The Nation Newspaper

Category: Opinion

  • Pensions: Open letter to the President

    The present letter is reminiscent of my open letter to your predecessor, the late President Umaru Yara’Adua on the plight of pensioners. That letter led to the cancellation of the government’s wicked and primitive insistence that pensioners from all corners of the country must report in Abuja for verification. Having put that horrible aspect of bad governance behind us, there remains the core problem of payment of pensions and arrears for pensioners. On this matter, sir, I have a few questions which you must critically consider in the name of justice, equity and fairness.

    Are you aware that it is only in the country under your leadership that pensioners do not receive their pensions, as and at when due, every month, like those currently in service?

    Are you aware that, in this country, many pensioners are still owed, probably up to 10 years or more, and that it is the pensions of those who had died since this period, together with unpaid pensions of those still alive, that are being stolen by officials in the pension house of horror?

    Are you also aware of the scandals in the pension house that ran into billions of naira and that those responsible for stealing the pensioners’ fund (dead and alive pensioners), seem to have gotten away with their loots while the legitimate owners of the stolen money are dying by the day?

    After they had served their country for so long, should retirees be faced with pension problems that are now like their death sentence? Come to think of it, Mr. President, do you, for a moment, examine the life and condition of people in your government, in relation to the people you govern, in the light of what Socrates said that “an unexamined life is not worth living?”

    Can you therefore say, with good conscience, that nonpayment of hapless and helpless retirees’ pensions and arrears is an act of good governance?

    Now, Mr. President, sir, are you aware of the 53% increase in pensions for retirees from July 1, 2009 which you cut down to 33%, and the total cost of which your Technical Committee had calculated from July 1, 2009?

    Is it true that the same 33% (cut from 53%) which was recommended from July 1, 2009, had been paid to the armed forces while you have not signed the approval of same which has been lying on your table since April, 2013 for payment to bloody civilian pensioners? Would it not be just and proper that these arrears be paid with interests from July 1, 2009 to date? Or are you delaying approval of payment of the pensions and arrears so that more pensioners would die and the arrears of their pensions could go to the living pension thieves or the government once more?

    Are you really aware that while many States like Osun have paid the pensions of their retired workers regularly, the federal government and the sole custodian of the nation’s financial resource has refused to pay its own part of the pensions to retired workers for many years? Perhaps you want us to believe that states are more humane and more interested in the welfare of their citizens than the mighty federal government.

    Is there justice in this matter, sir, when compared to what you spend on two animals in your zoo, the amount spent on cutleries, feeding, presidential jets, travels, generators e.t.c. when these expenses and the money embezzled by ministers on kickbacks and frivolous, non-productive expenses are enough to pay the arrears of all pensioners in Nigeria for 10 years or more?

     

    Lately, the newspapers have carried the frustrating news and even wrote editorials that your government failed to pay December salaries to federal workers, thus denying them the opportunities of celebrating the New Year while ministers, special advisers, and their children and relatives consumed as much food as would have catered for millions of unpaid civil servants and other poor Nigerians at that festive period.

    Now, I think I can grant you a diminished responsibility on these wicked dealings. Those who should have helped you by getting you to do the right thing without delay are the Nigeria Labour Congress and the National Assembly, both who perpetually go to sleep while their neighbours, friends and compatriots – the pensioners – are being subjected to excruciating pains under the yoke of non-payment of pensions and arrears. I had once praised the Senate President when he, for the first time in history of pensioners’ travails, talked tough against the wicked treatment of pensioners, castigated and cursed pension officers who refused to pay pensioners their dues. It was at that time I raised the important issue of paying the arrears of pensions with interests, so that those fond of fixing pensioners’ fund would know that the accrued interests belong to the pensioners and not to the pension thieves.

    Sir, I shudder to imagine what the outside world would think about the extremely wicked treatment of pensioners by your government. My fears, which should be everybody’s fear, are the quantum of curses rained on those directly or remotely responsible for the deaths of thousands of pensioners in this country. It is generally believed that a justifiable curse by an aggrieved person on an individual, a family or a nation could take 20 to 40 years to reverse. How long would it take thousands of curses from aged pensioners, dead and alive, on a person, family or a nation in multiples of thousand curses by the genuinely aggrieved to be reversed? While the curses of the living pensioners could still be reversed if the pension thieves make proper atonements for their wicked deeds, those of the dead remain irreversible because there are no chances for atonements. This precisely might just be one of the remote, if not direct, causes of the intractable problems facing Nigeria and her government today, and which impotent atonements may or may not take away in a hurry.

    Please, Mr. President, what I do not understand is why any government worthy of that name and any government which swore to an oath to see to the welfare, good life and general happiness of its citizens should amass so much of the nation’s oil wealth to itself while it does not care a hoot about what happens to its citizens, especially its retired senior citizens who are dying daily from non-payment of their pensions and arrears. It is just as if the government under your leadership is enjoying it all, and perhaps saying that those pensioners that have survived penury so far should forever keep quiet or, if they like, jump into the lagoon or the Atlantic Ocean! But I believe in the truism: “Nobody knows what his/her future would be, and this future starts from the next moment”.

    In this country, pensioners are more sinned against than sinning. So, Mr. President, sir, please be aware of the saying of the oppressed: “God-dey”. On this religious note, I rest my case but strongly advise you to pay the pensions and arrears of all workers in Nigeria now, for the number of years owed them without delay.

    • Professor Makinde, FNAL is DG/CEO, Awolowo Centre for Philosophy, Ideology and Good Governance, State of Osun.

