor of Ekiti State . So, his politics is, from the outset, an open book that can be interrogated and verified in order to see if it meets the subtle but negative connotation being carefully crafted in the minds of the undiscerning public.

    Since Fayemi’s politics is what seems to be in contest (even when there’s hardly any basis for this) and not his ability to perform impressively and creditably well (even though it took this home truth a fairly long time in coming from certain quarters), his politics, therefore, and his job performance are mutually exclusive. So, what may be wrong (if any) with Fayemi’s politics can only be situated within the context of his position as the chief of state of Ekiti, the interval between his governorship portfolio and his current headship of a ministry in the Buhari administration.

    Fayemi made his debut on the platform of the country’s only authentic progressive party at a time when it was not only unfashionable to belong to this political enclave because the ‘mainstreaming’ sing-song had such a strong influence even on the progressive class, but at a time that not a few political pundits considered suicidal for any political greenhorn to anchor his political future on a party that had been deemed as not having any future in the nation’s political arrangement except in its very small corner in the South West.

    What has now gone down as probably the most highly orchestrated governorship election defeat in the nation’s history was enough for any mere mortal to be so emotionally traumatised and egotistically bruised to have abandoned his party not because of his ‘loss’ of re-election, but because of the relentless amount of blames and criticisms levelled against him not from the opposition and political enemies but from his own party’s hierarchy and opinion moulders. It mattered not that less than 48-hours after the governorship election some evidence had started to emerge that “photochromic” ballot papers were used by the opposition as a component part of that historical electoral heist.

    Yet, Fayemi received these undeserved criticisms with equanimity and stayed true to himself and his party. The December 14, 2014 Presidential convention of the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC) that culminated in Buhari’s emergence as its candidate was adjudged as the best presidential convention in Nigeria’s democratic history by virtue of its transparency, rancour-free politicking devoid of underhand dealings, and most importantly, the professionalism with which it was handled. The head of the 24-member National Convention Planning Committee of the party then was none other than Dr. John Kayode Fayemi. His subsequent appointment as a minister in the present Buhari government cannot objectively be said to be due to his politics but the exclusive prerogative of his appointer who is President Muhammadu Buhari himself.

    Fayemi’s politics came once again into the public arena during the contest for the political control of Ondo State between his party (APC) and the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). Fayemi maintained relative neutrality until after the primary. And when the party declared a candidate to fly its flag, he simply picked up the gauntlet for his party and worked assiduously until the party’s candidate achieved victory at the polls.

    Fayemi has demonstrated, and continues to demonstrate that his home in the progressive political party is perfectly in consonance with his values and personal philosophy and therefore in conformity with his politics. The onus is therefore on those who’re uncomfortable with his politics to provide proofs why his politics seems to be distasteful to them, otherwise those of us with the presence of mind will continue to look at this insinuation as nothing more than a red herring to cleverly and mischievously situate this consummate intellectual politician where he does not belong.

     

    • Odere is a media practitioner
  • Nigeria: A case for intervention

    Frederick Lugard, the British official who mostly created the British protectorate called Nigeria, took steps later to explain to his British people his reason for authoring such a manifestly unreasonable country for the Black people. He did it in a book which he published in 1922. His words: ”In character and temperament, the typical African of this race-type (that is Black) is a happy, thriftless, excitable person, lacking in self-control, discipline, and foresight, naturally courageous, and naturally courteous and polite, full of personal vanity, with little sense of veracity, fond of music and loving weapons as an oriental loves jewellery. His thoughts are concentrated on the events and feelings of the moment, and he suffers little from the apprehension for the future or grief for the past. His mind is far nearer to the animal world than that of the European or Asiatic, and exhibits something of the animals’ placidity and want of desire to rise beyond the state he has reached… He lacks the power of organisation, and is conspicuously deficient in the management and control alike of men or business. He loves the display of power, but fails to realise its responsibility…he will work hard with a less incentive than most races. He has the courage of the fighting animal, an instinct rather than a moral virtue… In brief, the virtues and defects of this race-type are those of attractive children, whose confidence when it is won is given ungrudgingly as to an older and wiser superior and without envy… Perhaps the two traits which have impressed me as those most characteristic of the African native are his lack of apprehension and his lack of ability to visualise the future”

    Lugard, and other British colonial rulers of Nigeria, said a lot of other crudely false and insulting things about Nigerians. They said even worse things about particular nationalities of Nigeria – the Igbo, the Yoruba, the Hausa, the Fulani, and just any nationality that suited their arrogant myth- making. A better informed world knows today that these mostly poorly educated British officials were merely repeating the falsehood generated by the European world during the centuries of the Atlantic slave trade and slavery.

    Even so, generations of Africans will forever ask certain questions concerning European colonial conquest and rule over virtually all of Black Africa. There was resistance everywhere. But why was such resistance seldom successful? European rule was relatively brief everywhere, lasting only a few decades. So, why has it succeeded in leaving such profound impacts everywhere? Why has it left so much deeper impacts on Black Africa than on Asia? Most importantly, after the end of European colonialism, why have Black Africans failed so signally to review what European colonialism had bequeathed to them?

