Category: Opinion

  • Toast to a good man @ 50

    Toast to a good man @ 50

    At a time when sycophancy and bootlicking have become full time jobs in the media, it is difficult to talk about a man such as Lekan Otufodunrin without being mistaken for a jobber in search of his next meal ticket.

    The probability is high that someone somewhere would read this and conclude like most people do these days, that whoever penned such lofty things about another man must have gotten some pecuniary inducement or expecting something that can only be provided by the man he has written about.

    But regardless of what anyone would think after reading this, I am persuaded that those who have been privileged to meet Otufodunrin would at least concur that everything said about him in this piece is nothing but the truth.

    As a matter of fact, it would be a travesty to write about him without sounding like brownnoser in a king’s palace. One cannot but deploy the best adjectives (which may still be grossly inadequate) to describe a man who has devoted a better part of his young life to discovering and mentoring young people in order to make their lives better.

    Personally, I owe my becoming a journalist to “Uncle Lekan” as many of us who have passed through his informal school of mentoring love to call him. It was under his tutelage as the Sunday Editor of The Nation Newspaper that I cut my teeth in this pen-pushing profession.

    Many of the things I have achieved in the few years that I have practiced would not have been if this man did not take a chance on me that hot Sunday afternoon when our paths crossed at the headquarters of the Living Faith Church, Ota.

    I met Uncle Lekan at the church’s Press and Publicity Department where I had just been registered as a volunteer writer. Since I didn’t see him anywhere around the office on my first visit, I had no idea he was the chairman of the department.

    Looking back to that fateful day, I have no regrets for mistaking him as an ordinary member like myself. He didn’t have the airs of a chairman and his down-to-earth interaction with everyone in the room that day was not what one expected from the chairman of such an important group in a Nigerian church. You can imagine the surprise that registered on my face when a member announced that: “our chairman has just donated a new printer” and pointed at him.

    Such is the humility of the man. It is that humility coupled with a heartfelt sincerity to make enduring positive impacts in the lives of others that endears Uncle Lekan to so many people.

    In my case, that chanced meeting with this modest chairman of the Press and Publicity Unit in the church set my journalism career on an upward trajectory. Like he still does for so many young people today, Uncle Lekan offered me an opportunity to work with him on the Sunday desk even as a greenhorn. Through an informal but meticulous process, he groomed me into an award- winning young journalist. As an undergraduate, I was light years ahead of my contemporaries just because he gave me a chance to do what they only read in textbooks.

    As an editor, Uncle Lekan would go out of his way to ensure that an intern is accepted in the newsroom. Unlike others who see such interns as errand boys and girls, he keeps them on track by ensuring they have something to do. He is one of the few editors who will ask an intern “how many stories have you written?”

    Other than his humility and fervid passion to help young people navigate out of the labyrinths of life and the journalism profession, you cannot talk about Uncle Lekan without saying a few things about his large heart and bonhomie way of life. Here is one man who is never tired of giving. I have known him for years now and I still cannot recall ever seeing or hearing him say no to anyone who approached him for help.

    As Sunday editor, he made it a duty to ensure that everyone on the desk got something from the gifts given to him at the end of the year. In the same organization, where some units heads stock their cars with bags of rice, hampers and other goodies, Uncle Lekan would gladly share his with workers on the desk, security officers and other have-nots.

    Every human being has a weakness. Uncle Lekan’s weakness is his selflessness and dedication to the progress of other people. He is one of the few people in his ilk who will drive for hours to deliver a lecture to secondary school, polytechnic and university students without asking for a penny. When these students visit The Nation Newspaper on excursion, he also takes his time to conduct them round the premises and explain the newspaper making process to them.

    With these exceptional qualities, it is no surprise that his office is decorated with several awards from various individuals and groups who have been touched my wonderful life.

    As he joins the league of the fifties, it is my prayer that God who has kept him thus far will make his glorious life more beautiful.  Happy birthday.

     

    •Nzemeke writes from Utako, Abuja.

  • For cup and country

    Who or what could be Nigeria’s trickiest obstacle at the 2014 FIFA World Cup finals? Host Brazil, Group ‘F’ rivals Argentina, defending champions Spain, wide distances between venues or the tropical heat?

    Look no further than Nigeria for the answer, dear fan. With respect to the legendary self-esteem of Jose Mourinho and Sir Alex Ferguson, it could be Stephen Keshi’s ego. Toe-to-toe with the Chelsea boss and ex-Manchester United tactician goes the distinguished ex-national skipper hailed as the ‘Big Boss’.

    Months after booking passage via an inspiring Africa Nations Cup triumph in January 2013, the Super Eagles chief coach prosecuted the Brazil 2013 Confederations Cup with questionable selection. With a reluctance to cut reserve national team goalkeeper Chigozie Agbim loose from the set-up ahead of Brazil 2014, he appears ready to top himself.

    Agbim flapped at crosses and fumbled his catch at the 2014 Championship of African Nations (CHAN) tournament held January 11 to February 1 in South Africa. After letting in a Mozambique goal from 50 yards, the former Enugu Rangers and current Gombe United stopper dropped jaws further with futile diving in the avoidable penalty shootout with brutish semi-final victors, Ghana.

    His coach, and obvious benefactor, however bears the brunt of criticism. With an awesome moniker derived from textbook defending as much as self-confidence – the same antecedents which have helped tame a gifted but wild Eagles bunch that hamstrung predecessors – Keshi would rather have his way.

    And his predilection may end in heartache for all. Nigeria attends the Mundial holding across 12 Brazilian cities from June 12 to July 13 largely on his call, but his antecedents conjure Ferguson’s trophy-filled 27-year reign at Old Trafford. In place of a scrupulous succession plan comparable to European power, Bayern Munich’s last season, the Scotsman recommended erstwhile Everton boss David Moyes of the Premier League mid-table fame.

    Ten months and an inevitable sacking after, the lessons loom large as Ferguson’s nine-foot statue at the Theatre of Dreams. One: no individual’s wishes supersede the club’s or country’s; and two: you get the quality of service you pay for.

    Nigeria fans may have been spared the tension associated with past qualification efforts en route to Brazil, but faith in Keshi’s abilities has since waned. In particular, a meeting between the coach and NFF’s Technical Committee late last month did not yield the much-anticipated provisional list of players ahead of the submission of a preliminary list of 30 players to FIFA by May 10.

    Close to the tournament, the dallying unnerves. The Eagles open their preliminary group campaign against Iran in Curitiba on June 16, followed by the pivotal clash with tournament debutants, Bosnia Herzegovina in Cuiba, June 21 and Argentina in Porto Alegre, June 25.