     

  • NAFDAC and Orhii’s second term

    The reappointment of Dr. Paul Orhii as Director General of NAFDAC on December 31, 2013 by President Goodluck Jonathan is God’s imprimatur, His endorsement of five years of hard work and uncommon innovative leadership by a man ready to give his all to Nigeria and humanity. This perhaps explains the futility of the orchestrated efforts by some individuals and groups to stop his second term.

    And the timing of the announcement, the last day of the year, a year of frenetic sentimentalism and untrammelled attempt by a powerful anti-Orhii coalition to pull him down, was a wonderful way by an administration to appreciate the helmsman of one of the nation’s most impactful institutions. It was one sure way by President Jonathan to put paid to the activities of the growing and unrelenting coalition. What a way to end a vicious campaign, and what a way to endorse an innovative leadership and a change agent in the all important health sector of the country.

    Leadership is a very challenging endeavour, but leading a very complex country like Nigeria has additional challenges. However, President Goodluck Jonathan has demonstrated in words and deeds that he has no time for frivolities, but rather committed to taking Nigeria to the next level. There is no doubt that Nigeria is a prosperous nation maximally endowed with distinct human and natural resources, and positioned by God to set the pace for other African countries to follow. This Divine commission has not been sure-footedly approached since independence in October 1, 1960 due to multifaceted of which leadership is key. However, indications are strong that we have in the incumbent President those sterling qualities that make a good leader. He has demonstrated his commitment to engraving undeletable landmark imprints on the nation’s sand of time.

    Through uncommon clear-headedness, sagacity and calculative mind, he has confronted the daunting challenges facing his administration and has remained on top of them. For a leader convinced of the genuineness of his actions and policies, he is able to assess those he has entrusted with positions of leadership in the various sub-systems of the nation.

    This is why his reappointment of the NAFDAC henchman, Orhii, has not come as a surprise to Nigerians and discerning members of the international community alike. Considering the time and resources put in by the anti-Orhii coalition, his second term endorsement marks the President out as a forthright leader. The Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria (PSN), the arrowhead of the undisguised coalition, advanced the most jejune argument using Section 9(2) of the NAFDAC Establishment Act, to attack the eligibility of Orhii, a medical doctor, pharmacologist and lawyer, for the position of NAFDAC director general. They claimed he is not a pharmacist!

    The truth of the matter is that for anybody to be appointed the DG of NAFDAC, he/she must possess a good knowledge of pharmacy, foods and drugs. With his reappointment, the anti-Orhii campaign died a natural death. And so, since January 14, the day of commencement of his second term, both the consolidation phase and a new one of fresh experimentation for enhanced performance has begun.

    Orhii posted unassailable records in his first term so much that he made waves outside the shores of Nigeria. The achievements of the agency were a reflection of the bigger transformation picture of the Jonathan presidency. The battle against influx of substandard regulated products into the country was reinvigorated and the local production of pharmaceutical products monitored and coordinated. In collaboration with Federal Ministry of Agriculture, NAFDAC established the new Food Safety and Applied Nutrition Directorate for effective regulation of food production activities in line with the President’s agriculture transformation and food security programme. This directorate is assisting the country to promote production and export of value-added agricultural products like cocoa, cashew and cassava.

    The Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point plan for food safety, leading to examination, monitoring, registration and certification of numerous food products as well as ensuring that caterers and bakers comply with the stipulated good hygienic practices of the agency, are worth mentioning. The agency gave the pure and bottled water production revolution in the country the necessary fillip through training, laboratory analysis, advisory inspections and consultative meetings with sector players. About 20, 000 water products were registered between 2009 and 2013.

    A must mention are the multi-million naira ultra modern state-of-the-art Regional Laboratory Complex in Agulu, Anambra State commissioned in 2010; the rehabilitation of the Kaduna Area Laboratory torched in 2004; the acquisition of a new multi-million naira building for Lagos administrative office; the refurbished and upgraded headquarters of the agency in Abuja and laboratories in Yaba, Oshodi and Maiduguri. Others include the design of a corporate portal that allows for in-house sharing of information; an internet enabled web-based portal, Automated Product Administration and Monitoring Solution (NAPAMS), which provides electronic platform for the management of the registration process/E-Registration; a Laboratory Information Management System to support quality laboratory procedure and data processes, and an E-Clearance Portal, which allows for online electronic clearance of goods at the ports.

    Above all, there is database to capture information on all NAFDAC-regulated products. All these happened under Orhii’s charge.

    Perhaps, using the law to fight drug fakers and adulterators remains one of the most impressive achievements of Dr. Paul Orhii. The most salutary judgment till date remains the conviction of two staff of Barewa Pharmaceutical Company Ltd, Lagos, Adeyemo Abiodun and Ebele Eromosele and the winding up order on the company given in May 2013 by a Lagos High Court.  The production, distribution, display, sale and application chain of the nation’s drug business was lifted by the introduction of ultra-modern regional drug markets tagged, Mega Drug Distribution Centres (MDDCs) and State Drug Distribution Centres (SDDCs). Their existence will effectively eliminate the unwieldiness in the nation’s supply and demand mix. So also is the soft loan package for local drug manufacturers championed by the agency.

    Orhii’s stewardship in NAFDAC has accorded Nigeria a distinct global reputation and status. Nigeria today is conferred with a pioneering status of deployment of cutting-edge technologies in combating NAFDAC regulated products counterfeiting.

    Now that he has won his reappointment battle as NAFDAC boss, there is no doubt that he will justify the confidence reposed in him by the President and Nigerians in this second phase of his stewardship. Nigerians expect the same level of dedication and commitment to healthcare of citizens. After all, it is said that to whom much is given, much is indeed expected.