    As African countries were becoming independent in the 1960s, conflicts immediately surfaced all over. Through all these disasters, one country, namely Nigeria, continued to inspire some hope worldwide. Nigeria was not better managed than other Black African countries. In less than two years after independence, Nigeria’s federal rulers, hungry for unrestrained power over the whole of Nigeria, launched an assault on the richest and strongest Region of the Nigerian federation (the Western Region), and thereby set in motion a chain of troubles that produced rigged elections, massive revolts, military coups, pogroms that took thousands of lives, and a civil war that took millions of lives. In the 1990s, Nigeria produced its most murderous military dictatorship, sending thousands of the Nigerian elite into exile abroad. In spite of all these, the world mostly continued to believe that Nigeria was the country that would lead Africa out of darkness to some bright day. The hopes were inspired by the enormous resources of Nigeria – Nigeria’s massive population (about one-fourth of Africa’s population), the dynamism of many of Nigeria’s peoples, and the variety and enormity of Nigeria’s natural resources, made greater by Nigeria’s possession of some of the world’s richest reserves of mineral oil.

    But the hopes about Nigeria have not been fulfilled. In fact, they look today farthest away from fulfilment. Nigeria is no longer a country buffeted merely by political instability and poverty. Nigeria has been essentially removed from the world comity of nations by nearly sixty years of a primitive ambition by a minority among Nigerian peoples (the Hausa-Fulani of the Nigerian Northwest) who demand to hold exclusively to power in Nigeria, and who have been using federal power to weaken and even subdue the other peoples of Nigeria – all on the claim that Nigeria is a fief bequeathed to the Hausa-Fulani by the British at independence in 1960. An ever-growing culture of impunity, authoritarianism, election rigging, public corruption, resistance to modern development, and multiple kinds of violence, has increasingly barred the way to any serious and consistent progress and modernisation in Nigeria. This is the root of the fact that Nigerians are annually classified among peoples having the least access to electricity, pipe-borne water, good communication and transportation, and reliable public administrative services, in the world. This is why investments are fleeing from Nigeria – and why Nigeria has been experiencing de-industrialisation. This is why about 70% of Nigerians are classified as living in “absolute poverty.” This is why Nigeria’s unemployment is one of the highest in the world. This is why probably most of Nigeria’s educated youths are finding ways to flee to other countries. This is why Nigerian youths desperately fleeing from their country are always about a majority among Black African youths dying in the desert tracts of the Sahara Desert or in perilous boat flights across the Mediterranean Sea.

    But, in recent months, the Nigerian situation has grown even more primitive and become virtually impossible to understand. Since 2014, while the world has focused on Boko Haram terrorism in the Nigerian Northeast, elements from among Fulani cattle herders (nomadic herdsmen who have resisted all attempts to get them to settle and educate their children), have turned themselves into a much bigger terrorist army than Boko Haram, spread all over Nigeria, destroying farms and villages, and killing farmers and farmers’ families. Some people have obviously been supplying this new brand of terrorists with the sophisticated weaponry which they carry. What the purpose of it all can be remains a mystery.

    Citizens complain from all over Nigeria that the official response is not only too small but also tends to support the terrorists against their victims. Inevitably, local folks are increasingly mounting self-defence programmes, the rate of violence and murders is escalating, and some of the conflicts are showing up in urban centres even far in the southern provinces of Nigeria.

    The international community has intervened to limit violence, loss of lives, and human suffering in many Black African countries. In Nigeria, in the opinion of many informed citizens, doesn’t a good case now exist for intervention by the international community?

  • Ambode’s frustration over Airport road

    Ambode’s frustration over Airport road

    I read with consternation the frustration expressed by Lagos State Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode over the non-cooperation by the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing concerning the fixing of the International Airport road.

    Ambode is very disturbed about the dilapidated state of the Oshodi-Airport road, which he described as an eyesore and an embarrassment to the whole nation as the road leads to the Murtala Muhammed International Airport. Despite the fact that Lagos state government is ready to fix the road. The Federal Ministry of Works under the leadership of immediate past Governor of Lagos State, Babatunde Raji Fashola appears not be forthcoming in terms of granting the required approval for the Lagos State government to embark on reconstruction of the road.

    This is where I am saddened and began to flash back to similar needless muscle flexing and power show between some Ministers and State Governors, especially if they are of different political parties. It is therefore absurd and unfortunate if Ambode’s allegation that Fashola is deliberately withholding approval is true. Fashola was the immediate past Governor of the state and a member of the same APC Federal government which is also the ruling party in Lagos state and who knew the bad state of the Apapa-Airport road and who also experienced frustrations from a PDP led Federal Government over such projects.

    It will therefore be a puzzle for any discerning observer why Fashola should deliberately frustrate Ambode from developing a state where he was once Governor and also did his best in terms of infrastructure. The allegation of Ambode against Fashola’s attitude is very weighty and going by how Ambode presented the facts, many may be tempted to agree that Fashola may actually be blocking Ambode’s opportunity to excel. There is no reason why Fashola should waste any time in granting the required approval for the Lagos State Government to embark on the construction of the all important Oshodi-Airport Road.

    Ambode announced the readiness of the state government to immediately embark on the reconstruction of the road which has been redesigned to accommodate 10 lanes to come from Oshodi to the International Airport with interchange and flyover that would drop you towards the Local Airport. The Governor also announced that the state government is ready with the funds to execute this, immediately approval is granted by the Federal Ministry of Works. So the question now is, what is delaying this much needed approval?

    Ambode could not have expressed his frustrations openly without exhausting all avenues to get the approval from Fashola’s Ministry. Now that we have heard Fashola’s side of the story, one is tempted to believe that there may be some reasons other than bureaucratic bottlenecks considering the not too cordial relationship between Fashola and his successor in the early months of the Ambode administration, which was mainly caused by the disclosure of the huge debt left behind by Fashola. The only thing that would soothe the nerves of Lagosians is for the minister to handover the all important road for the Lagos State government to repair.