    Were the reason to be a disagreement on selected players, the committee would not have erred much. At the risk of ‘interference’, the committee appears to assign proper weight to the task ahead in recognition of the fact that Keshi needs technical help.

    He lost the benefit of the doubt with the Confederations Cup and CHAN debacles. He even shared NFF Technical Director, Shuaibu Amodu’s pre-tournament sentiment that the Confederations Cup would serve as a learning curve.

    He subsequently attended the tournament with a team guaranteed to return without the cup as his selection belied the mission: Nigeria were not in it to win it, hence the constellation of jaded stars, shooting stars and twinkling stars.

    But Brazil 2014 is a different ball game. With one eye on career advancement and the other on national pride, only a disoriented coach would fool around on the biggest stage of all.

    Earlier assertions bear repeating: Nigeria can win. Officials may consider this unrealistic and Keshi may speak of a more realistic target, but what is ‘realistic’? Another round of 16 finish comparable to the USA 1994 and France 1998 feats? Or a quarter-final run matching Cameroon’s at Italia 1990, Senegal’s at Korea/Japan 2002 and Ghana’s at South Africa 2010?

    No, the realistic target is victory; victory against Italy, Germany, The Netherlands and any illustrious rival for the coveted trophy. Before them, however, lie familiar foes that hobbled the fairy-tale runs of ’94 and ‘98: administrative hitches, squad bickering, win bonus controversy, and, according to former international Sunday Oliseh, ‘late planning’.

    While praising African players’ attributes of physicality and speed, Oliseh tendered a recipe for success that should tantalise Keshi. “Africans need to learn how to start pressurizing the opponents. Football has changed now. It’s no longer football where you pick individuals and expect them to do well. Now it’s more about team work, team dynamics, team schemes, things that are planned out like how to look at the opponent, how to bring about antidotes to the opponent’s playing star.”

    If anyone seeks recent evidence of the gulf in football administration between Nigeria and the great football cultures, handling of the World Cup list is it. Weeks before, Brazil manager Felipe Scolari listed the core of his squad and invited fans to work out the remainder – a task that foreign fans of Brazil would conveniently undertake.

    And as some may have noted, players who would walk into any other team often miss Spain’s star-studded armada ahead of major championships while the elite sides of Europe and South America consistently sail for football treasure with similar commitment. In all cases, form and versatility, not rehabilitation or loyalty, inform selection.

    By possibly sticking to Agbim and international rookies instead of proven but difficult players, Keshi restricts his options and understates national ambition. Yet, a freak turn of events could see the No. 3 turn No. 1. And if any make excuses for him – ‘the goalkeeper would only be third in line’; ‘he may not get to stop a single ball’; ‘a quarter-final finish would be great and a semi-final run exceptional’ – they evidently share the coach’s ‘ambition’.

    Sad, indeed, would be a sight reminiscent of Mohammed Gambo’s stage fright and spooned shot at goal during the Confederations Cup Group B fight-back against Spain while Shola Ameobi, Ikechukwu Uche and the errant Osaze Odemwingie languished behind the international curtains. The hour of recognition vanished, but the lessons linger.

    They may appear better focused than predecessors, but football officials couldn’t prevent allegations of sharing salaries and allowances with coaches and securing qualifications by illegitimate means as underscored by self-confessed fixer Wilson Raj Perumal, of late. Labelling himself “the unsung hero of Nigeria’s qualification”, the Singaporean tainted Nigeria’s passage to the 2010 FIFA World Cup finals in South Africa.

    The federation denied both claims and may be vindicated, but no one can pretend that the country’s football is free of corruption. Through the grapevine, trace the trail of illicit deals and its clandestine markers: player agents influencing call-ups and caps, players paying for squad positions and coaches functioning as player agents.

    Taken alone, Keshi’s handling skills may not be sufficient, but the conditions permit an upset in Brazil. As witnessed in South Africa 2013 where the Eagles took complete advantage of a weakened field, luck may eventually defuse alarm.

    Considering the preliminary fixtures and knock-out rounds pairings, the big guns may cancel themselves out early and clear the coast for Nigeria. The heat may also put the Eagles in fine fettle, unless pampered players succumb to the wives and girlfriends (WAGs) distraction or choose to hold the temperate clime of professional practice as excuse for failure.

    To win, at any rate, the Eagles must embrace the South American warmth and put up a decent show of chasing football glory.

  • Arsene Wenger and Nigeria’s Transformation Ambassadors

    “Arsenal fans have put up with nine years of failure for the love of one man…” – Author Unknown

    The pen can be mischievious. It will often lead you in the direction of trouble, of its own accord. This time it has led me in a direction closer home than I will willingly go – the Emirates Stadium. But with trepidation I go, expecting that a knock might come from an Arsenal fan in my corner.

    I assume we are mostly agreed that Nigerians are fanatical about their football. The English Premier League has stolen its way into our lives, courtesy of smart marketing and the domination by foreign-based cable TV, which has edged out local TV to become the default broadcast platform of the day. We now have millions of Nigerians who passionately follow the European football leagues and devoutly worship at the temple of the god of soccer.

    Of these devotees, Arsenal fans are in a class of their own. They are passionate, committed and proud proponents of a philosophy they believe is akin to the renowned tiki-taka made popular by FC Barcelona. Indeed, in the English Premier League, the team plays a peculiar variant of free-flowing football, pleasing to the eye, even though it has not yielded the desired results (trophies) in the last few years. Even though Spurs fans are quick to remind us the brand of football Arsenal lays claim to was originally theirs, who really cares? Definitely, not Arsenal fans. They (especially the Nigerian base) like to believe they have the patent over some kind of champagne football. They gloat over this. But can you blame them? Fans are entitled to believe what will make them feel good, even if they have to rebase the GDP of the club in the process, to have something to hold on to.

    But even the most ardent of fans will agree that it has not been smooth-sailing for Arsenal, having not won a single trophy in the last nine years. There is good news in the offing, though. With the fourth place trophy almost assured, the team is in in the finals of the FA cup. What does it matter that Arsenal had to rebase its strategy by featuring a team with an average age of almost 30 years to be able to beat Championship team, Wigan, in the semi-final match? Setting aside the acclaimed commitment to youth, an excuse often touted for the extended years of failure by the team, to make it to the final speaks to the flexibility required, that has not always been there . Whatever the case, the opportunity to end the barren run beckons for Arsenal.

    But what has Arsenal really been doing wrong? Analysts have, over the years, situated the deficiencies around Arsene Wenger’s obstinate belief in an obsolete template. But many Arsenal fans will hardly ever agree to the fact that the beloved Professor could be the problem, given his record. They will often take an attack on Arsene Wenger as an attack on their team, often taking on the messenger rather than the message. As one season ends, they promise themselves the next season. “In Arsene, we trust”, they would chorus.