    • Ikhilae, is a Lagos-based public affairs analyst

  • Jega and the burden of history

    The history of election and electoral bodies in Nigeria is one that is characterised by controversies. From the first election of December 12, 1959 to the Anambra election of November 15, 2013, Nigerians have not had it good with elections, as they have had to contend with series of woes and scary tales each time they attempt to choose their representatives in government. Elections in Nigeria have been particularly marred by all sorts of malpractices and colossal fraud that have made the people lose confidence in the process and the umpires. The first electoral body in Nigeria, the Electoral Commission of Nigeria (ECN), which conducted the December 12, 1959 general elections into local councils, regional and federal legislatures ended up with dismal performance. The election was supervised by Mr. R. E. Wraith. ECN was later replaced by the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) with Eyo Esua as its chairman. The Esua-led electoral body conducted the first post-independent general elections whose outcome threw the nation into crisis that partly led to the civil war of 1967-70.

    With the lifting of the ban on political activities on September 12, 1978, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), headed by Chief Michael Ani, was established to organize the 1979 general elections. The election was flawed in many ways resulting in the controversial ‘twelve two -third majority’ question. Justice Victor E. Ovie Whiskey who held sway as Chairman of FEDECO from 1980 to 1983, positioned FEDECO for failure by collaborating with the then ruling National Party of Nigeria, NPN, to massively rig the 1983 general elections and ended up declaring winner in the middle of the night, thus subsequently leaving the military with the alibi to take over government in December 31, 1983.

    Having found its way back into government, the military under the leadership of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (rtd.), appointed Prof. Eme Awa in 1987 to head the newly formed National Electoral Commission (NEC). But Awa’s NEC was only able to conduct the 1987 Local Government election after which he resigned his appointment. Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, who succeeded Awa in 1989 conducted the contentious June 12, 1993 general elections. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar who took over after the death of Abacha appointed Justice Ephraim Akpata to head the newly formed Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). This commission conducted the flawed elections that produced retired General Olusegun Obasanjo as President in 1999. With the death of Akpata in January 2000, Dr Abel Guobadia, was appointed by the Obasanjo government to conduct the heavily rigged 2003 general election that aided Obasanjo’s second tenure in office.

    The coming of Prof. Maurice Iwu in 2005, as the Chairman of INEC took election rigging in the country to another height and dimension. Iwu conducted the 2007 general elections in which the late President Umaru Yar’Adua emerged as president and the election has been adjudged as the worst in the history of electoral process in the country. Late President Umaru Yar-Adua, who was a beneficiary of the defective process, was to later concede that the election that produced him was marred by many irregularities. The judiciary later annulled the results of some of the elections. Iwu is, indeed, reputed to have broken records for electoral fraud and manipulation in the country. The ignoble Ido-Osi saga is still fresh in the memory of Nigerians.

    Then, came Professor Attahiru Jega, a renowned radical lecturer with populist antecedent. Jega was appointed by President Jonathan in June 2010 to head INEC. His first outing in the 2011 general elections, though relatively successful, was marred by late arrival of electoral personnel and materials to voting centres, faulty voters’ register, hi-tech rigging and numerous other logistic problems. If Jega’s outing in 2011 was considered a relative success, his subsequent outings in Ondo, Delta, Anambra and other places were monumental disasters. One identified challenge that has become a recurring decimal in the Jega-led INEC is logistic problem. In its outings so far, INEC has shown dexterity in deliberately making shoddy preparation for elections. It has won elections for its masters through voter depopulation and inadequate arrangements for the transportation of sensitive election materials to polling stations and to collation centres. Result sheets disappeared and re-appeared in different forms at collation centres while corrupt party agents simply sold unused ballot papers to the highest bidder.

    Incompetence and gross acts of misconduct that have been demonstrated over the years by the various electoral umpires and their members have resulted into colossal losses to the nation. For one, it provided the military with the perfect excuse to intervene in governance in the country the outcome of which the country is yet to get over from. The country still contends with the outcome of the misrule of military rulers such as OBJ, IBB, Abacha and their likes. Second, numerous lives and property have been lost to the electoral process in the country. The immediate post-independent crisis that engulfed the country was an outcome of biased electoral conducts. The famous ‘wild wild west’ crisis of the 60’s, which claimed many lives and property, was a response to electoral frauds.

    In 1983, the nation was thrown into needless crisis because of electoral manipulations perpetrated by electoral officials in partnership with other individuals and groups. In places like the old Kano, Anambra, Plateau, Oyo, Ondo, Bendel and others where the electoral process was shamelessly compromised, hell was let loose ensuing into sorrow, tears and blood. Many homes in places like Akure, Modakeke, and a host of others are yet to get over the ripple effects of the aftermath of the electoral misadventure of 1983. The crisis that rocked the nation due to the annulment of the June 12, 1993, election still lingers in our collective memory. Perhaps more importantly, the billions of naira spent by aggrieved candidates and parties to engage in post election judicial process could be spent on other things that would better the lots of the people and the country; while the judiciary could also be spared the stress and embarrassment of election petitions.

    It is with a view to avoiding pitfalls of the past that could throw the nation into avoidable turmoil that one would like to admonish Jega and his men to tread the path of caution as they prepare for elections in Ekiti and Osun States this year and the general elections in 2015. If what happened in Anambra is allowed to be replicated in the coming elections, Jega and his men would not be able to prevent the wrath of the people. Having identified logistic issue as its greatest challenge, Jega and his men need to urgently map out strategies that would ensure that electoral personnel and voting materials arrive various polling centres on time. One does not need to be a professor to ensure that this is done. All it takes is proper planning and sincerity of purpose. As it was the case in Anambra, where voting materials were deliberately delayed in the strongholds of certain political parties, Jega should identify and deal with the Judases among his men who join forces with questionable individuals and groups to thwart the electoral process.