    Any attempt to play politics with a road that needs an urgent attention as the statement from the minister seems to imply, might affect the ordinary Lagosian, who will benefit from the road and the positive impact on the economy of Lagos state as it will save a lot of man hour lost to traffic gridlock on that road. Also given the fact that the road is a major entry point to Nigeria from the Murtala Mohammed International Airport, the federal government should have gladly be receptive to the offer of the Lagos State government to do it and finish in six months.

    If the allegation is true, Fashola must rise above pettiness and be a statesman that he is supposed to be by immediately putting the interest of the people of the state above any personal animosity he may be harbouring against his successor. With the open expression of frustration by Ambode, there is no way many will not believe Fashola’s action is deliberate considering the fact that such scenario had happened before in Lagos when another Lagosian,  Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe who defected from the Alliance for Democracy (AD) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and became  Minister for Works (2003-2006), was engaged in a power show with then Governor Bola Tinubu over operations of Lagos State Transport Management Agency (LASTMA) officials whom he banned from operating on Federal roads in the Lagos metropolis and quickly assembled his own Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) operatives.

    The power show ended in chaos as there were frequent clashes between Ogunlewe’s FERMA officials and Tinubu’s LASTMA officials, not to mention other opportunities the state was denied in the Federal Ministry of Works.  It was Lagosians who bore the brunt of the unnecessary show of Federal might and I don’t think we need such scenario any more in Lagos. Despite the fact that the Federal government is owing Lagos State a whopping N51 billion refund on federal roads rehabilitated by the state government, the governor said the federal government should release the N2Billion appropriated for the Oshodi-Airport road in the 2017 budget, for the state government to embark on the reconstruction of the road. This is not fair!

    Ambode also expressed frustration that six months after President Muhammadu Buhari approved the handover of the Presidential Lodge, Marina, the State Government was yet to gain access into the premises. This is also wrong and may send wrong signals out there that Fashola is on vendetta mission because the release of the Presidential Lodge also falls under his Ministry. Why has the key to the Presidential lodge not been handed over to the governor? And why are those involved making very difficult for presidential directive to be honoured? these are germane questions that should bother more than casual observers.

    Every Lagosian would want Governor Ambode to be encouraged to continue with the current pace of work in the areas of infrastructure and security which has made Lagos state a yardstick of governance for other states in the country. Many people marvelled at the regeneration of Ojodu Berger which is a beauty to behold, Abule-Egba Flyover Project and also the Aboru/Abesan Link Road and Bridge Project. These projects are repositioning Lagos to measure up to its status as an emerging mega-city.

    The only way the minister can show his sincerity is by granting the long overdue approval to the state government to immediately embark on the reconstruction of the Oshodi-Airport road, which he said he will complete in six months and also ensure the release of the N2 bilion earmarked for the project.

    Fashola should also obey the presidential directive on the Presidential Lodge by ensuring that access to the building is guaranteed. Anything short of this in the next few days will confirm Governor Ambode’s allegation of vendetta and the insinuation in many quarters that Fashola does not want Ambode to outshine him in performance. This will be so unfortunate and people would easily see him as being petty, mean and sadistic.

    • Gbadegesin wrote from Apapa, Lagos.
  • Obasanjo at 80: Unravelling the enigma

    For better or for worse, no one can doubt the significance of Chief Olusegun Aremu Obasanjo to the Nigerian state and its future. Having gathered friends and foes alike, OBJ has become a force to be reckoned with. One can say, without any fear of contradiction, that he remains the singular most important living political factor today with regard to the dynamics of the Nigerian state. And, having entered into the sacred octogenarian circle, I do not expect any slowing down in terms of his acerbic capacity to speak bluntly about his assessment of the governance and leadership situation in his beloved country. Let me use this opportunity to wish Baba a happy birthday. As a son, I take extreme delight in the enigmatic existence of a man who has steadfastly refused to fade away despite the many attempts to silence him. In the face of overwhelming oppositions, criticisms, provocations and disparagements, Obasanjo has remained undaunted and unrelenting. His continuing relevance, I long suspect, owes a lot to the force of his charismatic personality, his historical importance at a significant juncture in Nigeria’s history, his obsession with significant ideas about nation building and diplomacy and finally his adroit understanding of realpolitik.

    His eightieth birthday celebration coincides with the formal opening of the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL). And this was flagged off by a colloquium to precede the launch. I was invited and was surprisingly invited to make a statement. I have known Chief Obasanjo for so many years and in so many capacities. Our relationship was not just formal; it was founded on a solid tradition of a father-son dynamics that encompasses so many trajectories, from personal to professional. Thus, as I made my way to the podium for the statement after about three minutes notice by Prof. Ayo Tella, the MC, I was assailed by a fundamental confusion: From what angle and within what perspective was I supposed to make my statement about this larger-than-life man who has practically become a real life Wizard? I thought I could always make a speech, but for once I could not decide which line to pick out of a large pool of nuanced reading of a man that is complexity personified until I found myself on the podium.  How do I compact several years of relationship into a two-minute remark? Fortunately for me, the occasion for the formal launch of the Presidential Library provides another rich avenue to unpack the essence of an enigma. I therefore made some appropriate noises at the colloquium. But here I am again.