    A new season begins, Arsenal catches fire. The team raises the hope of her fans. They begin to sing the old song to critics – did we not tell you? Can you see us now? Even when analysts tell them to take it easy, they would brush aside caution and spread their hopes in the sun for neighbours to see. Before you know it, a needle goes into the balloon. And within weeks, the leak is apparent to all, hope lies in tatters at the Emirates. Wenger’s water bottles are all over the place. Then the battle for the fourth place trophy begins. The team barely makes it, there is relief, and hope is rekindled for the season to come. The new season comes, history sneaks in to repeat itself, all over. That has been the story of the last nine years. In spite of this, some of these fans resolutely locate the problem everywhere else. but at the doorstep of Monsieur Arsene Wenger. But for occasional moments of loss-induced high fever, these fans resign themselves to an unquestioning love of Arsene Wenger. Even when the perfomance of the team does not justify the devotion, they hold on to love.

    This devoted lovers of the French man remind us of the fans of our own leader, who has been busy with the transformation of Nigeria in the last five years. Does Arsene Wenger’s barren run remind us of the years of the locust? Does it remind us of the productivity of our Lee Kuan Yew, courtesy of the world-class transformation agenda? Transformation Ambassadors liken our man to Nelson Mandela. They remind us of all the good work he has done. They tell us it is just that their man does not like to talk about it. They tell us – what we see is not what it is.

    For some of them, their love is founded on ethnic affiliation, pseudo-religious, bread and butter considerations or some feel-good it-is-our-turn-to-chop syndrome. But it is not about them, it is about our today and tomorrow. It is about them asking us to endure this barren run for the love of their man. They are so lost in love with their own Arsene Wenger that nothing else matters. Some umbrella-wielding sympathisers of our Martin Luther King are so love-stricken that any voice raised contrary to theirs is dubbed partisan. No matter is sacrosanct, when it comes to this undying love. And they crawl the net, seeking to spread the good news of transformation. They feel compelled to justify whatever the man does, irrespective of logic or reason. To them, dancing in the house of mourning is a show of strength. We ought to applaud the skelewu moves of the dancer, rather than condemn him. He is not fiddling, he is only dancing.

    Their Arsene Wenger cannot be faulted, even when it comes to his team selection or substitutions made in the course of the game. He takes out Bolaji Abdulahi, a world-class striker and replaces him with…who again? To spite an agent spotted in the camp of another team, he takes out proven striker and replaces him with a man who cannot score a goal to save his life. Arsenal fans have been asking their manager to buy world-class players for years now! Guess who he just bought? Musiliu Obanikoro! How does he guarantee winning the Emirates Cup with him in the Defence! Imagine how long it took him to take out Stella Oduah from the team. Commentators, pundits, fans have shouted themselves hoarse, but Diezani and Abba Moro are still an integral part of the team. Even when Sanusi Lamido Sanusi has been sidelined for a proper examination of his hamstring injury, the beloved Abba Moro is still in the team with a broken leg.

    But the fans of Nigeria’s own Arsene Wenger are unfazed. They are not moved. They tell you it was not easy for Barack Obama. It was not easy for Lee Kuan Yew. It was not easy for Nelson Mandela. It was not easy for Martin Luther King. So, it is not easy for Arsene Wenger. Even when their man’s team scores an own goal, they applaud him. The team suffers a painful loss in the hands of Nyanya bombers, yet the manager is not sober. He elects to continue with the campaign in Kano, all that matters is that new contract. He elects to dance in the house of mourning, the fans hail him. It is not easy for him, they tell us. He can do no wrong.

    Your Arsene Wenger can never do wrong? We agree. You cheer him, throw jibes at critics, accuse anyone with a contrary opinion of partisanship. We agree. But can you please wake up and face the facts? Nigeria is no Arsenal. There is the matter of 200 students kidnapped at Chibok. There was Buni-Yadi and Nyanya. We are losing lives daily, wasting young men and women. One might begin to think that Thomas Hobbes had this place in mind when he wrote about the state of nature where life is short, nasty and brutish. Please remind Arsene Wenger of Chibok, Buni-Yadi, Nyanya. Let him know there is more to life than a new contract. Let him know this barren run is long enough. Let him know this is not the time to dance.

    Transformation Ambassadors, please take a cue from the fans of Manchester United. The moment they saw through the “Chosen One”, they began to ask questions. They queried the results and labelled him the “Wrong One”. Today, the “Chosen One” has become the “rejected one”. Many Arsenal fans have also seen the light. They are singing a different song for Arsene Wenger, of late. The man too has been reading in between the lines. He has not been forthcoming in committing to a new contract. God helps him, should he fail to win the FA Cup. There are only so many barren years that even the most faithful fans can endure. Yours should not be different – how many lean years are you willing to endure for the love of one man?

  • Memo to National Conference

    The only thing louder than the violence being perpetrated by Boko Haram is the deafening conspiracy of silence behind it. Unravel it and you’ve won the war. Behind the Boko Haram absurdity are wounded lions, scourged snakes and their sympathizers perceived to be at large. I dare say that this atrocious guerilla war can’t be won on the battlefield. From my keen perspective, if the sect members are unmasked and attempts are made to try them in the court of law, the nation may be risking a civil war.

    Truth be told, these mongers seem to be winning the war, and the battle. They already have the nation cornered where they promised. And this begs a pertinent question: Nigeria, what is thy way forward?

    Nigerians are tired of empty brags, again and again. It’s a lame psychological war position; the world is laughing at us, not with us. A wounded tiger does not brag about her tigritude, she devours her prey!”(Apology to Professor Wole Soyinka). Each time they hit their target with bestial and most unholy accuracy, Allah is not on their side, neither is God on their side.  Their godfathers, with their selfish messianic agenda, damned up behind questionable but unfathomable pockets of obscene wealth, are yet to fail them. Therein lies their winning formula.

    If Boko Haram is on a genuine mission of holy jihad, they will be slaughtering those who chain them on their knees; overdosing them on religious diet, the opium of the wretched, suffering masses. They will not be on a killing spree of innocent souls of all faiths and ages.  My suspicion: their constant dare-devil signature is beyond our shores.

    The Nigerian nation has created some fat, monstrous, rabid, German-Shepherds, in the dark years of military adventurism, which have been silenced, and no longer in positions of barking orders on how this country is run. They are now in coma and in the wilderness of lost hopes.

    Our nation is morally and terminally ill. Yes! They have every right to mourn the death of their nightmare at the dawn of the birth of a greater Nigeria in view. And this shall be! They are weary of their loot and inheritance. Their legacies, money and honour are on borrowed time; and so is their legacy, as defined by them in our dark distanced past.