    Undoubtedly, the successful conduct, or otherwise, of the upcoming elections would either make or mar the country. Jega and his men would be remembered either for good or for bad depending on the path they chose to pursue in the coming months. One thing that is, however, sure is that we cannot afford to mess things up this time around. Now is the time for Jega, his men and everyone of us to put on our thinking caps so that Nigeria will not fall into avoidable turmoil again. God bless Nigeria!

     

    • Ibirogba is Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy

     

  • 2015: Intrigues and battle for soul of Akwa Ibom

    2015: Intrigues and battle for soul of Akwa Ibom

    These are indeed interesting times as far as the struggle for and control of the oil rich Akwa Ibom State is concerned. It may be safe to say that, unlike many other states, the competition for political power and offices in 2015 may have begun shortly before the 2011 elections or immediately after the elections of 2011.

    Many remember that even before the choice of candidates in the 2011 gubernatorial elections were announced, it was already public knowledge that the then deputy governor, Mr Patrick Ekpo Otu, had been singled out as the man to be dropped from the Akpabio ticket. In a town where rumours are as rife as air, those who took the kite as just a kite, where soon to learn that this was no joke. For reasons perhaps only clear to Akpabio and his kitchen cabinet, Ekpo Otu was sacrificed. Nsima Ekere, the man who replaced him as deputy governorship candidate had already begun duties even before the first ballot in the General elections was in. again, the rumor mill then had intimated that Ekere, an indigene of Ikot Abasi, in the Eket Senatorial zone, was poised to take over from Akpabio, come 2015. The idea was that Ekere who had contested the 2007 PDP gubernatorial primaries with Akpabio, had entered into an agreement of sorts immediately after a good show at the then primaries. But whether or not he did, the rumors gained strength, seeing that Ekere, before his nomination to the ticket, had been in charge of the major investment parastatal of the state that reported directly to the governor. Add that to his then visible closeness to Akpabio, and what you got was a potent, believable gossip.

    But there was a snag. It is not immediately known when the then, Secretary to Government, Umana Okon Umana became interested in the plum office, but many are wont to posit, that the man may have so decided, immediately on appointment as the Secretary to Government. Often described as one of the most, if not the most powerful SSG to patrol the corridors, the view that Umana started nursing his ambition so early on, was easily gleamed from the way and manner he positioned his loyalists all over strategic offices and even the legislature from the word go. It was an open secret then that the fear of Umana was the beginning of wisdom. He had a say in what became of whom and who became what, from Local council chairmen, councilors or what have you. Even when Ekere came on board and the rumors of his succeeding Akpabio became rife, many were at a loss on what would become of this powerful servant of state.

    But they did not have to wait long as Ekere was in a short while shown the red card. Even though the issue of who removed Ekere or through what instrumentation or person, Ekere was forced out, remain in contention till today, the fact remains that Ekere was forced to resign his appointment. Even though media reports have it that Akpabio owes Ekere’s ouster to pressure from Umana, we must maintain that Akpabio forced Ekere out, for to do otherwise would be massaging Umana’s ego, while reprimanding the governor for not taking responsibility for actions in his time, good or bad. But with Ekere’s ouster from government, the fame and near supernatural political powers of Umana was accentuated. At that point it became political suicide not to bow to and join the Umana bandwagon. What better proof would one need to understand where the power pendulum swings?

    But then things happened in supersonic speed. Umana the powerful was soon bitten by the tiger. No matter what his supporters would have us believe, umana’s travail was much more than a public deflation of a myth. It represented the best example of the ephemeral nature and transient attributes of power.

    Not long, indeed immediately post Umana, the mills now have it that the new Secretary to government, Emmanuel Udom, a trained and highly respected banker, has been anointed by Akpabio for the 2015 polls.

    Please pardon the long treatise above. It is in my opinion, a necessary background to understanding the politics of 2015 gubernatorial race in Akwa Ibom state.

    The background notwithstanding, it bears mention that Akpabio soon went home and abroad to canvass for and support the zoning of the governorship to Eket Senatorial district. It is also instructive to state that Udom, the present Secretary to government and Ekere, the former deputy governor are from this zone. Umana is from the Uyo senatorial zone, which had held office in the time of Obong Victor Attah. By zoning the office to Eket Senatorial zone, Uyo and Ikot Ekpene are effectively shut out. Even though the Oron ethnic group resides in Eket zone, they feel shortchanged and hold that Akpabio should have in zoning the office to Eket, allowed for the Oron nation, as they prefer to be called to have a right of first refusal. Her position is borne of the fact that Akwa Ibom is made of three major ethnic groups, the Ibibios, Annangs and the Oro peoples. Since the other two ethnic groups have tasted power, the Orons has not. That zoning to Eket zone without a caveat that favors the Orons is a ruse to play them out, seeing that in the zone they suffer a surfeit of numbers alongside the Ibibios who are predominant in the area.

    The above captures the situation on ground today. Without much ado, the opposition, for want of a better name had long begun a massive assault on the minds of the people. The agent of attack is bulk messages, paid advertisements, and syndicated interviews and columnists. This strategy proceeds from an understanding that since it may not be possible, even though not impossible to snatch the PDP ticket from those in control of the mainstream PDP in the state, an assault on the mindset of the larger electorate from now till the general elections may create sufficient disgust, anger and revolt within the electorate, enough to transform into voter sympathy in the general election. The belief being that they may very well start preparing to contest on the ticket on the next viable political party.

