The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • Ebola and the plight of women

    As the world continue its battle to contain the deadly disease called Ebola, the largest and most devastating in parts of West Africa including Guinea, Sierra-Leone and Liberia, reports of limited transmission or isolated outbreaks have also been obtained from Nigeria, Senegal, Spain and the United States of America. As at October 14, 9,216 confirmed, probable and suspected cases have been identified, with 4,555 deaths. On December 28, 2013, a two-year-old boy died of an haemorrhagic fever confirmed to be Ebola in Meliandou, Guéckédou Prefecture of Guinea. This began a cycle of epidemics in which his mother, sister, and grandmother all subsequently became ill with similar symptoms and eventually, died. Subsequent deaths were reported in Guinea until March 2014, when the virus made an incursion into Liberia and in April, in Sierra-Leone through a tribal healer. She had treated infected people before her death and the burial rites including the washing of her corpse for burial led to widespread dissemination of infections in women from neighbouring towns.

    Ebola, also known as the Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) or Ebola Haemorrhagic Fever (EHF), is a disease that infects humans and other animals, which is caused by an Ebola virus. Signs and symptoms of this disease are usually characterised by fatigue, fever, headaches, joint pain, muscle aches, abdominal cramps, vomiting, diarrhoea and loss of appetite. The less common symptoms include skin rash, sore throat, chest pain, hiccups, shortness of breath and painful swallowing. The average time between coming in contact with infection and the start of symptoms (incubation period) is eight to 10 days, but it can vary between two and 21 days. In approximately half of the cases, bleeding from the mucous membranes and body orifices (mouth, nose, anus and vagina) as well as vomiting of blood may be reported within five to seven days after the first symptoms. Death may occur as there may be dysfunction of the body systems within seven to 16 days. A number of infected persons may survive the attack. Human-to-human transmission occurs through direct contact with blood or body fluids (saliva, mucus, vomit, faeces, sweat, tears, breast milk, urine, and semen) of an infected person or by contact with objects contaminated by the virus, particularly, needles and syringes. The virus is transmitted through the nose, mouth, eyes, open wounds, cuts and body abrasions. It is suspected that transmission may occur through other animals such as a fruit bat, ape, gorilla and chimpanzee.

    The first case of Ebola in Nigeria was through a Liberian-American development consultant, who flew from Liberia to Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos on July 20. He became severely ill upon arriving at the airport and died five days later at a private hospital in Lagos. Staff members at the hospital restrained the patient from infecting the community but 11 workers (out of which four died) were infected with Ebola some of which came in contact with their family members. In addition, a contact with the Liberian-American transmitted infection to Rivers State and infected other persons. A total of 898 persons were followed up as potential contacts and approximately 26,000 households were visited with health information in Lagos and Rivers states. To date, Nigeria has been declared free of Ebola and no more infection exists, going by the latest report by the World Health Organisation (WHO). However, the after effect of Ebola and the analyses of the outbreaks need to be put in perspective. Unconfirmed reports have it that more women were infected in the different African countries infected than men. Specifically, the Liberian government has announced that 75 per cent of the deaths due to Ebola in Liberia have been women, as of August 22. Similarly, between 55 and 60 per cent of the deaths due to Ebola in West Africa have been women.  The question remains: why are more women succumbing to the deadly virus?

    It will appear that the biggest driving force behind the gender difference in the death rate comes mainly from cultural aspects within the affected communities. In West Africa, symptoms of fever are often treated at home first for malaria and typhoid and only when such treatment fail do such patient gets to seek medical help at a health facility. In this circumstance, women are the primary care-givers who nurse, cater for, feed and manage the patient. Since Ebola spreads through blood and other body fluids, the risk of contracting infection is increased amongst these Ebola care-givers. An evaluation of the case histories of the current outbreaks confirms the role of women as primary care-givers. Earlier reports have indicated that the differences in exposure between males and females have been shown to be important factors in transmission of Ebola. Therefore, understanding the gender roles and responsibilities that affect exposure in the local settings become mandatory for the control of infections.

    In addition, the global perspective of the nursing profession has confirmed it as a female-dominated profession, where women account for about 95 per cent of the total global population of nurses. These professionals are primarily responsible for care-giving in the hospital and are the main line of contact with health-care facilities, oftentimes, dealing with infectious diseases. Previous reports have indicated that more women than men were infected with HIV/AIDS in past outbreaks of Ebola and Influenza (A) H1N1. In the present situation, the cases of Ebola and deaths in women come with huge tolls like widower-hood, motherless-ness, and the loss of primary source of family income in certain instances.

    On a good note, the responses of the Nigerian government and healthcare workers involved in the case management and contact tracing of the situation in Nigeria was heart-warming. The rapidity of implementation of actions, the observation of all primary and secondary contacts for signs of infection, the level of management and escalation of surveillance at all entry points to the country and the logistics involved were huge but well-coordinated. As at October 2, all contacts of the Ebola cases in Nigeria have exited follow-ups successfully. A total of 20 persons were infected and eight deaths occurred. The US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention through its director, Dr. Tom Frieden, had praised Nigeria’s response. As we celebrate our “freedom” from this “out of control” disease, it is indeed time for sober reflection. One step forward recommended by the WHO is the education of the general public of the risk factors for Ebola infection and of the protective measures individuals can take. These include avoiding direct contact with infected people and regular hand-washing, using soap and water. Bush meat, an important source of protein in the diet of some Africans, should be handled with appropriate protective clothing and thoroughly cooked before consumption. Other than increased surveillance at the country’s borders, the Nigerian government states that they have also made attempts to control the spread of disease through an improvement in tracking, provision of appropriate health education to avert myths and misinformation, and the teaching of appropriate hygiene measures. This is encouraging.

    Since the cardinal role of women have been emphasised in past epidemics, adequate preparation of women and the girl-child for the future needs to focus on the following.  Firstly, focused group education sessions that target women and the girl-child should be developed in parallel with potential treatment options. Secondly, health education sessions should focus on early recognition of malaria, and other febrile conditions and all cases of fever should be taken as potentially fatal until proven otherwise. As such, early hospitalization should be sought for all such conditions. Thirdly, current cultural practices elsewhere – like the drinking of water used to bath a corpse as a means of proving innocence- should be done away with as this predisposes individuals to risk of infection with a pathogen like Ebola virus. Such cultural practices must be reformed in line with the current realities. Lastly, all deaths must be certified by a pathologist and any form of direct contact with a corpse until proven to be safe should be avoided. Educate the woman and save a household!

     

    •  Dr. Adenubi is of Department of Paraclinical Sciences, Faculty of Veterinary Sciences, University of Pretoria, South Africa,

  • Let’s treat corruption the Ebola way

    Not too long ago, Nigeria was bedevilled by the Ebola Virus Disease. Patrick Sawyer, a Liberian- American, flew into Lagos with the disease and refused to inform airport officials of his health status. The virus caught both Nigerians and the Nigerian government unawares. As of the time of Sawyer’s visit, the average Nigerian knew little or nothing about this deadly fast-killing virus. On the part of the government, none of the government health care facilities could boast of the equipment required to effectively fight and contain the virus that was already ravaging some countries in the West African sub-region such as Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone.