    Sirs! Let heaven fall. The party is over!

    The architects of our woes paradoxically scripted President Goodluck Jonathan in a diabolical role of a lame duck. And fate, the arbiter of destiny, skewed things in his favours; destined him for greater callings. That’s an open secret and besides my point.  Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, are you the messiah? I am not drifting and in fact careless, if you run in the next election to win or lose. But are you the true messiah, who may even lose or win the next election but, be the president who chose the path of honour to assemble wise men and women to draft a true fiscal federal constitution that will protect the interest of all, in a new union that will truly integrate this unsolicited amalgamation of 1914, over hundred years later!

    Luckily, and for the umpteenth time, fate is again calling on you. You are the sole candidate for this messianic role in our current dispensation. You have dared to convene this conference, give it teeth and grow it to maturity; with the seal of sovereignty by referendum and posterity will crown you the father of new Nigerian nation. By then, David would have triumphed over the enemies of the state.

    Break the myth of leadership in Nigeria. Give us a true fiscal federal constitution by the people, for the people and watch this land thrive in great leadership. Let us crash!  This nation as presently constituted, cannot germinate great leaders. In fact, she is adept in manufacturing and empowering political godfathers, grandmasters of political theatrics, feigning leadership; whereas she finds herself suffocating on bended knees. This centralized governing system is all about the rule of men. Give us the rule of law, to be enshrined in the people’s constitution, where no saint or devil is above the law.

    Esteemed 492 wise men and women, all of you are privileged citizens; on a mission to resolve our critical logjam, to soothe all injured souls in this on-going constitutional conference. The truth that the grandmasters of our dark political days find difficult to swallow is: in all games, there are amateurs and professionals. The masters and grandmasters, fate, the greatest master of all, often skews things in favour of  the underdog with mocking cruelty; turning masters to spectators in their own games.

    A case in point: the legacy of Obama’s victory on the American constitution: All men are equal, was enshrined in the bill of rights in the American constitution. But, it was mere tokenism in operation, in faltering spirit and withering letters of the constitution. That was tokenism on a retained value, to silence and pacify loads of agitators on the political spectrum on the indictment of slavery.

    Whoever issues token, reserves the rights of its value, and that created a huge deficit on the spirit and letter of the American constitution. But on the historical occasion of Barak Hussein Obama’s victory, a conscientious nation rose to its feet and fulfilled the intent and spirit of the American constitution to the letter – they elected the first black American president.  A veiled reparation, or call it restitution, from the hearts of Americans of all colours, was finally paid with an electoral votes of consequential historical significance. For this bold step, the whole world applauded and saluted the Americans.

    Let us unite behind a true fiscal federal constitution for a greater union. We must legislate morality, if need be, because our sins are legion. The excesses in our culture diminish us; weakens our growth and benumbs strength. Some of us must pay a political price in varying tags, for the excesses of our past, for acts of commission and omission in our past; because, such political recklessness is our collective guilt.

    There must be an outright political ban on those of us born before independence; a deliberate fencing of Nigerians over 55, in the political affairs of this crawling nation.  It is a sacred patriotic duty, belatedly owed our motherland; aged over 60-plus, yet a toddler in the comity of nations. These are the worst of times. We need self-imposed draconian measures. These are necessary steps to barricade the tide of the imminent doom; to cleanse the slate across the board, for a new nation, powered by a reposition of trust in our new generation of Nigerians.

    A clean slate, devoid of temptations of cash and carry politics, with a great emphasis on honour in serving the nation, and a non-negotiable separation of religion and state, must be our fait-accompli. But all should be at liberty to worship and practice our religions unfettered.

    • Omisore is a Lagos- based businessman

     

  • Let not evil prevail

    We are all familiar with the wise saying that evil thrives where and when good people do nothing and keep quiet. It is also a great lesson of history that you need only a few determined people to bring down a nation. Here the rule of majority does not apply. We do not know how many members Boko Haram has. But they are not that many – and they are causing so much havoc on the entire nation. The situation is serious.

    I left home on Easter Sunday, when our nation was still reeling under the tragic news of the first Nyanya bomb blast and the abduction of as yet unknown number of girl students in Borno state. Since my arrival here in Rome, we have heard of another Nyanya bomb blast, and the number of girls abducted is now being given at over 200. The controversy over the numbers is futile and uncalled for. One missing girl is one too many. Everywhere I go, people are asking me what is happening in our country. There is no more room for explanations, let alone excuses. The view from outside our nation is very negative indeed. At a time like this, one would expect all Nigerians to stand together and face what should be clearly a common danger to us all. But unfortunately, such a common stand is anything but visible.

    There are ominous signs that if the objective of Boko Haram is to tear Nigeria apart by pitting Christians against Muslims in a fratricidal war, that objective is gradually and systematically being realized. The wanton destruction of lives and property is bad enough. But perhaps worse than that is the gradual destruction and erosion of the hard earned good relations which Nigerian Christians and Muslims have managed to build up over the years. In my 2013 Christmas message, I warned that we should not take our fragile religious peace for granted. I pleaded that we should learn from the experience of other nations where such good relations have evaporated within a short time under poorly managed social and political crisis. The Central African Republic is a case in point.

    In the midst of our serious security crisis, tribal and religious warlords are beating the drums of war and blowing the trumpets of conflict. I read in the internet that the Jama’atu Nasr Islam has issued a statement accusing the Federal Government of persecuting Muslims under the guise of fighting terrorism. If this is true, it would indeed be most unfortunate and ill-timed under our present circumstances. This is hardly the best way to encourage our security agents to carry out their tough and thankless task. At the other end of the spectrum, one Evangelist Matthew Owojaiye, who is described as the President/Founder of the Old Time Revival Hour, and immediate past chairman of a group called “Northern States Christian and Elders Forum (NOCSEF), an associate of CAN”, issued a passionate statement with a presumed list of 180 missing girls, 165 of which are Christians and the remaining 15 Muslims. It is commendable that a list has appeared with their religious affiliations, and this should be of help to the security agents in tracking the girls. But the document is hardly designed to promote mutual good relations between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria.

    At times like this, when serious hurt has been inflicted and great injustice perpetrated, it is natural to feel deeply aggrieved and even angry. But the effort still needs to be made to look at things as dispassionately as we can so that we can work towards a just and practical solution. For most Nigerians, I believe that it is highly desirable that we continue as “one nation under God”. But this will not happen unless we are all ready to sincerely identify our common goals and aspirations, despite our non-negligible differences and diversities. It will mean being ready to make more concessions and compromises for the common good of the nation, well beyond the status quo. National unity is beautiful and precious, but it comes with a price which all must be ready to pay, in a fair and equitable manner.