    Contrary to those who see and say all things bad and negative about OBJ, my engagement with him has always borders on a significant mix of the personal and the critical within a historical timeline that coincided with my own professional development and coming of age in Nigeria. In my past assessment of his politics, I have used the adjective “Machiavellian” to describe his political personality. But the historical confusion surrounding that word actually serves my purpose and sets me apart from the chorus of the OBJ-bashers. In the history of political thought, Niccolò Machiavelli remains one of the most vilified, especially with regards to his understanding of politics and the significance of political action. Thus, this perception created a negative connotation given to the term “Machiavellian.” Thus, a Machiavellian politician would be someone who places instrumental desires before scruples; someone for whom the end justifies the means! And there is no one who signifies such a Machiavellian figure than Obasanjo. But most of the literature on Machiavelli conveniently ignores the fact that Machiavelli agonized over the fate and political future of medieval Florence and its republican pedigree. It is through that nationalist but pragmatic template that I perceive Obasanjo as Machiavellian.

    Fortunately for me, my contact and engagement with OBJ commenced within the ambit of my learning and research as a student of political science and political theory at the University of Ibadan in the 80s. I was at the point of giving contextual focus to my theoretical understanding of political theory when I was invited to an interview as a research assistant to Chief Obafemi Awolowo. That interview gave me an opportunity to explore a political counter-narrative of how Awolowo’s politics could have turned out better first for what I have since called the precarious future of the Yoruba and also for the future of Nigeria. This counter-narrative was situated within a philosophical analysis of Awolowo’s understanding of the role of federalism in Nigeria’s future and the debilitating outcomes of the Awolowo-Akintola conflict within the context of Yoruba politics. That interview was one of my bold moments in my career; being so boldly critical of your to-be employer especially one that you revere, and I was convinced I had been clever by half. But Chief Awolowo apparently thought otherwise because I got the job!

    When Awolowo finally transited, I had to decide to take the research further under the supervision of Prof, Peter Ekeh. Ekeh’s seminal thesis of the “two publics” had already become a distinctive analytical framework for assessing the African political sphere. And it seemed just right for me to work within that template to frame my research into the dynamics of Nigerian politics. Obasanjo was already becoming a public figure as military head of state who was instrumental to the commencement of civil rule in 1979. His model of national engagement therefore became a unique one to be counterpoised to Awolowo’s, in spite of Papa Awo’s unrivalled legacies in the South-West. For me, it was a case of the Machiavellian contra the Platonic.

    As a Machiavellian, Chief Obasanjo is aware of the stark necessity of realpolitik in disentangling the governance complexity and political intrigues that define Nigeria. Since its evolution, the Nigerian state has grown to a huge complex proportion that has swallowed many a visionary leaders. It swallowed Murtala Muhammed. And OBJ has been a good student of politics. Like Machiavelli, in terms of politics, modern Nigeria is as nightmarish as medieval Florence. Both generate intrigues, assassinations, embezzlement, alliances and dalliances, patriotism and disaffection, and all other kinds of political and non-political affairs that are favourable and unfavourable to the growth and progress of the state. Such a political context demands not just any leadership but one with a realistic understanding of what needed to be done in terms of instrumental manoeuvrings if vision is to be imposed on political chaos. It is this political realism that distinguishes Machiavelli from a host of other political theorists in history. In fact, it is his insistence that politics must be analysed from the perspective of what it is, and not what it ought to be, that became the first impulse for the birth of modern political science. Without this realism, Machiavelli would not have survived the political landmines that littered Florence. He was nearly consumed, and his vision of a strong republican heritage for Florence was nearly abolished.

    From his military trainings to his first political appearance as second in command to Murtala Muhammed and then later as military head of state, OBJ has evolved until he returned as a democratically elected president in 1999. And from then, his stature and significance has grown into the colossal. I have used Winston Churchill’s description of Russia as the template for unpacking him—OBJ is essentially a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. And this explained why he has generated an OBJ industry in Nigeria and across the globe; an industry of haters, admirers, critics and even sycophants. And added to this is the fact that Providence has set him apart as one so blessed of God. You really just need to wonder how a person could survive the Nigerian military establishment (especially as a coup plotter), survive Abacha’s death trap, survive two significant moments as president, survive the ravages of age and still remain relevant as statesman. And it seems to me that Obasanjo’s statesmanship remains solidly national in a sense that Awolowo and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu are not. Let me explain.

    The real issue for Nigeria’s integration project is that of how to translate ethnic animosity to civic patriotism. This implies that a truly national leader must be one that has the capacity to transcend ethnic politics and contribute to the solid establishment of the civic public in Nigeria. Leadership in Nigeria since independence has always been tinged with an ethnic coloration. From Awolowo to Azikiwe to Ahmadu Bello, the regional and ethnic factor has remained an albatross around many a charismatic leader. The political clout of Asiwaju Tinubu is enormous with his aspiration towards national credibility. But Obasanjo trumps everyone else for the simple reason that he was able to breakthrough to the North twice. Of course, he did so without the support of the Yoruba, and with the suspicion that he was only a crony of the north. But his legacy goes beyond just being a national or even a global figure. In fact, the suspicion that attended his two-time presidency especially by his own people only goes to attest to his detribalized credentials. The whole of Nigeria is the locus of Obasanjo’s operation. Since he handed over power to Alhaji Shehu Shagari in 1979, OBJ has been concerned about the Nigerian project, even if in a curious sense.