    Immediately the index case of Sawyer was detected in Lagos, Nigerians and the Nigerian government put all their differences aside and united to fight the disease that sneaked into our country. There was no buck-passing among politicians and the political parties. The Peoples Democratic Party did not blame the All Progressives Congress neither did the latter accuse the former of inviting the Liberian to the country. What we observed was that the PDP-led Federal Government worked effectively and in synergy with the APC-led governments in Lagos and Rivers states to contain the virus. There was a unity of purpose between these two political parties. We saw our leaders for the first time practising what they preach. Not only were we told to avoid hand shakes, to wash our hands regularly, use sanitiser among other things, but we also saw our leaders doing exactly the same things they asked the common man to do. It was not a case of the government official telling the people to go cashless while they carry millions of dollars in aircraft across the continent.

    Considering the numerous challenges facing the country, ranging from insecurity to corruption and others, a number of lessons can be learnt from the Ebola experience. Suffice to say that if the same can be replicated in the fight against corruption, for instance, it will go a long way to curb this common enemy of our great nation. Both the leaders and the led should realise that the fight against corruption can never be won if we leave it to either the PDP or the APC. This fight should not be left for government agencies alone. Records have shown that neither the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) nor the Independent Corrupt Practices And other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) alone can win this fight against corruption.

    It was reported that some people who had contact with those infested with the Ebola virus and were quarantined were stigmatised after they were certified Ebola-free. In some cases, many were sacked from their jobs. In another instance, it was reported that neighbours ran away from one of the quarantined persons when he returned to his home. Banks, hospitals, hotels and other corporate organisations started screening their customers to determine those they could allow into their premises. Secondary and primary schools’ resumption date for the 2014/2015 academic session was postponed across the country. People started washing their hands regularly at will. Husbands, wives, brothers, sisters consciously advised their loved ones who were suspected to have the virus to go for treatment at the government quarantined centres. Those who refused to present themselves for medical observations and treatment were reported even by their close relatives and loved ones. What an unusual scenario?

    This is obviously in sharp contrast with the ways Nigerians celebrate suspected and convicted corrupt individuals. It is on record that Nigeria is the only place where people can throw parties because a thief who stole public money and was sentenced to prison by a court of competent jurisdiction is returning from prison. We have had cases of a former governor of a state obtaining a ridiculous perpetual injunction from the court against the institution of the state empowered to fight corruption, not to prosecute him for the financial improprieties he committed when he was in the office. It is on record that both the government and the people have done absolutely nothing to vacate this kangaroo injunction. Regrettably this is fast becoming a culture in Nigeria.

    Petroleum Minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke would later follow the same path. She went to court and obtained an injunction stopping the House of Representatives from probing her after being accused of spending about N10 billion on aircraft charter.

    An Igbo proverb says, when evil reigns in a land for a year, it becomes a culture.

    Our religious leaders are not helping matters in the fight against corruption. Public officers who have helped themselves with our commonwealth are often given undeserved recognition and awards in our churches and mosques. These types of recognition have consciously or unconsciously gone a long way in affirming that there is nothing wrong with stealing public funds, thereby encouraging corruption in the country.

    For Nigeria to win the fight against corruption, it is my humble submission that the same methods applied to Ebola should be extended to corruption. All individuals that have been convicted of corruption should not only be stigmatised but also isolated. Every corrupt practice should be reported to relevant agencies no matter who is involved. Corruption should be seen as our common enemy that is fighting so hard to destroy our dear country. We have to stop seeing corruption as a PDP’s or APC’s problem. The negative effects of corruption are no respecter of any individual irrespective of how highly or lowly placed the individual is. Accidents for instance, resulting from bad roads do not care whether the victim is Hausa, Igbo or Yoruba. It is not only the poor masses that are suffering from the insecurity situation in the country; many of those who have lost their lives include highly placed individuals such as current and former political office holders, first class traditional rulers, religious leaders; and lowly placed individuals.

    Let us therefore stand up and unite and make corruption a thing of the past in our country by fighting it the Ebola way, and Nigeria would be better for all of us.

     

     

    • Ofurum, a geologist writes from Port Harcourt.

  • Celebrating Gen Gowon at 80

    I am pleased to share my thoughts on the legacy of a foremost statesman and hero of One Nigeria, His Excellency Gen. Yakubu Gowon, in tribute to him as he turned 80 on Sunday.

    As a historian, I appreciate the place of documenting the roles of key national figures in our history and making same available to as many people, particularly of the younger generation, as possible. This is particularly so in view of the dearth of heroes and role models for our younger generation, predominantly within the Public Service space in our country.

    We often think of public servants as omnipotent figures that can make and remake history according to their whims and caprices. In reality leaders are shaped by their times as much, if not more, than they shape it. Assessing the records of political leaders therefore necessarily calls for understanding the temporal context in which they exercised power.

    The mantle of national leadership fell on Yakubu Cinwa Gowon in very trying circumstances. The First Republic had fallen after politicians’ antagonisms had escalated into deadly rivalries. Serial mutinies heavily tinged by ethno-regional antipathies had undermined the solidarity of the armed forces and the nation at large. This coupled with the mass killings of easterners in Northern Nigeria had pushed the country to the brink of destruction.

    Under these onerous circumstances, Gowon came to power as the unintended beneficiary of the chaos and immediately faced the task of preventing the giant of Africa from disintegrating.  Events at the time made civil war somewhat inevitable and the challenge became that of prosecuting a war of national unity in such a way as to prevent lasting hatred from taking root.   At the young age of 34, Gowon had to bear the burden of shepherding a young country through the severest test of its nationhood to date. As the legacy of inter-generational strife across Africa makes clear, this is a burden that has broken so many African leaders and their nations.

    The material and human cost of the war was undeniably immense. By most accounts, it could have been far worse had Gowon not prosecuted it with remarkable magnanimity and generosity of spirit. Federal forces were issued a code of conduct that was unprecedented in the annals of warfare on the continent. There were, of course, notable and grievous violations of the code, but these were scandalous precisely because of the tone that Gowon had set for the prosecution of the war.

    No Nigerian soldier was awarded a medal for valour because it was deemed unseemly to celebrate valour in a quarrel between brothers. From the onset and throughout the duration of the war, Gowon maintained that the objective was not the military humiliation of the secessionists or their annihilation but reconciliation and a restoration of the union.

    True to his word, the surrender of the secessionists was not followed by the genocidal slaughter predicted by many or by merciless occupation, but by a programme of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction.

    It is no exaggeration to say that Gowon is to Nigeria what Abraham Lincoln is to the United States, a political leader charged with the terrible duty of prosecuting a war in order to forge national peace and unity. Just as Lincoln’s emancipation proclamation ended slavery and strengthened the American union, Gowon’s famous declaration that there would be no victor, no vanquished ensured that there would be no bloody recriminatory aftermath to the civil war. It set the tone for post civil war relations and aided reintegration and rehabilitation. To say that our union has its challenges is to state the obvious. But it should not stop us from acknowledging those statesmen whose exemplary labours have pushed us a little further on our quest for a national cohesion.