    If this seems difficult, the alternative of a break-up of the nation along whatever lines would seem to me far more costly, and almost unthinkable. If a war of partition breaks out, where will be battle lines be drawn? It would be wonderful if such partitioning could be by peaceful negotiation. But that would call for nothing less than a miracle, which no one has any right to impose on God. The option to pursue therefore ought to be clear and obvious.

    The menace which Boko Haram represents is hanging on the whole nation. The solution must involve all stake-holders working together. Promoting or allowing polarization of group interests, whether political (PDP against the Opposition) or religious (CAN versus JNI) will not only weaken our common efforts, but even lead to the far greater danger of polarization of our security forces along opposing lines. The red light is clear to anyone who cares to look. It is not an exaggeration to say that the nation is in grave danger. It is not too late to pull back from the brink of chaos. All those who believe in the future of Nigeria can no longer afford the luxury of sitting back, watching and complaining. There is need to speak out and take meaningful action, each at his or her level. As for those who rule the nation, I hope they know that the eyes of the whole world are on them. They should also know that they will answer for all their actions and inactions before their consciences, before history and before God. May God bless Nigeria.

     

    • Cardinal Onaiyekan is Archbishop of Abuja and Head of the Metropolitan See of Abuja Ecclesiastical  Province 
  • ‘Bring Back Our Girls’

    DOZENS of heavily armed terrorists rolled into the sleepy little town one night in a convoy of trucks, buses and vans. They made their way to the girls’ boarding school.

    The high school girls, asleep in their dormitory, awoke to gunfire. The attackers stormed the school, set it on fire, and, residents said, then herded several hundred terrified girls into the vehicles — and drove off and vanished.

    That was April 15 in northern Nigeria. The girls were kidnapped by an extremist Muslim group called Boko Haram, whose name in the Hausa language means “Western education is a sin.”

    These girls, ages 15 to 18 and Christians and Muslims alike, knew the risks of seeking an education, and schools in the area had closed in March for fear of terror attacks. But this school had reopened so that the girls — the stars of their families and villages — could take their final exams. They were expected to move on to become teachers, doctors, lawyers.

    Instead, they reportedly are being auctioned off for $12 each to become “wives” of militants. About 50 girls escaped, but the police say that 276 are still missing — and the Nigerian government has done next to nothing to recover the girls.

    “We are now asking for world power countries to intervene,” the desperate father of a missing 18-year-old girl, Ayesha, told me by phone. He said that the parents had given up on Nigerian government officials — “they are just saying lies” — and pleaded for international pressure on Nigeria to rescue the girls.

    The parents pursued the kidnappers, carrying bows and arrows to confront militants armed with AK-47s, but finally had to turn back. The father, who asked not to be named for fear of retribution, said that the parents are now praying to God for the United States and United Nations to help get their daughters back.

    While there has been a major international search for the missing people on Malaysian flight MH370, and nonstop news coverage, there has been no meaningful search for the even greater number of missing schoolgirls.

    I spoke by telephone with Secretary of State John Kerry, who is visiting Africa, and asked him whether the United States can nudge Nigerian authorities to do more to find the girls.

    “We’re really pushing them … about the situation with the girls,” Kerry said. “Oh, God! Yes, absolutely.” He described it as “not just an act of terrorism. It’s a massive human trafficking moment and grotesque.”

    I asked whether the United States could use satellites or intelligence assets to try to locate the girls. “We’re engaged and cooperating,” he said, declining to discuss details. Kerry also emphasized the broader effort to disrupt Boko Haram and its financial flows, while supporting the training of Nigerian authorities to respond to terror attacks without violating human rights. “We’re upping the game with them,” he said.

    In hopes of viral pressure on Nigerian authorities to try to recover the girls, campaigns have started on the White House website, on Change.org and on Facebook to demand: “Bring Back Our Girls.” All this may or may not help, but it’s worth trying.

    The attack in Nigeria is part of a global backlash against girls’ education by extremists. The Pakistani Taliban shot Malala Yousafzai in the head at age 15 because she advocated for girls’ education. Extremists threw acid in the faces of girls walking to school in Afghanistan. And in Nigeria, militants destroyed 50 schools last year alone.

    If the girls aren’t rescued, “no parent will allow their female child to go to school,” Hadiza Bala Usman, who has led protests in Nigeria on behalf of the missing girls, warned in a telephone interview.

    Northern Nigeria is a deeply conservative area, and if the schoolgirls are recovered, it may be difficult for them to marry because of suspicions that they are no longer virgins.

    While the Nigerian military has shown little interest in rescuing the girls, it has, in the last few years, presided over a brutal counterinsurgency in response to Boko Haram bombings. There is viciousness on both sides.

    The best tool to fight extremism is education, especially of girls — and that means ensuring that it is safe to study. The greatest threat to militancy in the long run comes not from drones but from girls with schoolbooks.

    “These abducted schoolgirls are my sisters,” Malala told me in an email from Britain, where she is recovering from the Taliban attack, “and I call on the international community and the government of Nigeria to take action and save my sisters.” She added: “It should be our duty to speak up for our brothers and sisters in Nigeria who are in a very difficult situation.”

    Malala’s right. More than 200 teenage girls have just been enslaved because they had the brains and guts to seek to become teachers or doctors. They deserve a serious international effort to rescue them.

     

    •Kristof is a New York Times columnist

     

  • Confab, revenue formula and status of Lagos

    It is no longer news that a selected group of Nigerians are currently in Abuja to discuss salient issues that could probably re-shape the socio, political and economic outlook of the country. Before now, various groups have been agitating for the convocation of a national conference where sensitive issues relating to the union could be freely discussed. Though many have expressed skepticism about the sincerity of the federal government in instituting the conference, others are, however, of the opinion that it offers better prospects for nation building.

    Whatever the position being canvassed, since the conference has started, it is important that delegates and other stakeholders effectively utilise the platform to draw attention to salient aspects of our union that demand urgent attention and restructuring. One of such is revenue allocation.  The current revenue formula favours the federal government as it takes a lion share of 52.68 per cent of allocation from the federation account. The 36 states share 26.72 per cent, while the 774 local government areas take 20.6 per cent. Oil-producing states share 13 per cent in accordance with the principle of derivation.

    However, current realities in the states and local governments, make a review of the current formula imperative.  The states and local governments are the closest to the people. Therefore , delegates to the confab need to really emphasise  fiscal federalism in their deliberations. The federal government should devolve more powers to the states or regions that make up the federation. Equally, some of the items on the exclusive legislative list of the current constitution such as customs, ports, police etc may have to be shed.  For instance, the current trend of insecurity in the country requires state police that would normally be in a better position to curb crime using the community policing model.  How can the governor of a state be held liable for the insecurity being experienced in his domain when the commissioner of police only reports to the Inspector General of Police and not the state governor?