    A presidential library in Nigeria possesses the real potential of reversing the information and data deficiency that already defines Nigeria’s underdevelopment. The Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) allows us a glimpse into OBJ’s mind as a national figure as well as his actions and commission while in office. And this is significant because the presidential library also coincides with the inauguration of democratic governance in Nigeria. But much more than all this, I see in the idea of the library, the imperative for establishing an inter-generational relationship that draws the younger generations of Nigerians into a constant dialogue with the older generations on where Nigeria is coming from, where we are now and where we are headed, as well as the utility of generational capital in recalibrating Nigeria’s future. Launching the OOPL to coincide with OBJ’s 80th birthday celebration only goes to show a man that will never cease to rethink his legacy in terms of the future of Nigeria. From his Operation Feed the Nation (OFN) to the OOPL, Obasanjo has always been concerned about sowing the seed of greatness that will affect Nigeria’s greatness.

    With the idea of the presidential library, Chief Obasanjo, the beloved octogenarian, once again turns Nigeria’s face to the future. And with Lyndon B. Johnson, the former American president, we can say: “Yesterday is not ours to recover, but tomorrow is ours to win or lose.” That is the purpose OBJ meant the OOPL to serve: the recovery of Nigeria’s future.

    Dr. Olaopa is Executive Vice-Chairman, Ibadan School of Government & Public Policy (ISGPP)

  • Tantalizing tales of a nursing father (1)

    What does one make of the notion and idea of a nursing father? That seems to be a strange and unusual concept indeed particularly in these climes where the nurturing and bringing up of the infant is reflexively perceived as the exclusive preserve of the mother. Most African men would consider it beneath their dignity to perform what is seen as a woman’s chore. Yet, until the reader takes the trouble, albeit a pleasurable one, to go through Dr Sylvester Odion Akhaine’s new book, ‘The Case of A Nursing Father’, he will fail to get the deeper ramifications that go far beyond the seemingly innocuous title. If I had the opportunity, I would have given the book the subtitle, ‘The humanist’s manifesto’. Indeed, the renowned arts critic, Mr. Ben Tomoloju, titles his foreword to the book, ‘A Celebration of Humanism’. Comprising an assortment of newspaper articles, reportage, travelogues and tributes published in various journals between 1993 and 2015, though not necessarily in chronological sequence, this book of 140 pages and 23 chapters, published in 2016 by Partridge Publishing, South Africa, may turn out to be the most impactful so far by Dr Akhaine.

    For, unlike his earlier academic offerings in his specialized discipline of political economy, the linguistic accessibility and fluidity as well as disarming charm and light hearted banter of this effort will appeal both to the high minded intellectual and to the average reader. Yet, within its pages lie loaded ideological and radical messages of social change that reminds one of the Nobel laureate’s famous description of literature as a form of hand grenade which you detonate under a stagnant way of perceiving reality. In the first essay of the book, from which the collection derives its title, Dr Akhaine gives an interesting account of his unique experience on the birth of his son, baby Omata ‘bobo’ on October 29 1998. In his words, “Before his arrival, I had always dreaded the prospect of having to join the middle class slave deals which produce child labourers and slaves in the name of housemaids who are ordered around by the lady of the house”.

    Unable to countenance the idea of hiring house helps, who ought themselves to be in school, to take care of the child and the house because of the occupational demands of the couple, Akhaine decides instead to serve as nursing father for the duration of his wife’s professional schedule as a working class woman in the mornings, while he used the afternoon hours to pursue his own official engagements as an activist. Of course, he admits that this was largely made possible because of his own liberal work schedule. Akhaine raises some pertinent questions here. Is there a link, for instance, between the many cases of house helps who treat wards in their care with abysmal cruelty and their innate dissatisfaction with their situation of forced labour, which is largely a function  of social inequalities? But the interesting thing here is that the author comes to cherish the deep satisfaction of being a nursing father saying “Come to think about my present routine, there is abundant joy in caring for children”.

    Another delectable essay in this collection, ‘Season of Ceremonies’, focuses not just on the author’s participation in the ceremonies marking the transition of the Queen Mother, Elizabeth, in 2002 but also the celebration of his own 38th birthday at his Highfield en suite apartment on Friday, April 12, 2002. Giving an account of the experience, Dr Akhaine writes, “It was a medley of international students: Italians, Germans, Australians, Greece, Indians, Somalis, Ugandans, Zambians, Botswanans, Caribbeans, Kazakhstanis and British. It was a single humanity. There was no racial barrier as we chatted, danced and wined all the way”. Continuing he submits that “Politicians and Capitalists appeared to me the enemy of humanity. Politicians create artificial racial or ethnic bars to appropriate political power, and capitalists do the same for profit maximization. If power and capitalist motives are allowed to dominate the world affairs as they appear to, a world without walls, hunger and diseases is doomed”.

    And in the piece, ‘My Easter Trip to the Netherlands’, Akhaine writes on how he seized the opportunity to play the role of Chairman at the One Year birthday of Bill Clinton Evbota on March 30, 2002, at Café Hofke Toon and Martha in the neighbourhood of Brunssum, in the Netherlands to speak on the place of struggle in human affairs. In his words, “My message to them was that they had to recognize the fact that the world is a theatre of struggle. Every stage one finds oneself at, one should know that is a struggle; it is one of the principles of social Darwinism. This has been sunk into my head by radical literature…the world is a turf of struggle, let us struggle to put our country right…”.