    Of all of Nigeria’s military heads of state, none has exemplified the model of the officer and a gentleman as much as Gowon. When he was removed in a 1975 putsch, he turned his interests to further study, obtaining degrees in political science from Warwick University in the UK. His rather austere finances after his overthrow burnished his reputation for personal integrity and honesty, a reputation that would elude many of his successors in office. His remarkable humility and unfailing courtesy also set him apart from those who have walked the rarefied heights of power. Very much in keeping with his character, Gowon’s relationship even with those who effected his removal is characterized by a lack of bile and bitterness.

    In retirement, Gowon has continued to be a voice of peace and reconciliation. He provides sagely counsel to current political leaders. He founded ‘Nigeria Prays’, a faith-based organization dedicated to peace building by mobilizing religious leaders and faith communities. I am immensely proud to have hosted him and benefited from his wise counsel during one of the organisation’s campaigns that brought him to the Land of Honour, Ekiti State. He has remained a messenger of moderation and tolerance in a country where the polity is charged with petty histrionics and polarizing acrimonies. Consequently, it is not surprising that he possesses a genuine national stature which transcends sectarian divides and yet commands the respect of Nigerians across the lines of faith and ethnicity.

    It is fair to say that he has set the standard for a productive post-presidential life. Even in retirement, he continues to serve the country in both official and unofficial capacities, often as a special envoy sent to mediate in conflict areas by bringing his conciliatory spirit to bear upon the adversaries.

    Few leaders can lay claim to the consistency of temperament and ethical conduct over such a long period spanning their time in office and in retirement. Gowon can do so and stands out as one of the great statesmen in our pantheon of national heroes. Some argue that the term ‘statesman’ has been bastardized on our shores through its frequent and reckless application to undeserving figures. This is true. However, when we contemplate the life and service of Yakubu Gowon, we are in the presence of a rare Nigerian political figure who is fully deserving of that accolade.

    At 80, I join all believers in a great Nigeria to wish General Yakubu Gowon (Rtd.) many more years in good health.

     

    • Dr. Fayemi is immediate past Governor of Ekiti State

  • Taming the monster of impunity

    Impunity and abuse of office is not a historical colonial experience.   It is a bye-product of our political sub-culture of indiscipline during both the military regimes and civilian administrations.   Our public and private lifestyles are characterized by reckless disregard to the rule of law because we are wont to believe that as government officials, we are embodiment and custodians of law and social etiquette and therefore watchdog over other citizens.   This is partly due to weak institutions and not so vibrant docile Civil Society Organizations that find it difficult to call public officials to account.     Impunity is further promoted in our society by our customary and primordial diffidence to authority as bequest of ancestral divinity from the gods.   It therefore becomes a norm that those in authority appropriate the coercive power of the state for personal aggrandizement and oppression of the hoi polloi.   Impunity and abuse of power is against the spirit and doctrines of democracy in a civilized society.    Ordinarily, service in any government institutions or department should be a privilege not a licence or weapon to torment and oppress the citizens.

    Even though we are a country supposedly governed by the rule of law, lawlessness define most government officials who erroneously think they are where they are because they are the best qualified to be there.   Sadly, impunity and abuse of authority and power permeate all strata of our society.   The worst culprits are some members of the security forces and paramilitary organizations who do not know the difference between the garrison style discipline in their professional callings and the respect of rights of ordinary citizens as enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution.   What more, they bear arms without the requisite mental capacity to understand that their duty to the state and citizens alike is the protection of the law and the oath they took on enlistment rather than the capricious whims of political godfathers.    This is why the policeman on the street or at the road-block would turn his weapon on innocent citizens for refusing to give him gratification and find a name to call it, ‘accidental discharge’, whereas it is an obvious case of murder.   Again, the same police would investigate and at the end of the day, the investigation report may never see the light of day.   When it sometimes does, the case will remain in court perpetually for lack of diligent prosecution.   In the face of this impunity, we all keep mute because we place more value on wealth than human life.   If we agree that nobody is above the law, then those responsible for enforcing the law must ensure that they uphold the letters of the law so that the nation would not be thrown into a state of anarchy.   If those who should enforce the law themselves take the laws into their own hand and act with impunity, we should not lie helpless.   It is our civic responsibility to demand the removal of public officials who their political masters find it difficult to bring to order or be subjected to the rule of law.   We have to make the demand relentless and loud enough until the will of the people prevails and the erring official purged of his delusion that he is not answerable to ethical call of duty.   Every day, we are confronted with obscene impunities and lawlessness from government officials and members of the security forces and the police; on the road, in public places and even in discharge of their official functions.

    I am not aware of any country in the world were government officials and law enforcement agencies take liberty in driving against traffic in addition to harassing and intimidating other road users out of the way with their siren.   Many Nigerians have lost their precious lives to the impunity and lawlessness of official convoys driven by security men who are most of the time under some substances.   Recall the killing of the prolific writer and activist, Professor Festus Iyayi who was brutally killed by a governor’s convoy.    I refuse to see that incident as an accident; it was a cold-blooded murder, period.

    We are perhaps where we are today due to the inability of those in government to understand that they are not above the law.   Furthermore, we have not done our part as citizens to insist that the elected and appointed officials should carry out their duties in accordance with the rule of law and due process.    This brings me to the gross abuse of authority by the Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) Mbu Joseph Mbu when he ordered the arrest and detention of an Africa Independent Television Reporter, Amaechi Anakwe who reportedly referred to him as controversial.   He later had the reporter arraigned at a Magistrate Court in Abuja for what he alleged as defamation of his character; character that he has never shown to possess in his public life.    Let me quickly observe that the conduct of Mbu is not a reflection of the behaviour of senior Nigeria police officers.   It would be uncharitable to paint the entire Nigeria Police with the paint of impunity and abuse of authority because there are fine police officers who have discharged their duties creditably well.

    Defamation is an offence known to Nigerian law.   There are civilized procedures prescribed by law to bring an action if anybody feels wronged.   If Mbu were not a police officer, would he have had the temerity to commandeer another citizen and harry him into detention for a perceived offence against him?    Looking at word as allegedly used, ‘controversial’ and in the circumstances, it is only a functional illiterate that would have come to that conclusion that it was defamatory.   The same Mbu referred to himself as a ‘Leopard’ who caged the ‘Lion’ in Rivers State, referring to Governor Rotimi Amaechi and the gross misconduct he got away with.   This was a Police Commissioner who in the ordinary course of duty was to take instruction from the governor as chief executive of the state but became a fifth columnist.   This was a misconduct for which the Police authorities should have called him to order failing which, the Civil Society Organizations should have made it a point of duty to demand for the removal of the man not just from Rivers State but from the Police because he had become a black ship and an albatross to the force.

    As if that was not enough, he was brought to Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and of course Nigeria’s centre of gravity as a reward for a job well done.   In no time, he started acting out his insanity by harassing peaceful “Bring Back our Girls” protesters and making unguarded political statements, yet nobody or group deemed it necessary to speak up.