    In the spirit of justice and fairness, we need to reverse the status quo where the federal government holds as much power and influence as it currently does over the revenue sharing formula as well as other critical sectors in the country because it has little to show for it. We need to revert to the practice of true federalism as it is being done in other advanced democracies of the world. Indeed, for us to reduce the pressure and tension associated with governance at the centre, this is the time to tilt towards the evolution of a weak centre with stronger federating units. This is a main feature of a true federation

    Another critical issue which the confab needs to dispassionately consider is that of according a special status to Lagos State. When the seat of federal government was moved from Lagos to Abuja, there was a subsisting agreement that the city would not be abandoned. Indeed, the late General Murtala Muhammed acknowledged the onerous nature of the responsibility of leaving Lagos alone to deal with the burden of infrastructure that the federal government was leaving behind at the time.

    However, successive governments have refused to take a cue from countries which relocated their national capitals without abandoning infrastructural development of the former capitals. It is now time for Nigeria to imitate Germany, Brazil, Malaysia, Australia and Tanzania, which, after relocating their capitals, did not hold back developmental programmes targeted at the former capitals. From 1954 to 1994, the capital of Germany was Bonn. It was moved to Berlin, following the endorsement of the ‘agreement of movement’ which spelt out the responsibilities of German government for the maintenance of the old capital and which it has been meeting conscientiously.

    Also, Brazil moved its capital from Rio-De Janeiro to Brasilia. Till date, all federal roads, buildings and other infrastructure in both cities are maintained simultaneously by the central government.

    Malaysia has also maintained two capitals. Its old capital, Kuala-Lumpur, has been retained as the legislative capital, where the National Assembly operates. Its new capital, Putrajaya, which is the most computerised city in the world, is the administrative capital. In Australia, the old capital, Sidney, still enjoys special recognition. Although Canberra is the new capital, most activities of government, international conferences, party conventions and meetings still hold in the former capital city. The former capital of Tanzania is Dar-es-Salam. When Dodoma became the new capital, the old capital did not suffer neglect.

    The Lagos State government, in the last 12 years, has invested huge amount of money on infrastructural development, especially construction of drainages, durable roads, beautification and restoration of parks to forestall the negative impact of flooding, erosion and other environmental hazards. However, these efforts are not enough for obvious reasons. A recent study reveals that over 25,000 people, from across the world, move into Lagos for various reasons on a daily basis.  The number of heavy duty trucks and other vehicles that ply Lagos roads on a daily basis is quite alarming. Same goes for the number of pupils in its public schools as well as those that daily visit its hospitals. Consequently, the state spends more on infrastructural upgrading and provision of other basic life necessities than any other state in the country.

    The need to accord a special status for Lagos is a non-political project. There is hardly any Nigerian that doesn’t have a stake in Lagos. Lagos’ special position as the commercial nerve-centre of Nigeria, and indeed West Africa, has its peculiar infrastructural challenges. Its sheer human density driven by an increasing population due to endless survival and economic driven immigration, its ports and waterways, its border with Benin Republic, its  high concentration of banks, industries, companies, and other commercial enterprises makes it a very complex state to govern.

    Being the pane through which the whole world views the country, granting a special status to Lagos remains the best possible way to drive Nigeria’s development as it is the country’s most industrialized city with needs that align with its growth.  No nation grows by treating the needs of its golden geese anyhow since the future growth of the country’s economy is tied to the development of the city which hosts over 85 per cent of Nigeria’s industrial hub, over 65 per cent of its financial nucleus and over 75 per cent of its active workforce.

     

    •Ogunbiyi and Ojo are of the Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

  • Many Sins of Ahmed Gulak

    Many Sins of Ahmed Gulak

    Think of been used and dumped, the case of former adviser on political matters to President Goodluck Jonathan, Ahmed Gulak, comes to mind. The Barrister’s unguarded statements and unruly behavior have turned him to a liability capable of causing collateral damage to the president and his political ambition.

    He created unnecessary enemies for his principal. Some staunch loyalists of Mr. President have at some point expressed concern that he might have been a fifth columnist, planted in Jonathan’s government to play a script of unseen hands.

    The former Adamawa state House of Assembly Speaker, tried in vain to spin his mortifying dismissal from the presidency as a honourable resignation to pursue a political ambition in his state.

    If some of the vile comments credited to Ahmed Gulak were vituperations from Asari Dokubo, one would understand but not from a political adviser to the President. His opinion on politics are taken as the official position of the president on such issues. That was how weighty his statements were as the president’s mouth piece.

    The quest for cheap popularity and vain glory or overzealousness if you want to be nice to him, has become his undoing. What now happens to his chest thumping like a schoolboy, a promise to take a bullet for President Jonathan? Now that he has shot himself in the foot by consistently talking before thinking, one wonders what will become of his political career as he leaves the presidency. He will return to face a lot of persons he has hurled insults at and you can be sure they’ll reward him in his own coin, politically.

    Apparently, of all his reckless and peevish remarks, the one that stands him out is the position he took on behalf of President Jonathan in the aftermath of Governor Amaechi’s emergence as Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) chairman.

    “As far as the President is concerned,” said Gulak,“Governor Jonah Jang of Plateau state is the Chairman of the Nigerian Governor’s Forum and not Governor Amaechi.” Gulak had made a choice for the president of the federal republic of Nigeria, a public disclosure, declaring Governor Jang, the loser of a credible election with only 16 votes, as the winner, while Governor Amaechi, who polled 19, became the loser. Here was the president endorsing illegality by the unguarded remarks of his aide.

    As Gulak’s irascible disposition has shown, the baggage Jonathan carries along in some aides like Doyin Okupe, Labaran Maku, Reno Omokri and Reuben Abati, who see every attack on the president as an opportunity to “open fire”, often times, bring the office of the President to disrepute.

    Maybe the scales has fallen off the President’s eyes, maybe he felt Gulak has been manipulating him all the while. Mr Gulak’s job description revolves around polishing the image of the president in political matters but he chose instead to abuse anyone that expresses positive but dissenting opinion.

    Some months back, there was this speculative report in newspapers that Obasanjo had dumped Jonathan, and that the former president was equally considering quitting the PDP. Ahmed Gulak, was asked to speak on behalf of his principal who will all know is Obasanjo’s protégé.

    He pulled the trigger: “I will like to say with all sense of responsibility that Nigerians should not make God out of Obasanjo. Obasanjo is not God, and it is only God that gives a person power, it is only God that can say Mr. A, you will be president, and it will come to pass. No human being can play God.” One would have expected a more circumspect response since the reports were merely speculative, but not with Gulak.