    So bulk messages of different groups are now the order of the day in Akwa Ibom. The underlying motive as evidenced in a content analysis would show that these messages are thematically preoccupied with casting aspersions on Akpabio or abusing Udom. The strategy is to make Akpabio, Udom’s baggage should udom pick the PDP ticket. If Akpabio is tarred then his candidate is so condemned the campaign seems to maintain. So attacking Akpabio on the issue of zoning, while also attacking Udom’s suitability and near zero political experience has become the order of bulk short messages. It has become so prevalent that at various times, Akpabio had come out to tell the people to discard messages that seem to destroy rather than build.

    At the centre of the intrigues is also the strategy of attacking and or stimulating the consciousness of the Oron people. As it is, the next phase of the campaign has begun, with special interviews and columnist. Hear Bar. Victor Iyanam, an oron son and past commissioner for Justice, in interview of the Nation on Sunday, last week ; “The clamor that governorship should be zoned to Eket Senatorial district now is suspicious. Now, let me tell you how it is today. My father before me was part of an arrangement which ought to have been followed till now. We used to have an arrangement of the Ibibio, Annang and Oron. Nobody ever discussed senatorial district. The discussion was always about tripod. The tripod of Ibibio, annang and oron…”

    In the same interview under discussion, Iyanam goes on to say;”I am looking at all the candidates. Since I am an oro person, I feel that in the circumstance, my people will be better served by a candidate from uyo senatorial district. I am looking at possibilities and I hope that we can manage to persuade former SSG, umana Umana to enter the race. There are so many politicians in history, including Shehu Shagari and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, they were all persuaded to participate. We hope we can persuade somebody like Umana Umana to show interest and actually contest in the election. I think such a person will be better for oro nation”

    Let us examine Iyanams words above before returning to the issue of bulk sms on Akpabio and Udom. Iyanam conveniently forgets to mention the fact that it is not only oro that has a distinct language or dialect within the Eket Senatorial district. There is also the Ekid speaking people, who like oro have the attributes and nuances of a nation. They are commonly referred to as Ibibios, as indeed all other ethnic groups, including the annangs and oros in times gone. Going by the 2006 cencus igures the oros had a population figure of 87,461 people, including 46,408 males and 41, 053 females. The Ekid nation had a population figure of 63,701, including 33,942 males and 29,759 females. So quite clearly, any talk of tripod, must also take into consideration the Ekid speaking people. This people, like the oro people speak a dialect distinct from Ibibio. The oro nation also exists in Bakkassi local government area of Cross River State. Should it not also agitate for spoils in Cross River State?

    It is my submission that the Oron people should beware of people like Iyanam. His stand on the issue of senatorial district is less than ingenious. It is noteworthy to mention here that Iyanam’s younger brother, the celebrated trail blazer in telecoms marketing, Okon Iyanam has since declared and begun consultations state wide on his ambition to take over from Akpabio. Instead of supporting his brother or indeed instigating state wide appeal for any oro son worthy to throw his hat in the ring, Iyanam is busy sowing seeds of discord a. At a time when Oron people should be networking and negotiating for the plum job, jobbers like Iyanam are busy suggesting people from other districts that he believes would better serve Oron. It is confounding that he would pretend to attempt to persuade Umana to contest.

    True Oron sons should know better than Iyanam. He should equate his thesis to the real demands of the Oron people. If Oron people want to rule they should come out and show the people the stuff they are made off. The likes of Iyanam only understand the promise of deputy governorship. That may very well be the reason his blood brother and other Oron sons can go to hell. So much for my people!

    For Akpabio, if indeed he has anointed Udom to succeed him, he has the not so enviable task of explaining to the people, why men and women that he worked closely with do not qualify to succeed him. There may be things he knows that we are not privy to. He should share. Many would remember that at the twilight of his tenure, then Lagos state governor, Bola Tinubu opted to throw up his then Chief of Staff, Babatunde Fashola as his successor against Tokumbo Afikuyomi, whom many had expected to stroll into office on account of his closeness to Tinubu. Tinubu, knowing the character and make-up of government that would surpass his, opted for a Fashola with no known political experience. Afikuyomi opted to contest on another platform and the rest like they say is history. Akpabio should tell us if Udom is the Fashola of Akwa Ibom state come 2015. But beyond that, the battle for control of power should transcend money politics and politics of division. The question, very pertinent question is; what type of and character of governance does akwa Ibom State need, going forward?

     

    * Umoette, a political commentator wrote from Uyo, Akwa Ibom State.

     

  • Exit of PDP’s undertaker

    At last, the intrigues surrounding the resignation and subsequent denials of Alhaji Bamaga Tukur as the National Chairman of People’s Democratic Party has been laid to rest with the announcement by the President Goodluck Jonathan who also doubles as the Party’s Leader during PDP’s National Executive Council (NEC) meeting.

    Tukur’s tenure was rather turbulent for the party. His tenure, due to his iron-fist style of administration led to the factionlization of the party with its attendant defections of 5 Governors and 37 Members of the House of Representatives to the major opposition party- All Progressive for Change (APC). About 20 Senators from the ruling party may also be on their way to join the APC in a matter of days, all things been equal.

    Despite the dwindling fortunes of his party, Alhaji Tukur continued to hold on to power on the premise that he was serving as the main backbone to Mr. President in view of President Jonathan’s perceived interest to run in the forth coming General Elections.

    It was unfortunate that President Jonathan himself could not read between the lines that the continued stay of Tukur in the office is inimical not only to the party’s interest but to his own interests too as the Party leader. It was when the embattled former Chairman was about to take his own party to court to challenge his impending removal that it became clear to the Presidency that Tukur was actually fighting to stay-on because of his own vested interest and not because of any party’s interest or President Jonathan’s interest ahead of 2015.

    May be his perceived closeness to the First Lady Mrs. Patience Jonathan also helped him to put the wool on the President’s eyes which has made Tukur to shield his real identity all these while from the President. Luckily enough, other party leaders were able to read Alhaji Bamaga Tukur’s game plan and that was why they pushed for his removal. If the embattled former National chairman has stayed till the end of this month, may be he would have driven the last nail to his party’s coffin and become its undertaker.