    There should be no place in government institutions and department for breeding individuals who have scant respect for the rule of law and ethical practice.   If the Police authorities find it difficult to bring the likes of Mbu in their rank to order because of his perceived closeness to powers-that-be, then the people should rise in unison and in one voice demand that the man should not be allowed to remain in the Police.   We have to tame the monsters in official toga and deny public officials, no matter their bloated ego the liberty of abuse and recklessness that has become a lifestyle in public places.

    • Kebonkwu Esq writes from Abuja

  • Tai Solarin, Buhari et al

    In life, it is often chance encounters and seemingly innocuous events that help to reorder  our perspective on serious issues. When the phrase “ the labours of our heroes past shall not be in vain’ is put out there, ones mind inevitably flashes to the Azikiwes, Awolowos, Abubakars, Dick Tigers et al of this world. For me, a chance encounter in September this year with a white lady in Zurich, Switzerland has helped reorder my analysis of personalities and their contribution to the Nigerian story. My wife had dragged me (as usual) to an antique sale. In the hall, a white lady, perhaps in her seventies walked up to us and politely asked where we were from and we proudly answered Nigeria. The next thing we heard from her were – kaaro o! Ekabo , shay Nigeria lo ngbe abi London ni (Yoruba for good morning, welcome, do you live in Nigeria or London).

    We laughed in surprise and told her we did not speak Yoruba. Obviously we were curious to find out what the link was. She told us she had lived and worked in Nigeria in the seventies and eighties with Tai Solarin. She was one of the teachers at Mayflower School, Ikenne. We chatted about this and that and she regaled us on the good times she had in Nigeria and how committed Tai Solarin and his wife were to bettering humanity through education. She had a very good general impression of Nigerians and gave many instances of incredible acts of kindness, generosity and trustworthiness she had experienced. We drew attention when we burst out laughing at her mimicked recollection of the incredulous expressions and gesticulations of the market women in Ikenne when she spoke Yoruba to them. She regretted her inability to keep up with Nigerian news for the past couple of years, apparently because the Nigerian newspapers disappeared from the embassy website following an upgrade! We bought a collection of Nigerian stamps of the fifties and sixties from her. The ones where the price indication will be 2s 6d i.e. two shillings and six pence – called ‘2 and 6’ in those days!

    I first came into close encounter with products of Mayflower Secondary School when a record six of them were admitted to do ‘A’ Levels in Kings College Lagos in 1978. Not only did they all come with distinctions in West African School Certificate, they all passed the subsequent Higher School Certificate exams in flying colours. Before I lost touch with Ogayemi and co, I knew they had all become medical doctors or engineers. These were not children of privilege but through the instrumentality of the single-minded vision and humanity of Tai Solarin who gave them a chance in life, they have become useful not only to themselves but to society; sadly though in most cases that society is in foreign lands as many of them are working abroad. That aspect could not have been Tai’s dream but a result of the fact that whilst people like Tai Solarin were building, others were destroying. Happily though, the few Mayflower boys I know are a tiny fraction of the multitude that have passed through that school and become productive citizens in our society. If we had a few more Tai Solarins, Nigeria would have definitely been better for it. The encounter really got me thinking about how an unsung hero can have such an enduring positive impact on society and how we sometimes don’t really appreciate the importance and extent of their contributions to nation building.

    Tai was an atheist and wore only khaki clothes.  We have many religious leaders in Nigeria. If I examine their lifestyles and societal impact, it will be ironic but I will not be wrong in concluding that Tai lived like one subjected to God’s guidance as evidenced by his life of simplicity and love for fellow human beings. I do not know what motivates our religious and political leaders, but it is obvious to me that it is Tai whose life reflects the genuine fear of God.  Men like Tai Solarin are ultimately the people’s heroes because at the end of the day humanity is the religion they practice and their impact is more wholesome and beneficial for humanity as a whole as opposed to the crass exploitation of fellow human beings by religious and political leaders (assuming there is a separation).

    Give me a Tai Solarin any day!

    So what concerns Buhari with Tai Solarin? Just reflecting on Nigeria and how we have come to this sorry state of self inflicted national despair leaves one emotionally drained. This country is drifting dangerously towards anarchy or dancing on the brink as per John Campbell. We need a figure that can take the lead in pulling us back. Rather than we Nigerians to think seriously about rescuing our future in our leadership preferences, we are being goaded like sheep to ignore character and rather focus on religion or tribe. Corruption is at the root of the Nigerian failed state conundrum.  The simple truth is that nothing good can happen to Nigeria if the corruption issue is not tamed! Buhari is not the most honest or the only honest man in Nigeria. But out of all the presidential aspirants, he is the only one with the pedigree, credentials, strength of character and personal example which suggests he can wage a meaningful war against corruption.

    I am not naïve to think that corruption will disappear with a Buhari presidency or that there will be no corrupt people in a Buhari government. The point is that a simple application of common sense suggests that a man who most corrupt or corruptible people are already certain will not join them but fight them to stem the rot will be beneficial to the anti corruption war. A war we must all join if this country is to survive meaningfully. The head of any establishment is important not only for managerial reasons but also because his own personal style acts as a cue for those he heads. It is unlikely that a man who has been Petroleum Minister, State Governor and Head of State and evidently not stolen will develop itchy fingers at 70+.

    Why should I bother about his personal religion? I will not! And for the same considerations, the Christian and Muslim parents who sent their children to Mayflower School did not bother that the principal and proprietor was an atheist! In the type of country we must have, everybody must be free to practice any religion they choose or were born into or none at all. Religion should be personal and no business of the next man or government. The propaganda of Buhari as a religious fanatic is nonsensical but unfortunately in a country like ours polarised by poverty, lack of education and hopelessness, the charge is not dismissed with the contemptuous hiss it deserves. Buhari as head of state banned government subsidy for Muslim Hajj! When he arrested the Emir of Kano and ordered the crating of Umaru Dikko back to Nigeria to answer for monumental corruption, was he persecuting Christians?

    As GOC, he led the successful rout of the Maitatsine sect (precursor to Boko Haram). Fanatic indeed! Twisting words or ascribing fictitious statements to Buhari must not be allowed to go unanswered this time. Take it from me, the people feeding this propaganda are not afraid of Buhari the devout Muslim, they are afraid of Buhari of the ‘War against Indiscipline and Corruption’ fame! It is the smokescreen they hope to obscure our vision of him and befuddle our judgment. It must not work.

    Others say he is too old! Too old for what? Is he looking for a place to revamp our Super Eagles? The question should be whether he is healthy enough to withstand the rigours of presidential duties. How has he kept himself? Mandela became President of South Africa at 74, that country’s people were smart enough to know that Mandela’s age was not the issue, what was of paramount importance was that his country needed him to perform a national duty. Come of the hour, cometh the man!

    Let me close with the lesson of the departure of the Swiss lady from Nigeria. She was attacked by armed robbers on the road in Lagos. She couldn’t get over the trauma of a gun being poked at her head and left Nigeria. Only God knows why she was not killed but when the robbers asked her where she worked and she mentioned Tai Solarin’s name, it had an effect! That effect is perhaps why she is alive today. Evidently the robbers know those responsible for their plight and the endemic corruption that breeds criminality. What if she had worked for A or B or Z or …I am not good at decoding so I don’t know! All I know is that the robbers did not bother to ask her religion or tribe or that of my Uncle Tai for that matter!