    With such a vacuous comment, he pitched the President with Obasanjo. Agreed, no human being can play God but we were witnesses to how Obasanjo almost singlehandedly ensured Jonathan progressed politically from deputy governor in Bayelsa state to President elect.

    “Obasanjo was part of the system from 1976 to 1979, and then from 1999 to 2007. Obasanjo should play the role of a father figure, to advise and not to keep poke-nosing into the affairs of the nation, to choose people who should run and who should not.” That was Gulak as his bellicose best again, slamming the Ota farmer for purportedly endorsing (according to unsubstantiated newspaper reports, again) Governors Sule Lamido and Rotimi Amaechi as presidential and vice-presidential candidates, respectively, of the PDP in 2015.

    Truth is, Obasanjo is part of the leadership crisis in the country today, but such remarks should not come from Jonathan’s aide.

    Of Dr Junaid Mohammed, Gulak had said he suffers from “diarrhoea of the mouth,” adding that the man “enjoys sitting in his comfort zone and criticising.” A case of pot calling kettle black.

    Still smarting from his heroics of hurling insults, it was time for former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, an opposition politician, to take his share of Gulak’s smear.

    He described El-Rufai as “the most disappointing young man in the country.”

    Not showing any signs of slowing down in the business of gathering enemies for his boss, he took on another role as Special Adviser in Imo as he commented on Governor Rochas Okorocha’s reluctance to comply with a court judgement on the tenure of local government chairmen. He garrulously reacted: “What Okorocha has done is illegal and unconstitutional, and where democracy thrives, these are acts that are impeachable. It is just unfortunate that the members of the Imo State House of Assembly have not taken up the matter.”

    In that swagger – reminiscent of talented musicians who just hit the spotlight – of an arrogant and unruly presidential aide, he took a swipe at the National Assembly when a stand-off ensued over Budget 2013.

    According to him, “you cannot rule out 2015 because what I always say, and I keep on saying is that, people should not use their ambition to jettison national issues.” He said National Assembly members should be blamed for poor budget implementation through delayed passage of the Appropriation Bill, and even added that the lawmakers had problem with understanding the budget, because a lot of them were illiterates.

    That Gulak was described as a fifth columnist in Jonathan’s government by a taciturn Senate President, David Mark, was an indication that he hit the members of the Red chamber below the belt.

    Another aide of the President would have none of this Mrs. Joy Emodi (though, like Gulak, she has been sacked), Special Adviser to the President on National Assembly, quickly distanced Mr. President from the controversial lawyer turned politician: “Let me state categorically that the alleged statements neither reflect the views of the President on the National Assembly, nor the enormous respect he has for the institution. In other words, those to whom the statements were credited were on their own, and never spoke the mind of the president.”

    Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, had delivered the Second Zik Annual Lecture Series in Awka, Anambra State, where he stressed that 21st Century Nigeria needed knowledgeable leadership at all levels. He submitted that some parts of the South-East should always send their very best in the mould of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe to the National Assembly (NASS), given the abundance of intellectuals in the states.

    Gulak did not waste time in twisting Ekweremadu’s speech: “The Deputy Senate President said some legislators could barely write their names. He said so. Go and read it. He said so, I did not say it. So, if most of them can barely write their names, then how will they understand the intricacies of budget? I did not say it. It is the Deputy Senate President that said it, and he really said it. So it means the National Assembly has a long way to go.” Gulak in his disingenuity, spinned Ekweremadu’s comment as all NASS members from around the country are illiterates.

    Ekweremadu’s aide in a swift reply released a statement that summarised Gulak’s tenure as political adviser to President Jonathan; Gulak is “either oblivious of his job schedule or lacking the competence to undertake it.”

    Ilevbare is a public affairs commentator. Engage him on twitter, @tilevbare. He blogs at http://ilevbare.com.

     

  • Tinubu: Reflections on the colossus @62

    In all of life histories, there are very few circumstances that stand the test of time; just as there are only a few people, who defy the odds to become a success out of unpleasant situations. For these countable few, seemingly ordained from above and given certain roles in life to play, neither lack nor abundance; hate or love; time or season or, even the common challenges of life are able to thaw their courage, though they try.

    Rare breeds doing rare things, perhaps, their resolute and special nature underscores why it is said that stars are born and not made. This is, without doubt, where you belong.

    Driven by the virtues of courage, fueled by a clear vision, determination, commitment and the strength of heart, Tinubu has proven the worthy leader he is over the years. Asiwaju has practically exemplified the triumph of vision over challenges; wisdom over brawn. Wise as he is well-educated; connected as he is well-respected; and above all, selfless, Jagaban, has today, single-handedly given the South-west direction and leadership, having fittingly stepped into the shoes of the late sage and South-west leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

    With unmitigated zeal, heý blazed an amazingly unforgettable trail during his study years, first, at Richard Daley College, Chicago Illinois, where his brilliance earned him a place in the honour grid of the college and later, at Chicago State University, Illinois where he graduated with a Bachelor’s degree in Business Administration, specializing in Accounting and Management. A prefect of his class, his academic brilliance brought to him the Outstanding Student’s Award, University Scholar’s Award, as well as a Certificate of Merit in Accounting and Finance, respectively.

    Down-to-earth and a grassrooter, he distinguished himself so much so that in short space of joining active politics, the ever progressive, dynamic and critical people of Lagos elected him a Senator of the Federal Republic in 1992.

    Ever since, he hasý not looked back as he continues to break new grounds and demystify things thought difficult. Whether it be in politics or business; accounting or management, he showed very good understanding that made everything he elected to undertake look like A-B-C.

    But more than anything else, it was his quest for redefining and redesigning the way politics is played in the South-west region on one hand, and Nigeria, in general that earned him a well-deserved respect from peers and everyone alike.

    After I had lost election as president, Nigeria Union of Journalists, I recall Asiwaju’s soothing words:  “It’s not about you, but Nigeria’s democracy. I don’t care who wins as long as it entrenches democracy. Go and bring the winner”, he had charged. Garba Muhammed never forgot his advice and encouragement when I eventually came with him to Bourdillon, the headquarters of progressive politics. “It’s all about democracy, not the personality. Support democratic ethos and you will find us, the progressives, dependable allies”, he had assured him.

    Interestingly, it is this passion for good leadership and well-being of the majority that has endeared him to the people both great and small, in business and in politics. Like the dynamite packaged small, but with far-reaching impact on explosion, Asiwaju’s political philosophy has provided the light which, today, has lit the nation’s political landscape and providing it with alternative.