    In our own opinion, at the onset of the PDP’s factionalization that led to the emergence of the defunct New PDP led by Alhaji Baraje, Tukur should have been prevailed upon to either step down or step aside to allow room for proper harmonization and healing of wounds within the party. And now that the then New PDP has merged with the APC, only time can tell whether the defectors can still retrace their steps back to the ruling party’s fold again. Tukurs’s maladministration characterized by his headmaster’s style of administration may have done irreparable damages to his own party that is reputed to be the largest party in Africa.

    It may be recalled that Alhaji Bamaga Tukur’s candidacy was opposed by members of the party from the North Eastern zone of the country where he hails from.In other words, his candidacy was practically forced down on the party by the Presidency against the party’s consensus candidate. Tukur’s people might have known him much better than the Presidency. This may be a great lesson to the PDP and the Presidency in particular should learn and ensure that they do not repeat the same mistake again while shopping for Alhaji Tukur’s replacement. Maybe the party can still recover some of its lost fortunes and setbacks. There is no doubt that Tukur’s actions or inactions while in office have succeeded in digging the grave for the party’s burial except a Rapid Response Team/ Strategy is put in place to revive the party that is almost going into coma. Even Mr. President political base has been eroded overtly or covertly.

     

    Gbemiga Olakunle (J.P)

    General Secretary, National Prayer Movement

    gbemigaolakunle@yahoo.co.uk

  • Amalgamation: When will Lugard rest in peace?

    Amalgamation: When will Lugard rest in peace?

    Amalgamation was a contingency of history. Nigeria was, and still is, a contraption of the incompatibles. Frederick Lugard was the lord of the confusion. The likes of Prof. Richard Olaniyan and Dr. Kayode Fayemi who are theorizing on amalgamation and the national question, are constructionists engineering a change that may appear complex.

    Aside from his major crime-converging or amalgamating ‘the strange assorted’ into the Nigerian state, Lord Lugard’s other offence was to commit a historical sin, the kind of sin that will be difficult to forgive and forget. Nay, his sin was to fall into the trap of history and historians whose major preoccupation is the persecution and over-reporting of historical offenders. Men of evil and errors like Hitler and Lugard can hardly rest in peace because historians like Profs Olaniyan and Akin Alao will keep reminding them in their graves, of their past evil and blunders. What blunder did Lord Lugard commit? Let’s hear Olaniyan and Alao in their re-packaged book: The Amalgamation and Its Enemies: “As the first governor of Northern protectorate of Nigeria, Sir Frederick Lugard failed in the development of the economic potentials of the North. He became too excited, fascinated and obsessed with the means (indirect rule and power) at the expense of the end (an economically viable Northern Nigeria). When he therefore proposed the amalgamation of the two protectorates, he probably wanted to conceal his failure and inadequacies…”

    Olaniyan and Alao’s imperial judgement must have been influenced by what Antrobus wrote about Lugard: “Sir F. Lugard has many good qualities. He has plenty of goals, he is full of ideas and he is not afraid of taking responsibility. But he is not a prudent or farseeing administrator, his schemes are not well thought out and he has more than once involved us in heavier expenditure than contemplated.”

    I know that the historian’s main responsibility is to commence his investigation from reasons for an action and causes of an event, I submit humbly that Olaniyan’s generalist approach to the Lugardian blunder was conceptually inappropriate. Accusing a man, a dead man for that matter, of covering up his “failure and inadequacies” with an idea he thought was in the best interest of his colonial office, and the people of Nigeria, without taking into cognizance some “vast impersonal forces” that might have compelled his action, was incorrect.

    This is why I am inclined to agree with Prof. Segun Gbadegesin’s argument when he wrote that “there are three possible approaches to the evaluation of the act of amalgamation.” He submits: “First, it is not self-contradictory for one person to hold both verdicts. One may renounce the act of colonization and amalgamation as a morally reprehensible deed because it violates the principle of justice. On the other hand, one may look at the outcome of the amalgamation in terms of the overall good it supposedly produces, from a utilitarian perspective, and consider it an act of GOD.”

    Second, one may see amalgamation as well as its outcome as an act of GOD. From a fatalistic point of view (what will be will be), if GOD did not want it, Lugard and his British constabulary would not overpower the forces of resistance in the north and south. Whatever GOD allows to happen is good, no matter our human understanding. Therefore, the amalgamation was not only an act of GOD, it was also good. This is the spirit of theodicy. But it may also be argued that the outcome of the amalgamation was good for the peoples of the north and south. And since GOD is the author of whatever is good, it was an act of GOD.

    This is his third approach. One may see first, the amalgamation in itself as a morally heinous deed for the reason stated above, and second, its consequences for the people of the north and the south as terribly bad. In this case, the motivation for and the outcome of amalgamation is morally obnoxious, whatever small mercies proceed therefrom.

    I maintain that the issue of amalgamation transcends what history alone can explain except it is willing to extend the frontiers of its search and discourse to the philosophical realm. Agreed Lugard was the actor of the amalgamation and should be made to carry the responsibility of its “unworkability”, what role do we assign the “vast impersonal forces” that possibly influenced Lugard’s action? It must be understood that important as the role of the great man is in the historical process, this role is just one of the several factors facilitating historical process. And any attempt to interprete the historical process exclusively on the basis of the declared motives or intentions of the principal historical actors or on the basis of options made by these actors, or from the actors, deriving from these actions, is doomed to futility.