    • Ukpong is a Legal Practitioner

  • What is wrong with Igbo politics?

    Last week, a powerful delegation of Igbo leaders made up of secretary to the federal government, Chief Anyim Pius Anyim, Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, Deputy Speaker of House of Representatives, Emeka Ihedioha, Senator Hope Uzodinma, Minister of Labour and Productivity, Emeka Wogu, National Publicity Secretary PDP, Olisa Metuh, Ifeanyi Ubah and former Governor Peter Obi stormed Dover Hotel, Lekki Phase 1 Lagos to woo Ndigbo Lagos for President Jonathan’s 2015 presidential bid. At Dover Hotel, they met eminent and prominent Igbo leaders namely President General Ohaneze Ndigbo, Chief Gary Enwo-Igariwey, President Ndigbo Lagos, Professor Anya. O. Anya, President Aka Ikenga, Chief Goddy Uwazurike, former Chairman Diamond Bank, Chief Pascal Dozie, former Governor of Lagos State, Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (rtd), former President of Nigeria Stock Exchange, Raymond Obieri, Eze Ndigbo of Ikeja, Eze Uche Dimgba and President Ohaneze Ndigbo Lagos, Barr Fabian Onwughalu and many other eminent Igbos in Lagos. Like I said, their mission was to persuade Ndigbo in Lagos to join the train in the campaign to make President Jonathan to continue in office even after 2015. The meeting was well attended and this mission was clear: It is President Jonathan or nothing!

    The Lagos mission has indeed thrown up some big questions on what Igbo agenda is in Nigeria. What does Igbo want in Nigeria? What is their strategy? What is their mission? What is their plan for Nigeria? What is their strength? What is their thinking? What is wrong with Igbo politics?

    Few weeks back, an Igbo youth I cannot remember his name posted a question on his Facebook page thus: “Why is it that Igbo are always in the forefront to work for other people to be president in Nigeria? Is it that no Igbo is good to be president of Nigeria?” He traced the days of IBB and Abacha when Chief Arthur Nzeribe and one Daniel Kanu played prominent roles to extend their tenures in office. Nzeribe went to court to stop June 12, 1993 election so that IBB will continue in office. It failed: Daniel Kanu, Arthur Eze, Orji Uzor Kalu, Sam Mbakwe, Onyeka Onwenu and others staged a two million man march tagged Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha, YEAA in Abuja to get an extension of tenure for Abacha. It failed also. Of all the men that have led Ohaneze, only Professor Ben Nwabueze and Dr Dozie Ikedife gave good account of themselves. Professor Irukwu sold Ohaneze to President Obasanjo’s failed third term bid for a price. The late Chief Ralph Uwechue sold Ohaneze for cash to President Jonathan in 2011. Now the current President General Ohaneze Chief Gary Enwo-Igariwey has sold Ohaneze again to President Jonathan for 2015 elections. Today, like Daniel Kanu of YEAA, Ifeanyi Ubah is driving TAN for Jonathan. Now where does all this lead Igbo to? Is there anything they know that we do not know?

    South-east has the least number of states in Nigeria, the least number of senators, the least number of House of Representatives members, least number of states House of Assembly members, least number of ministers at the federal level, least revenue allocation, least federal presence or investment, least local governments, least wards and the least of everything in Nigeria. Can we conclude that Igbo worry about nothing except their stomach? Can we assume that an Igbo is not good to be president of Nigeria? Can we conclude that top Igbo politicians lack strategy, tact and vision to think deep in matters of politics? Can we conclude that we are satisfied with the status-quo ante? Is there hope for Ndigbo in Nigeria’s political equation? Igbo politics worries me to the marrows!

    For eight years the former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi ruled on the platform of APGA and according to him then, it was either APGA or nothing. To celebrate the late Ikemba Nnewi Chief Emeka Ojukwu, he wore his clothes everywhere he went, he erected billboards bearing his photo with Ikemba. Now few months after he left office, the bug has caught him up and he has moved to PDP, betraying the late Ikemba and APGA. Again what will you call this? Is it politics of ideas or what? Is it politics of the stomach?

    If Ndigbo helps President Jonathan to remain in power till 2019, where does this leave Ndigbo? By 2019 Southern Nigeria would have been in power for 18 years. Now do you think the North will just sit down to continue to be spectators in a democracy? Is this what we struggled for from 1985 to 1999? The south did not struggle for power shift to the south so as to keep it for 18 years. It will be a threat to democracy, a threat to national unity and a threat to the corporate existence of Nigeria as a political entity. This is a timely warning!

    As 2015 draws near, our prominent and eminent Igbo leaders do not think about the state of the nation. They are not worried about insecurity in the land. They are not worried about the tragedy in the power sector, they are not worried about outrageous corruption, impunity and mediocrity at the federal level, they are not worried about the threat to national unity, they are not worried about colossal decay of infrastructure, they are not worried about the decay in our schools and hospitals, they are not worried about Nigeria’s battered image and they are not worried about Nigeria’s threatened future. There is no strategic alliance with the major ethnic groups, the Hausa-Fulani and the Yoruba just for the sake of Nigeria. They abuse them and call them names forgetting that they need their votes to rule Nigeria. They allow their flanks to be infiltrated for a mess of porridge.

    The truth is that Igbo has been left behind in matters of Nigerian politics. There is no strong presence in PDP and no strong presence in APC, the two major parties. Igbo politics worries me to the bones!

    But it is not yet a hopeless case for Igbo. Things can get better if we sit down to discuss strategies and think properly. If you do not know where you are going, nobody can help you. If you do not stand for something, nobody will take you serious. If you do not love others, then they can never trust you. If you do not show some seriousness in anything you do, nobody will take you serious.

    The truth is that South-south and South-east votes cannot make Jonathan president again in 2015 if politics is still a game of numbers. Given the situation in the country, given the gamut of failures staring us in the face in every department in Nigeria, and given the bloodshed we have recorded in the past 15 years of democracy, President Jonathan’s ambition to rule Nigeria for 10 years is a difficult pill to swallow.

  • Saraki: For the love of country

    For God and the country! These ought to be the mantra of every serious minded politician and one  is not surprised the scion and heir to the Olusola Saraki political dynasty; Senator Bukola Saraki has imbibed this mantra. At a time when it is fashionable to signify one’s intention to contest a political post and paste scanty posters about town, which confers opportunities for personal negotiations and compromise with others in the case of a loss, the chairman, senate committee on environment and ecology has done what in this clime is apparently unthinkable: he has withdrawn from the race.

    He did not withdraw because he lacked the fund to prosecute a presidential aspiration. He did not withdraw because he felt unqualified compared with other aspirants; indeed he had thrown his hat into the ring once against a sitting President and rattled the system enough. He did not withdraw because he lacked the structure and support system for the race; as a matter of fact, one of the other prominent aspirants in his party, the All progressive Congress, General Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged this when he came visiting Kwara the other day. The General said about Saraki: “He is known throughout the country. His father worked extremely hard and virtually established a dynasty, voluntarily supported by the people of the state.”