    Indeed, over the years, he has proved of a truth that it is not all about size but the idea. From the last man standing, after the progressives’ mandates were stolen in some parts of the South-west, he has spread the tentacle of growth and development to the remotest parts of Nigeria. In spite of the Abacha persecution as a result of activities in the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) which kept the military government on its toes, he remained dogged as a master strategist. For decades, he remained unflinching in his belief and quest for a society where everyone has equal rights and can aspire to any office without discrimination.

    With awards haul of Best Governor in Nigeria in 2000 by the Nigerian-Belgian Chamber of Commerce; the year 2002 Best Practices Prize in improving the living environment, awarded by the Federal Ministry of Works and the UN Habitat Group, among others, as an astute political strategist, he has never lost any political battle. A tested leader, mentor, accountant, resource manager, father and role model, he was instrumental to brokering the merger of opposition parties leading to the birth the All Progressive Congress (APC), a party that has since put the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) on its toes.

    Indeed, even his most cynical critics are convinced that as a social crusader for the Rule of Law and untiring change agent, no history of modern Nigeria can be complete without giving due mention to his name having been instrumental to the growth of the democratic process and advocacy of fair play, regardless of creed and ethnic background. A rare leader, he remains the most vociferous voice in the call for Nigeria’s to return to the path of true federalism and fiscal federalism, which guarantees state governors fully funded mandates.

    As he marked a fruitful 62 years on earth, surely, he is more than deserving of a drink and a dance. I share with the Asiwaju the joy of the moment and wish the Jagaban of the Borgu Kingdom, Niger State, a belated Happy Birthday and more record-breaking achievements.

    • Oba is chief press Secretary to the Kwara State Governor
  • Sound policy as sound politics: The Ekiti example

    In a truly democratic society, sound policy is always sound politics, meaning that the probability of gaining the electoral votes is informed by how sound policies or programmes are, and as such should provide the basis for seeking political leadership.

    Sound policy connotes different meanings to different electoral candidates. For the incumbent for example, a sound policy relates to the policies or programmes being implemented upon which the incumbent candidate is seeking electoral votes for re-election. Here the people can readily assess the performance of the incumbent.

    In the Nigerian context however, sound politics is not always informed by sound policies or programmes. Opposition candidates rarely engage in sound politics by campaigning on the basis of any alternative policies or programmes for the people, as they usually have none. Rather, politics is shaped by violence, character assassination, bribery and corruption, political thuggery, fear mongering, etc.

    In a true democratic setting, the incumbent is always on its toes in terms of making decisions and policies that improve the lives of the citizenry. This is because the opposition is always an alternative government in the waiting, based on the credibility of its alternative programmes and policies, and what they would do differently if given the electoral mandate.

    This is a lesson that the political gladiators in Ekiti State and the entire South-west should have learnt by now.  Rather, what seems to be playing out is a flawed logical reasoning that antecedents do not matter. Whereas the incumbent can readily point to what his/her administration had undertaken, the same can hardly be said of the opposition candidates.

    It is also quite legitimate for the opposition to rubbish or discredit any development programmes or projects, reforms, etc., that the incumbent has undertaken so far. What the opposition candidates have not always told the citizens is ‘what would they do differently if they have the mandate?’, or ‘what alternative or better programmes they have that are potentially more beneficial to the masses’? It is through credible opposition that political dividends are beneficial to the people.

    The Ekiti social security scheme for the elderly citizens is one of the most popular people-oriented developmental programmes in Nigeria in recent times. It is one programme that has endeared the present administration in Ekiti State to the hearts of stakeholders around the world.  The moral consciousness and value of any society is judged by how it cares for its elderly citizens.  Improved health-care means aging population as people live longer, but the elderly are also becoming vulnerable due to rapid urbanisation and inability to respond to socio-economic shocks when they occur due to old age. The care for the elderly is sacrosanct in Western countries and the only political debate around it is how the opposition will improve it.

    Of course, there are some Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) providing one-off benefits to the elderly, but little is known about their impacts on the beneficiaries, especially widows/widowers. The Ekiti scheme provides a monthly N5000 cash payment to the eligible beneficiaries. The programme is unique in the sense that it is the first of its kind in West Africa, and this is why the international community is keen about its impacts. Also, Ekiti State budget is largely constrained by the monthly allocation from the federal government, in which the share is second to the lowest.  The question becomes whether the programme was another political rhetoric. There is also the question of sustainability and effectiveness in order to justify allocation of resources.

    Today the programme is now in its third phase, with nearly 20,000 on the government list and more than four times more on the waiting list. The federal government has shown interest, whilst other states such as Osun and River states are emulating the programme.

    An international organisation, the Partnership for Economic Policy Canada, recently commissioned an independent impact evaluation research of the Ekiti scheme. This research is using a highly rigorous methodology to establish the scientific evidence of the impacts, beyond the anecdotal evidence provided in newspapers or political statements. The research is to support potential co-funding by international organisations and to further provide credibility for other externally funded programmes and projects in the state.

    Whilst this study is ongoing, some clear facts of public interest have emerged from the baseline survey of a representative sample of over 6,500 eligible beneficiaries, randomly selected across the 163 electoral wards in the state. Firstly, the scheme is non-discriminatory, ensuring that the eligibility of all potential beneficiaries in each ward in the state were properly assessed on the basis of their means, without any consideration for party affiliation.

    Secondly, the majority (seven out of 10) eligible beneficiaries are women and more than half amongst them are widows/widowers. Also, well over half of the eligible beneficiaries have had food shortage in the household in the past and in two out of three households; a member will go without three-square meals in at least one day in a week. For those who are receiving the benefit however, food shortage has declined significantly, with no member of the household going without food anymore.

    Moreover, we sought to test the perception of the elderly on the programme. Firstly, eight out of 10 believe strongly that the intervention is timely and adequate to meet their basic needs. Secondly, nine out of 10 senior citizens believe strongly that the state government cares for them, whilst nine out of 10 say they are happier and pray that the scheme will continue into the future.

    In conclusion, the preliminary analysis supports the general view that the welfare scheme will improve the living conditions of the elderly in the state. The interest that the Ekiti programme has generated is a clear demonstration of the importance attached to it by stakeholders around the world. The notion of sound policy is sound politics plays out in the Ekiti social security scheme, as it provides an example of an intervention in which those who are affected have strong perception of the efficacy of the programme.

    For the incumbent, the scheme provides a basis for seeking a re-election, in addition to other development-related programmes and projects. For the opposition, it provides a criterion against which they could assess their potential to provide a better alternative.  It is hoped that the wise electorates of Ekiti state will allow how sound policies and programmes are to motivate their voting decisions in the forthcoming election. The more the politicians realise that sound policy is sound politics, the more they are more likely to play it as it should be played and the more the society will benefit in the long-run.

    • Dr. Olajide and Ayodele are with the Initiative for Public Policy

    Analysis, based in Lagos