    Again, Lugard is morally permitted to justify or defend his action by blaming it on “determinism” which imposes limitations on man and his actions. If we assume, rightly or wrongly, that actors’ choices and therefore, actions, are pre-determined and therefore such actors are exonerated from their actions, why do we still haunt Lugard in his grave for a mistake that was “pre-determined”? Trying to look at determinism and other possibilities that compelled Lugard’s action is not to automatically exclude him, as a historical actor, from the consequences of his action, but to explain that, with determinism, events that happened as they have happened could not have happened differently unless something in the cause or causes have also been different. This is why some writers believe that amalgamation was a contingency of history that has placed a moral and patriotic burden on us all in ensuring that we do not negate it. The challenge we have as a nation and as a people, is to accept our present predicament as a condition deserving of a clinical resolution.

    The discourse on national question which is one of the burdens imposed on us by amalgamation is one way of creating the energy and mental capacity for an enduring resolution. The beautiful thing about Olaniyan’s book is that it attempts a comprehensive recording of the debate on national question, capturing both the sensible and the ridiculous, with a view to reflecting the totality of the arguments from north to south. This forms the concluding chapter of this must-have book which contains a heavy dose of intellectual capsules.

    If Olaniyan’s narratives and investigation of amalgamation are tangentially theoretical, Kayode Fayemi’s treatment of the National Question in his book, Regaining the Legacy, is understandably technical. Exhibiting his expertise in theoretical constructs, Fayemi called for a collective reflection on the future of the nation and how we can evolve the institutional mechanisms to manage our diversity and difference. He posits: “Since the dawn of independence, Nigeria has been driven by numerous dissensions and crises that have exacerbated the fault-lines of our plural, multi-ethnic society where diverse groups were yoked together by our erstwhile colonial warlords, the British, for their own administrative and pecuniary interests.”

    This is the big difference between the historian and the political scientist. While Olaniyan was talking about “Lugard’s failure and inadequacies” and how the mistake was made, Fayemi was talking about “reflecting on the future”. But Fayemi’s reflection on the future was made easy because the historian, Olaniyan, was able to provide him the “historical cause(s)” for our diversity and difference. To reinforce this, Fayemi explains: “…the status of the National Question and which troubles the national consciousness is traceable to the structural deficits and imbalances evolving from the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates of Nigeria to from a unified colony by colonial Governor-general, Lord Lugard in 1914.”

    Another historian Prof. Siyan Oyeweso, the ubiquitous intellectual of histo-politico vocation, is contemplating using his birthday to do a “reflection” on the illusions and the realities of the amalgamation. The intervention, which is his own contribution to nation-building, is to generate additional materials for the literature on amalgamation and raise the bar of national discourse especially on the national question.

    Oyeweso’s intervention captivates me for certain reasons. First, it will be stimulating to know the interpretive context in which “illusions” and “realities” will be enclosured. Is the discourse going to adopt a traditional approach to interpreting illusion as “a historical mishap or a failed vision,” in which case, Lord Lugard will be persecuted as usual? Or is it going to look at “illusion” as a philosophical concept which becomes paralysed after a head-on collision with geographical and political realities? Then what are these realities? Fayemi attempts a political description: “These imbalances have deepened and become entrenched to the point of enabling certain groups within the emergent state to persistently thrive and hoard benefits to the exclusion of others from what ought to be a national communion. This has transpired, even when the privileged groups did not necessarily possess the material base or the merit to justify the privileged advantage.”

    I have deliberately labeled Fayemi’s description “political” because his articulation of “realities” seems at variance with another reality; which is that the phrase “certain groups” contains some ambiguities. Is he talking about the political class and its subsidiaries or is he talking about ethnic nationalities and their militias or is he talking about the social stratification whereby the decadent discontents feel excluded from the nation’s Commonwealth by the privileged groups? Whatever it is, the reality of our political situation is that every group, every ethnic nationality and every social group can justify abandonment, exclusion, marginalization and neglect. The way our political system is structured provides justification for perpetual complaint, acrimony and agitation. This position is also supported by Fayemi when he attributes the reasons for the national question to the “faulty political architecture of the country passed down from colonial rule and deepened by a self-serving and rapacious postcolonial elite, which not only privatized the state for personal gains, perpetrated bad governance and played up divisions to sustain its base, but promoted an authoritarian ethos that enabled poverty, violence and crime.”

    I am not too sure if this paper was written before or after Fayemi had regained the ‘Ekiti’ legacy, but I want to believe that now that he too has joined the league of “postcolonial elite” or “postcolonial ruling class”, he may have a rethink on this statement which looks more like an indictment of the elite and the ruling class which he belongs.

    Though Prof. Olaniyan has never held any political office nor has he ever been the governor of any State like Fayemi, this does not exclude him from sharing in the blame for the failure of the elite to rectify “the mistake of 1914”. I agree that he is playing his role in nation-building by his active participation in the development of the human mind as a university teacher and judging by the quality of books he churns out. But he may reduce the level of his frustration about the nonchalance of the political class to nation-building if he considers active political involvement especially in the backroom where he can operationalise what he has been theorizing. The political space no longer condones intellectual enterprise that lacks palpable practicality.

    My final appeal to our egg-heads is that in the course of showing ourselves as thorough professionals, we must refrain from judgements that tend to excoriate the dead, for the simple reason that they are handicapped by eternal silence which prevents them from justifying their actions or explaining their inaction. The advantage the living have over the dead should not be abused to the point of “flogging a dead man” who has no right of reply. Nothing could be more wicked than this. As a historian myself, I know history deals with the past actions of historical actors but must we lose our sense of decency and morality because we want to report the past? We can avoid judgements in reporting the past especially when there is no evidence to vilify the dead. Unlike Hitler whose actions led to the deaths of millions of people, Lugard was a man whose “mistake” led to the birth of a great nation with potential for global prominence. The elite, or the political class, should be held responsible for failing to rectify this “mistake” because it was, and still is, convenient for them to keep exploiting it to achieve both political and economic expediency.