    Bukola is the heir of that dynasty which is still waxing strong under his leadership. This dynasty has afforded all and sundry, irrespective of social or economic status, equal opportunity to maximize their potentials. This dynasty has given the lowly and the mighty a level playing level. Those against it are mostly those who feel their social status should provide special privileges and the right of exclusivity.

    Saraki did not withdraw because he was silenced and intimidated to do so by his party’s hierarchy, unlike what we have seen in the ruling party where the ambition of one man supersedes the rights of others to aspire to the same office even when guaranteed by the constitution. He was not begged or induced to withdraw.

    Saraki stepped down in the interest of the nation. It takes a man of vision, courage and integrity to make such decision.”This is the time for every patriotic politician to situate his personal ambition in the context of the country’s overall interest,” he said. No one can fault such matured, nationalistic disposition.  He recounted how he, along with other progressives in the PDP decided to leave the party to join the APC when it was clear that PDP, especially at the national level, had become too invested in the personal ambition of one man at the overall detriment of the country and its democracy.

    His words carry the weight of a man with conscience and concern for the fatherland: “I have always maintained that I did not leave the ruling party to join the opposition because of any personal interest. Anyone who understands Nigeria’s politics would know that it takes courage and self-sacrifice to do that. Therefore, whether it is on the issue of the party or all other issues that I have been pushing in my position as a Senator of the Federal Republic, I have been driven primarily by my desire to see a better and more purposely governed country”.

    “We need to change the way the country is run, we need change in our security and the values we place on human life, we need to change the current disgraceful situation in security and corruption. And I believe only the APC can bring about this change and give our country the leadership it deserves.” These are the words of a nation-builder: “Nigeria’s political outlook for 2015 is very complicated and requires every patriotic politician to submit to the overall interest of the nation instead of personal ambition. There have been many predictions about Nigeria and 2015 and I believe that at a time like this we need to stand up and be counted for the salvation of Nigeria and to do that you must put aside your personal ambition.”

    He stepped down to contribute his quota to the growth of democracy and the progress of his party, a phenomenon that is becoming apparent among the fold of the progressives. According to him, party primaries in any healthy democracy would always leave several contenders disappointed and, sometimes bitter, as there would be only one winner. The party would then invest so much energy and time afterwards managing and reconciling various interests.

    He says, “I don’t think our party can afford too much internal rancour going into next year’s election. I therefore think some of us need to make the sacrifice and be part of the solution rather than part of the problem of the party.” According to him,  the APC can only live up to the aspirations of Nigerians for change if it is not derailed by too much acrimony from its primaries which is coming so close to the general elections.

    “This is why some of us felt that we must make the necessary sacrifice and contribute to building a strong and united party that provides the only real alternative to the floundering government that has become so constipated on power and lost touch with the realities that ordinary Nigerians grapple with everyday.”

    This is a classical portrayal of a man with personal integrity and love for the country.

    Personal sacrifice is a trait inherited from his father; the late Olusola Saraki who spent the better part of his political career assisting others into elective office when he could have sponsored any of his children. It is common knowledge in Kwara that the year the elder Saraki decided to pick Bukola Saraki as governorship candidate of his party, he wept openly. His decision was due to pressure from his followers who argued forcefully that the old man had spent years helping others and must so help his own. And that decision has left Kwara state better.

    It is the same trait Bukola has demonstrated even in Kwara state when he decided, against odds, to support Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed, as governorship candidate, when he could have easily picked any of his kinsmen for the job.  His song that time was that the governorship seat is not meant for his family alone. With that singular act, among many others, he protected the integrity of his family and secured the confidence of the people of the state. He has demonstrated the same maturity again by supporting the governor for another term in office even when he could have pleased some of his kinsmen who ran out of his political structure because they wanted to be governor with on ticket.

    Saraki is a Nigerian to be celebrated.

     

    • Oba writes from Ilorin, Kwara State

  • Consensus not antithetical to democracy

    Consensus, according to the Merriam-Webmaster dictionary, is a general agreement about something; an idea or opinion that is shared by all the people in a group. It also defines the word as group solidarity in sentiment and belief.

    Last Sunday, one of the national newspapers ran a report on the recent adoption of Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi by the Enugu chapter of the ruling PDP as the party’s consensus candidate for next year’s governorship election in the state. Apart from the hear-say references, the story read quite well. But, according to a local wisecrack, once there is a BUT in a narrative, it cannot be wholesome again.

    The BUT in the story is the claim by a group, League of Enugu Voters for Good Governance (LEVGG) that the September 26 adoption of Hon. Ugwuanyi by the Enugu-North PDP and his subsequent validation by Enugu East and West zonal chapters as the party’s consensus candidate for next year’s governorship election was undemocratic. In a statement signed by its chairman, Robinson Chukwuemeka and secretary  Manifest Obioma, the group declared that the “so-called consensus option has forced other well- meaning aspirants on the party platform to shut up their mouth and resign to fate, albeit man-made. The result is that the larger people of Enugu State are faced with a choice made by one of three senatorial zones. While there is no question as to the right of Nsukka Zone to produce the next governor of Enugu State in 2015, that right does not extend to imposing an aspirant on the other two zones. The presentation to Enugu East Zonal Caucus on Wednesday, October 1, and Enugu West Zonal Caucus for Friday, October 1, do not (sic) and cannot validate the otherwise undemocratic methodology already adopted by the PDP.”

    While LEVGG’s argument may be eloquent, it unfortunately proceeds from some false premises. One, the claim that consensus as a ‘methodology’ for selecting a candidate for election by a political party is undemocratic is wrong. By its very definition, consensus is a very valid tool for democratic decision-making. If consensus means an idea or opinion that is shared by all the people in a group, then it stands to reason that that opinion would be shared only after members of the group must have weighed the pros and cons of an issue and come to the conclusion that an agreement on such an issue serves their collective interest better. So, reaching a consensus on who is to bear its flag in an election does not in any way detract from the principles of internal democracy in a political party.

    Two, LEVGG argues that to allow Enugu North to produce a consensus candidate is to let the zone impose its candidate on the rest of the state and that it does not even matter that Enugu East and Enugu West have validated that choice. This is wrong-headed, in my view. Would the cause of democracy be better served in Enugu State, in LEVGG’s estimation, if the state were to organize an inevitably rancorous, costly primary, with chaos and mayhem possibly in tow, just for the world to see and say, ‘yes the candidate is the product of a primary election?’ Or would it be better served if stakeholders came together and unanimously agreed to present a consensus candidate, to save the state the bitterness and acrimony that that often come with primary elections in these parts?

    In any case, going by media reports, what happened in Enugu on September 26 cannot be reasonably equated to an imposition. According to the reports, all 14 governorship aspirants from Enugu North were invited to a meeting at the Governor’s Lodge, Enugu, with Governor Chime and all the party stakeholders from the zone. At the meeting, the issue of choosing a consensus candidate so as to make the up-coming primaries less rancorous was broached. Some of the aspirants initially objected to the idea and said so. But, after listening to contributions from other stakeholders, they became sold on the idea. One of the aspirants, Fidel Ayogu, former Nigerian Ambassador to Uganda, reportedly nominated Hon. Ugwuanyi and then moved a motion for his adoption as the consensus candidate of the Enugu North chapter of the party, who would be presented to the state PDP Exco for ratification as the candidate to be supported by delegates to win the party primary slated for November 29 this year. The ayes had it. What could be more democratic than this?