    In a piece titled ‘Christmas without Ponmo’, Dr Akhaine reflects on the existential realities of December 25, 2015 in Nigeria, at least from the point of view of the impoverished masses. He wondered how many Nigerians could really and truly enjoy the laughter and merriment of the season given the hardships into which ruling class misrule had plunged the country. As he put it, “Given the palpable suffering of most of the population in long-lasting struggle to eke out a living and its compounding by a bunch of reckless state actors, the hilarity of Christmas is at least gone for today. In pains, the suffering masses would continue their existential drudgery in search of what to eat”. Yet, the author does not give in to despair as he concludes on a hopeful note, ”As toiling Nigerians cannot merry today, eat their ponmo, let it be known that their days of ‘suffering and smiling’ will be over (apologies to Fela Anikulapo- Kuti). They shall claim their day, they shall laugh their laugh, and they shall merry again with shouts of victory over their oppressors”. But is there any viable, genuinely radical and progressive organizational platform on ground which can facilitate the mobilization of Nigerians for the kind of positive and fundamental change that Dr Akhiane envisages? Are we not witnessing instead the mobilization of poor and dispossessed Nigerians around ethno-regional and religious looters of the common treasury thus ironically deifying those responsible for their plight?

    Whether he is writing of his experiences in Fidel Castro’s Cuba, paying tribute to the revolutionary saint, Che guevera, the late Baba Omojola, Chief Anthony Enahoro, or even relatively lesser known patriots like the couple, Abiodun Kolawole and Cecilia Temitayo Kolawole, or the late broadcaster of Lagos Television, Ms Adetoun Adeloye, Akhaine does not come across as a theoretical or armchair humanist. For him, humanity is not to be seen in purely abstract terms as the faceless masses. Rather, humanity to the author is made up of flesh and blood human beings whose pains, pangs, sorrows and joys he shares. This is  perhaps why, even as his existential Odyssey still unfolds, Dr Akhaine can readily and rightly aver that so far the struggle has been his life.

  • Betsy Obaseki: An account of International Women’s Day in Edo

    Less than a month ago, Mrs Betsy Obaseki, Wife of Edo State Governor and First Lady of the state was in the eye of a media storm. News making the rounds at the time had it that her job at the Bank of Industry (BOI) was threatened and she was only being greedy to have kept her job at the BOI after becoming First Lady.

    John Mayaki, Chief Press Secretary to Governor Obaseki and himself a journalist was having none of that. In a few articles, he quite took the fight to every negative account of Mrs Obaseki’s job such that by the time he was done, I would like to think he had convinced everyone that the negative reports were the sort of claptrap that could only have been born out of malice. He was also able to, I believe; convince his readers of the First Lady’s candour as far as her Job at the BOI related to her position as First Lady of Edo state.

    As it stands, he was right. Using her influence as Head of Strategy and Planning Unit at the Bank of Industry Trust Company (BOITC), she has been making moves to empower the women of Edo State, particularly the widows.

    In less than a month, she concluded plans to empower some 500 widows through animal husbandry, and carried this out during the recently concluded International Women’s Day celebration. This empowerment initiative was a huge statement from Mrs Obaseki in more ways than one.

    Apart from the fact that it took those who had erstwhile accused her to the pillory and exposed them as myopic and ignorant, it also actualised part of the governor’s campaign promises during electioneering.

    During his campaign, Governor Obaseki had referred to his grandmother, Madam Sarah Elabor, as one of the most important people in his life as a child. He noted that he spent some time with her and so knew what women are capable of if given the chance to excel and therefore promised to empower women even as he promised after the election that 35% of his political appointments would be women.

    He also promised to select some 100 widows and give them monthly stipend for the next four years, but she decided to take the plan a step further and develop the empowerment project for the widows by collaborating with Bank of Industry.

    Added to the fact that the initiative would go in tandem with the governor’s plans for women empowerment, there is also the aspect of agriculture, which the empowerment programme has the potential to affect.

    In executing the programme, each of the 500 widows were given 40 chickens comprising 20 layers and 20 broilers of a special breed. They will also be given the required feed for three months, and she assured them of a ready market for the produce from the chickens.

    Not to be forgotten is the potential this programme has to curb food shortage in the state. Basic things such as egg and chicken would flood the market and cause the prices of these items to drop in the market, while still serving as a steady source of revenue and food to these women and their children.

    In a word, the First Lady has handed the 500 widows steady means to an income on a silver platter. They would not only have the means to an income, they would also have an employment to keep them busy and since it is animal husbandry, they could even combine it with another job if they wanted.

    She did not plan to leave them ignorant after giving them the money. Is it not often said that a fool and his gold are soon parted? She therefore organised a 1-day training programme on poultry production for the 500 widows in the state.

    The widows were trained on how to rear birds and that the empowerment would give the widows monthly stipends and boost the production of rural women, to tackle food shortages and poverty. Notably, she did not make it a partisan affair. Mrs Obaseki revealed that the programme was for everybody, irrespective of whatever political leanings they may have. She later revealed that the programme would be extended to 1000 women in the future.

    Mrs Obaseki did not stop her empowerment initiatives with agriculture. She additionally appealed to the Edo State House of Assembly to pass two pending bills on gender violence elimination speedily.

    This appeal was timed to mark the International Women’s day celebration in Benin. The bills – Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill 2016 and Law to Eliminate Violence in Private and Public Place – have the potential to bridge the existing gap in gender issues.

    Mrs Obaseki has proven that she is not given to the frivolities, unnecessary ceremony and pomp that hang around as temptations to those occupying the office of the First Lady.

    She genuinely intends to help the women in the state and her background in finance and economics is helping her do it in such a way that not only the women, but also the state’s exchequer can potentially benefit from it. Coupled with her husband’s managerial ingenuity, Edo State may soon come into an economic and agricultural boon. This is something the people have deserved for so long. They must however sustain this tempo for it to last.