    To be sure, the Enugu PDP only took a pre-primary action designed principally to prune down the number of governorship aspirants from Enugu North to which it has zoned the 2015 governorship. This is with a view to reducing the chances of acrimony and bitterness down the party line that could result from a laissez faire primary election featuring all 14 aspirants and their supporters. As Governor Chime clarified in an interview published in several newspapers last week, the adoption of Ugwuanyi has not at all violated the PDP Constitution because it has not come as a substitute for party primary. When the primary election holds on November 29, Ugwuanyi will still be slugging it out with Senator Ayogu Eze, Eugene Odo and Chinedu Onuh, the three aspirants who didn’t step or haven’t stepped down for him, for the party’s ticket for the governorship election Enugu State in February next year.

    Those who criticize the democratic process in Enugu fail to see the larger picture in what has taken place, namely, that through deft party organization and management, the PDP leadership in the coal-city state has managed to put in place a sustainable party structure that has made the chapter probably the strongest and most peaceful of all the state chapters. The party is so well organized in the state—from the ward, local government, zonal to the state level—that Enugu is easily the only state in the country where no opposition party has had any strong footing, especially since 2007. This is because every decision taken by the party, every favour dispensed by it through the government machinery, every membership obligation discharged by stakeholders, is almost always just, equitable and fair. Isn’t it cause for applause that while the party in other states of the South-east and parts of the South-south are in crisis, that of Enugu is 99.9 per cent intact and at peace with itself? What is better in political calculations—in these parts—than a ruling party without an iota of crisis, which inspires a sense of belonging in every segment of the society and which gives practical expression to the vision of its founding fathers through its insistence on justice, equity and fair play as cardinal principles of governance?

    The disavowal of consensus candidacy by the National Working Committee (NWC) of the PDP is a mere academic and hypocritical. It is akin to shooting oneself in the foot. Let’s face it, every candidate selection process that the PDP has undergone since its founding has been defined by consensus arrangement one way or the other. Right from Obasanjo’s candidacy, through Yar’Adua to Jonathan, party stakeholders had practically settled the matter of who would fly the party flag for the presidential election before television beamed the charade called party primary taking place in Eagle Square live to our homes. And, pray, what manner of primaries and subsequent elections brought some of the governors to power? Truth is that the only difference between what Enugu has done and what the NWC of the PDP often does is that the former is more sincere and less costly while the latter is largely hypocritical and outlandishly wasteful.

    But no matter. Suffice however to say that National Secretary, Professor Wale Oladipo’s preachment about the sanctity of the party’s nomination process is a mere academic exercise. He should stop wasting his time because even if his NWC manages to force party stakeholders in Enugu to verbally recant their adoption of Ugwuanyi, their hearts sure will not recant it. From the language of Oladipo’s press release, especially the aspect about not hesitating “to protect any of our members who in anyway stands to be short-changed, cheated or victimized…,” it is obvious where all this is coming from. But, he should beware of allowing himself to be used by frustrated pretenders to the throne who can’t live down the fact that they have been beaten by more popular, widely acceptable contestants, to cause crisis in an otherwise peaceful and progressive chapter. After all, consensus, especially the Enugu variant, is not antithetical to democracy!

    • Ezeaku, sent this piece from Enugu-Ezike, Enugu State.

  • NAFDAC’s internationalisation drive

    Whatever Nigerians may feel about the shortcomings of the Transformation Agenda of the Goodluck Jonathan administration, one undeniable fact is that the successes recorded in the various sectors of the Nigerian economy since the agenda came on stream has positively altered the perception of the world about the country.  Take for instance, the World Bank’s Doing Business Report 2014 which acknowledges the significant improvements in Nigeria’s Doing Business Index in the last four years; or the swiftness with which the Federal Government contained the Ebola virus disease (EVD) scourge still devastating some West African countries. While the former is difficult to ignore, that latter has become a global reference, earning Nigeria plaudits from the international community.

    Today, Nigeria’s global stature in the health sector has continued to soar. Early this year, a local pharmaceutical firm, Swiss Pharma Nigeria Limited (Swipha), became the first in West Africa to receive the World Health Organisation (WHO) Good Manufacturing Practice (GMP) – an attestation of the transformation of the indigenous health sector under the leadership of a focused coordinator, Minister of Health Professor Onyebuchi Chukwu.

    The National Agency for Food, Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), on its part continues to sustain its critical role in the delivery of progressive healthcare services. Under Dr Paul B.Orhii’s leadership, the agency has relentlessly sourced and administered dynamic approaches towards boosting maximally, the competitiveness of our locally produced pharmaceutical products and production processes. Here, the underlying wisdom is that rather than allowing our country to remain an eternally dependent on foreign pharmaceutical products, the country should attain, sustain and retain an enviable and highly reputable status of world class drug exporting giant nation in Africa.

    As the industry regulator, NAFDAC understands that Nigerian pharmaceutical companies have what it takes to obtain the GMP, which among other benefits would assist them to access the N200 billion intervention fund set up by the Jonathan administration to boost their production capacity and also enable them become global players in the industry. This is why it set itself the task of stimulating improvement of the quality of locally produced medicines and building of the capacity of local drug manufacturers via the WHO prequalification certification. The strategy would ensure that Nigerian pharmaceutical companies can access the over $300 billion global pharmaceutical market alongside pharmaceutical firms from United States of America, Japan, India, Germany, China, Europe etc.

    Convinced of its need within the broader objective of ensuring international competitiveness of Nigerian pharmaceutical firms, the agency set up the machinery for country to play host to the WHO pre-qualification team in 2012.  The team had earlier made an inspection tour of some indigenous drug production plants to ascertain their suitability for certification, at the end of which few firms were identified as showing potentials for the certification. An unrelenting NAFDAC management team thereafter set for itself the task of building the capacity of the manufacturers to succeed in the prequalification audit. The Orhii-led NAFDAC management team would later invite the WHO prequalification team to help monitor, fine tune and whip into line, potentially viable pharmaceutical companies.

    This synergy yielded some positive results. In one of several visits, Swipha was assisted by WHO prequalification team to develop, document and produce medicines that could meet the quality standards required by WHO. In April 2014, Swiss Pharma Nigeria Limited (SWIPHA) received the WHO coveted good manufacturing practice (GMP) prequalification certification – a feat that would receive the acknowledgement of Dr Margaret Chan, WHO Director General who commended Dr. Orhii for leading NAFDAC to achieve the spectacular feat of GMP certification by a Nigerian local pharmaceutical firm.

    With the development, NAFDAC has lifted Nigeria out of the hitherto odious status of being a market for adulterated, substandard and fake pharmaceutical products. That her pharmaceutical products are of international standards is attested to by WHO GMP certification. The success of SWIPHA has served as impetus for more indigenous firms like May and Baker Plc, Fidson Healthcare, Neimeth etc to get enlistment into this privileged status. The WHO’s endorsement will no doubt further positively rub-off on local drug plants’ drive towards the production of quality products for both the local and international markets.