  • Xenophobia and reciprocity  

    It was the inimitable, iconic Nelson Mandela who once expressed profound disappointment with how Nigeria had turned out while berating its political leaders on the corruption scourge that became our country in the post-independence years. If he were alive today, Mandela would congratulate the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari on the way it is currently confronting the fatal scourge head on. But sadly, if the fiery General Murtala Mohammed and his urbane, charismatic External Affairs Minister General Joseph Garba, were alive, they would be bitterly disappointed with the way the current generation of South Africans have turned on their Nigerian counterparts who are in their country as part of the global practice of labour and capital migration. There is no reason whatsoever to defend the aggressive and crude attacks on young migrant Nigerians who are in South Africa to genuinely and legally make a living.

    For historical reasons, the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa ought to be better than it is now, whether at interpersonal level or government to government level. In the fight against apartheid, the Nigerian government stuck out its neck in bold defiance of Western and superpower interests to back the ANC, offering both moral and financial support for the African National Congress. Time and space will not allow me to chronicle details of how the Nigerian government assisted the peoples of South Africa in the fight against the obnoxious apartheid policy of the white minority government.

    In recognition of the vibrant role of Nigeria, this country was named a ‘Frontline State’ in spite of the geographical distance between the two countries. In grateful appreciation, when Mandela was finally released, one of the first African countries he visited was Nigeria. And we gave him a heroic reception too. During this epoch, the fate of every South African was vigorously defended by every Nigerian government. In the same spirit, the Nigerian government gave scholarships to a good number of South Africans to study in Nigerian universities. In their time of distress, we provided a strong shoulder for both Government and Citizen.

    Fast-forward to some twenty-five odd years after the abolition of apartheid and the emergence of a black-governed South Africa. On two different occasions, Nigerians have become victims and targets of xenophobic attacks by frustrated South African youths. They accuse Nigerians of taking their jobs and their economy, of taking their women (not overtly stated). In a very barbaric manner, many hapless Nigerians were violently and physically abused; some lost their precious lives. Their businesses were destroyed. This happened in a country which has an efficient police and security system, rated as one of the best in Africa.

    The point must be made that any Nigerian who runs afoul of the law in any country should be brought to justice within the provisions of the extant laws in the host country. In that spirit, some Nigerians have been deported and others sent to serve jail terms or sent to the gallows as it has happened in Indonesia. However, no Nigerian should be persecuted because of a successful business enterprise in any part of the world. It is my humble view that the host nation has the obligation to protect the lives of all migrants in its space. Also, the Nigerian government is obliged to vigorously defend the rights and lives of Nigerians anywhere in the world. If our citizens rights and lives are violated anywhere and we cry like withered old women, that country would not feel obliged to live up to its obligations.

    Some analysts have also blamed Nigerians for being too ‘loud and bossy’ when they are outside the shores of the country. There is nothing we can do about it. Nor is there anything we can do about South African girls falling in love with the spare cash of the Nigerian boys who reside there. Their men should compete. The South African government should be encouraged to bring the average young South African into the economic life of that rich country. Too many of them live outside the comfort of the beauty of South Africa. Cape Town, for example, remains a white man’s territory. I shuddered when I first encountered those shanties in the outskirts of Cape Town. The wealth of South Africa is still controlled by the white minority in spite of the abolition of apartheid. This is not the fault of Nigerians or other black migrant labourers!

    Some people have made the asinine argument that here at home the Nigerian government does not respect life and so has no right to complain when others violate the lives of its citizens abroad. I beg to disagree. The image of the country is involved. The lives of Nigerians are at stake. In our view of the cosmos based on our understanding of intergroup and personal relations, ‘beat my child does not mean you should kill my child’. Chinua Achebe tells us, in the words of our elders, ‘that you must first chase away the fox before you ask the hen not to wander into the forest’.

    No matter how prosperous a country is, a percentage of its citizens could prefer to live abroad. There are Americans living in the United Kingdom or Germany; there are some who have made Nigeria their home. The Diaspora has been home to many successful Lebanese businessmen, including home here in Nigeria. Migration is a way of life and it is protected by international conventions. To assert that if Nigeria were stable and prosperous, its youths would not migrate. That is not correct. The level of migration from Nigeria, indeed from Africa generally, is frightening. But it is not enough reason to persecute our citizens like the proverbial orphan in foreign countries.

    In my view the Nigerian government should send a strong signal to the South African government that the life of every Nigerian living in South Africa is sacrosanct. If the South African government cannot guarantee the lives of Nigerians and looks the other way when lives are violated, we ought to as a nation sanction South African business concerns here in Nigeria. Some have argued that the MTNs and the DSTVs of this world have Nigerian investments as well and that any sanction against such big businesses would only hurt Nigerians working for the multinationals. The then British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (Iron Lady) vigorously opposed sanctions against the apartheid regime for years with the same argument. When Murtala Mohammed nationalised Shell BP, a very strong message was sent to the British government and what followed is now history. Indeed, if the Nigerian government targets the Southern Suns, the MTNs and the DSTVs, the big business names in South Africa would run to their government for the appropriate actions to be taken. A clear example was when MTN was slammed with a huge fine when it was found in violation of the laws of the land! The mood of the ordinary citizen is one of reciprocity in diplomatic parlance. And our popularly-elected, people-oriented government should please listen to the cries of the citizens!

     

    • Professor Eghagha is Head of English Department, University of Lagos
  • Agenda for Osinbajo   

    The well-respected man of God and General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (Worldwide), Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, once shared a story while ministering during a Bible study session at the National Headquarters of the Church in Ebute Meta, Lagos, in the early 1990s. The Pastor said his late father once told him that opportunity is  an old man who is bald at the back of his head and not in front. According to him, once opportunity turns his back, there may be nothing to grab again since he is bald at the back of his head.

    We deem it fit to let the Acting President, Yemi Osinbajo, know that he should make use of the opportunity given to him by his principal, President Muhammed Buhari, to continue to pilot the affairs of this nation while the President is on an extended medical leave in the United Kingdom. For now, no one knows how long or short the extended medical leave may last. But as a good steward, the Acting President should continue to work assiduously so as to give a good account of himself to his principal whenever he comes back to the country, by God’s grace.

    Another word for Opportunity is Chance as the Holy Bible in the above quoted Scripture puts it. And so the Acting President knows quite well that it was chance and time that worked in his favour, for him to have been selected to run on the same ticket with President Muhammed Buhari in the first instance before God eventually crowned their efforts with good success to win the 2015 Presidential Elections on a platter. Already, the good reports about him show that the hand of God is obviously with him for good. A national newspaper- Daily Trust on Sunday has even reportedly scored him 25 marks within 38 days (Daily Trust on Sunday, February 26, 2017, front page). I am sure the paper must have reckoned with how the local currency has appreciated significantly against the dollar and other major foreign currencies.

    This perception is further reinforced by the relative calmness in the Niger Delta Area that has been the hotbed of confusion and destruction of the economic base of the nation as a result of the violent activities of the Niger-Delta militants with possible hijacking by some criminal elements.

    While the President is still being attended to by his doctors in London, we wish to present a 3-point Agenda before the Acting President.

    (1)The reduction/ alleviation of the prevailing acute hunger/abject poverty in the land; (2) Improved National Security with a view to checkmate the activities of the Fulani herdsmen and pipeline vandalisation especially in the Northern and the Southern parts of the country respectively and  (3) Strengthening of the Naira so that less than N100 can exchange for $1, by God’s grace.

    These aforementioned 3-Point Agenda may seem like a tall order to some people but with God nothing shall be impossible. Once there is a Will, there will surely be a way in Jesus name.

    First and foremost, the Acting President should do everything within his powers to reduce hunger-related deaths and diseases in the country. The money or the funds that have been recovered from the alleged treasury looters should be ploughed back into fighting hunger in the land. Recently, the United Nations projected that it will need $4.4bn by the end of March 2017 to prevent catastrophic hunger and famine in South-Sudan, Nigeria, Somali and Yemen, according to the Blueprint newspaper edition of Friday, February 24, 2017, page 23. We want the Acting President to remove Nigeria from this UN list. In case, he is not yet aware, Nigerians have been dying of hunger and hunger-related diseases. The government may therefore need to quickly rise up to arrest this ugly trend by using the proceeds of its War Against Corruption to fight the War Against Acute Hunger/Abject Poverty. Henceforth, proceeds from forfeitures should not be paid into the Federation Accounts to be shared with the State Governors who allegedly have tracked records of misappropriation of some of these funds. Instead, the money should be invested to fund some of the Social Safety Nets/Policies of the government that have direct bearing on poverty reduction or alleviation.

    Secondly, the Acting President should continue with his dialogue with the people of Niger-Delta and rekindle hope in them as partners in progress with a view to put a final halt to all forms of hostilities in the area and thus allow a very conducive economic atmosphere to prevail to the mutual benefits of the Niger-Delta indigenes and the Federal Government. Also kidnapping should be a forgotten crime in Nigeria while the Fulani herdsmen menace should be tackled headlong so that crop farmers can return to their farmlands and farming communities without any fear of further molestation.

    And lastly, the Naira should be strengthened to the point that less than N100 will soon exchange for $1 by God’s grace. As a matter of fact, the ultimate goal is for the naira to be at par with the dollar, if not stronger. Yes, we know that we are addressing a spiritual man and a Pastor, that is,  Professor Yemi Osinbajo, who is conversant with God’s Ways/Deeds as recorded in the Scriptures with a particular reference to how God brought an abrupt  end to famine in the land of Samaria within 24 hours- II Kings 6 & 7, KJV. ‘’….Thus saith the Lord, “Tomorrow about this time, shall a measure of fine flour be sold for a shekel and two measures of barley for a shekel in the gate of Samaria” II Kings 7:1, KJV “And it came to pass as the man of God had spoken to the king, saying, two measures of barley for a shekel and a measure of fine flour for a shekel, shall be tomorrow about this time in the gate of Samaria “II Kings 7:18, KJV.

    And since God is not a man that He should lie, this same miracle that God performed in the land of Samaria can still be repeated in Nigeria. He is the God of all flesh, is there anything too difficult for Him? ‘’Behold I am the LORD, the God of all flesh, is there anything too hard for me? – Jeremiah 32:27, KJV. I make bold to say nothing is too difficult for our God to do in our land provided we believe in the LORD our God and believe His prophets. ”…. Believe in the LORD your God, so shall ye be established, believe His prophets so shall ye prosper “-II Chronicles20:20 KJV.

    And so Mr. Acting President, with these Scriptures, I rest my case on a spiritual note and pray that the Lord will strengthen your hands to perform and be in a better position to give a good account of your stewardship not only to Mr. President when he comes back, by God’s grace, but to the whole nation in general when the due time comes in Jesus name.

     

    • Olakunle, JP, is General Secretary, National Prayer Movement