    One man stands tall in the attainment of the feat: Dr Paul B. Orhii. The two-term NAFDAC-DG has justified the confidence reposed in him by President Jonathan in particular and Nigerians in general. Not even the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria (PSN), which initially opposed Orhii’s candidacy for the position, could hold back its joy at SWIPHA’s GMP certification. While congratulating the management of SWIPHA on the achievement, the PSN said it was proud to identify with the success story, which it said was truly inspiring, having placed it in the privileged status of a player in the global pharmaceutical sector.

    The Swipha endorsement is important in several respects. Aside helping to curb or eradicate the drug counterfeiting markets, it promises to save the nation the huge financial expenses previously spent on drug importation while at the same time boosting foreign exchange earnings for both the local drug manufacturers and the Federal Government. The citizenry is also assured of qualitative, effective and dependable healthcare services.

    • Ikhilae, a Lagos-based public affairs analyst

  • Party defections and democracy

    Political parties are associations formally organized with the explicit and declared purpose of acquiring and or maintaining legal control, either singly or in coalition with other similar associations, over the personnel and the policy of the government of an actual or prospective state. Strictly speaking, political parties occupy an enviable position in representative government of modern states. As a matter of fact, political parties are the major hallmarks of democracy.

    Since political parties are essential components of a democratic machine, it is imperative that they be democratic in their internal operations as one cannot give what he does not have. This, therefore, makes internal (intra-party) democracy a crucial feature which political parties must possess in order to be able to make fundamental input to any democratic arrangement and speed up democratic consolidation.

    Nigeria has not fared well in party politics and democracy. Many decades after the introduction of the elective principle by the Clifford’s Constitution and the formation of pioneer political parties, the country has had a chequered history of party politics. Nigeria has struggled without success, to evolve virile political parties that will fit into the role of what parties do in other democratic polities, which is, to advance national interest through well thought-out policies and programmes. Political parties have, in our clime, remained mere platforms for the advancement of individual interests and ambitions.

    Where these selfish interests are not served or threatened, Nigerian politicians have evolved the culture of defections and cross-carpeting in desperate bids to serve sectional, individual or group interest. Hence, defection from one political party to the other has characterised the political landscape of Nigeria. It has become an established political culture in the Nigerian case to defect. This comes with it, a lot of debilitating challenges and implications for democracy and party politics in the country.

    Cross-carpeting as a political culture did not start today. It started from the days of early political parties established in the run-up to independence. Historically, Nigerian parties have largely revolved around individuals or godfathers who parade themselves as the best people to articulate ethnic positions either in alliance with others, or alone in opposition. Issues and ideology have always been secondary considerations, at best, despite the tags of conservatives and progressives, socialists and feudalists, populists and elitists and the like. If the Nigerian party system as it later emerged, can trace regional pivot of its component parties to the NNDP, its tendencies to respond to ethnic pressures can be similarly traced to the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM).

    Originally, the Lagos Youth Movement which in 1939 became the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) was an open political organization. It was open in the sense that it attracted to its fold persons from the different Nigerian groups. The reflected its national membership. The ‘Nigerian Youth Charter’ erected for the movement the ideal among others of bringing together the different ethnic groups in the country in addition to raising their collective awareness. As part of the practical approach towards its objective, the movement established branches in the eastern towns of Aba, Calabar and Port Harcourt, in the Western towns of Benin-City, Ibadan, Ijebu Ode and Warri, and in the North in Jos, Kaduna, Kano and Zaria.

    However, the promise of the national front it held forth was not realized. In 1941, the NYM, to intents and purposes, shed its national character when Nnamdi Azikiwe led the Igbo members of the movement together with Samuel Akinsanya and the Ijebu Yoruba, out of the movement.

    The reason was that the non-Ijebu Yoruba supported the victorious candidacy of the Ijaw, Ernest Ikoli, to the legislative council over that of Samuel Akinsanya. This incident marked the beginning of party defections in the Nigerian polity.

    However, defections have become more alarming in the present democratic dispensation and have become more so in the build up to general elections. Nigerians have continued to witness the drama of movement of party members especially of the two leading parties of APC and PDP. Several reasons account for this. The major reason is the lack of internal democratic practice and culture in these parties.  The inability of political parties to enforce or play politics according to the rules of the game both within the party and in the art of governance has turned politics to warfare.

    According to Azazi (2012), the escalation of the atrocities perpetrated by the “Boko Haram” sect especially in the Northern parts of the country is a corollary of the absence of internal democracy in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The zoning arrangement would have kept power in the North till 2015 but President Goodluck Jonathan used incumbency power to circumvent the arrangement. Defection or cross-carpeting is a major hallmark of absence of internal democracy in political parties in Nigeria. More often than not, politicians who feel short-changed during primary elections find succour in other political parties. After being deregistered in 2007, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar found favour with the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) where he was candidate in the 2007 elections. He however, quickly dumped the ACN and re-joined the PDP. He has since joined the All Progressives Congress on the account of lack of internal democracy.

    The defection of five governors from the PDP to the APC is equally on the same account. Just as the decampment of Ibrahim Shekarau, Attahiru Baffarawa, Ali Modu Sheriff, Tom Ikimi, etc  (all founding members of the APC) to the ruling PDP is said to be hinged on lack of internal party democracy. After the 2011 primaries of the ANPP, which produced Shekarau as presidential candidate, two frontline aspirants, Harry Akande and Dauda Birma defected to the ruling PDP.

    In addition to the foregoing reasons, decampments are equally orchestrated by the fact that political parties lack guiding ideologies. This explains why politicians easily switch parties once their individual interests are threatened. The recent decampments of Peter Obi, Gbenga Daniel, etc, fit into this category.

    The Labour Party ordinarily should be progressive and welfarist in nature. However, the decampment of Mimiko to a more conservative and elitist People’s Democratic Party exemplifies our argument that these parties are not really rooted in any ideological persuasions. Same goes for Gbenga Daniel who hopped from the PDP to the PPP, LP and back to PDP. These are all in attempts to secure better political deals.

    Given the foregoing therefore, it becomes imperative that all activities and systems within parties should be guided by internal rules and procedures consistent with the expectations of party members and the legally established statutory organs; holding of democratic, periodic elections of party leaders, and a non-personalized leadership that willingly submits itself to these periodic elections. Thus, the question of life chairman or life patron should never arise; internal debate of issues and democratized decision making; equal and open participation of all members in the decision making process in such a way that various interests are more or less equally represented, especially disadvantaged groups such as women and youth; transparency and accountability in the administration of the party; democratization of party funding, such that the party does not rely on a few wealthy individuals only for its financing, and equally fundamental, there should be the adoption of inclusive, democratic processes for the holding of party conventions, and the selection of the party’s election candidates, that is, the use of primaries.

    A strict adherence to these prescriptions will reposition Nigerian political parties and enhance their contribution to democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

    • Adeyemi writes from Lagos