    Nigerians should allow Lugard to rest in peace. The mistake he made was rectifiable and correctable. If our leaders lack the political will to correct “the mistake of 1914” we the people can force them to come up with “the correction of 2014” if we are not comfortable co-existing together as a nation and as a people. This can be the national answer to the national question. Why keep blaming the dead for what the living can correct?

  • The gutless eunuch and the lion king

    The gutless eunuch and the lion king

    On 26th September 2011 in an article titled ‘’On Goodluck Jonathan, David and Goliath’’ I wrote the following.

    ‘’A few days ago President Jonathan proclaimed as follows- ‘I am not David, I am not a general, I am not a lion- I will defeat the Goliaths in our land’. These are deep and instructive words yet I do wonder whether Mr. President understands the spiritual and practical implications of what he is saying.

    I say this because if he says that he is not a David how can he then possibly slay the Goliaths in the land? If he says that he is not a general how can he be an effective Commander-in-Chief who commands the respect and confidence of his army and his officers? If he says that he is not a lion how can he overwhelm the animals in our jungle that seek to destroy and ravage our land?

    Every king worth his salt must have the spirit of the lion and the warrior in him to a certain extent. It is a fundamental pre-qualification for good quality and inspirational leadership and that is what distinguishes the pretender and the usurper from a real king. May the spirit and weakness of the biblical King Ahab not be our President’s portion even though his words seem to have ensnared him. History proves that weak kings and weak leaders always end up pulling down and destroying their own empires and kingdoms simply because they are incapable of providing strong and decisive leadership. Always remember, whether you are a king or a subject, that courage is the greatest of all the virtues. This is wisdom. Would someone please tell our President?

    With the attempted murder of the father of Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso and the cold blooded slaughter of a handful of people who were with him in Kano on January 7 2014 by a group of unknown assassins, the killing of nine people in Borno State by Boko Haram insurgents on January 8, the shooting and hacking to death of 30 villagers and the burning of 40 houses by Fulani gunmen in Shonong village, Plateau State on January 6, the killing of 91 children by Boko Haram in Damaturu a few months ago, the slaughter of 200 Nigerian troops by Boko Haram in Borno State a few weeks back, the massacre of 41 school children in Borno State by Boko Haram four months ago, the burning to the ground of 53 churches in Borno State by Boko Haram in 2013, the mass murder of no less than 7,000 thousand Nigerians by Boko Haram in the last 3 years, the burning to the ground of an army barracks with its attendant slaughter of the family members of army officers and military personnel in Bama in December and the raging war that is going on in the north-eastern part of our country between Boko Haram and our military today those words and that counsel that was offered two years ago seem even more relevant today than they were even then.

    I believe that the carnage that we are witnessing in our country today has come as a direct result of the manifestation of weakness at the top. When a President tells the world that Boko Haram are his ‘’siblings’’ whom he ‘’cannot move against’’, as he did early last year, he is asking for trouble. When a President keeps offering Boko Haram amnesty even when they kept rejecting it and whilst they were murdering his people, as he has been doing for the last three years, he is asking for trouble. When a President installs and supports a party National Chairman, by the name of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, who describes Boko Haram as “freedom fighters”, as he did sometime last year, he is asking for trouble.

    When a President announces to the world that he is “not a lion or a David”, as he did approximately two years ago, no one should be surprised when his people are killed like flies before his very eyes. May God bring us a real leader who can save our nation and may He take away this one who feels no pain and has no empathy when Nigerian blood, nay even the blood of innocent children, is shed with impunity. Under the tenure of our “lamb” President, more innocent Nigerians have been slaughtered by terrorists than at any other time in the history of our country, except during the civil war.

    What a mess and what a record. I continue to ponder about one thing though- would the President have been so unperturbed and detached from the whole thing if the children who were killed in their school just a few weeks ago had been from his Niger Delta area. It appears to me that simply because those kids were northerners this President just “doesn’t give a damn”. What a tragedy. Whether Christian or Muslim, northern or southern these are only children and they are NIGERIAN children each of whom is entitled to the full protection of the Nigerian state. I have said it before and I shall say it again, Nigeria has become an abattoir of human flesh and blood under the tenure of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and all those who support him should bury their heads in shame. The blood of all those innocent people is on his hands because he swore to an oath before God and the Nigerian people to protect them from such evil.

    Permit me to make a painful observation here. I was thoroughly appalled about the fact that when our President was asked about the latest round of killings during his live “Presidential Media Chat” programme a few weeks back he not only told a lie to the world by claiming that only “21 or 22 students were killed” at a time when the BBC and CNN had confirmed that at least 45 bodies had been found (almost 100 were to be discovered later) but he also failed to express his condolences to the families of those who had lost their loved ones. He made the same omission when he failed to commiserate with or express his condolences to the families of the 200 soldiers who were killed in Borno State a few weeks back whilst fighting Boko Haram simply because they ran out of bullets during the course of the battle.

    The question must be asked – does our President really care? Does he have what it takes to fight a war against terror or is there more to this than meets the eye? Is there a sinister and diabolical conspiracy and plan to ensure that elections do not hold in parts of the north-east in 2015 given the fact that those areas are very hostile to the suggestion that Jonathan should return to power that year? Is this whole thing planned and contrived or is it a case of chronic incompetence, ineptitude and weakness? Does Jonathan believe that it is in his interest for the North to burn and for northern blood to be spilt? Is the mindset of those who are pulling the strings of the view that since the problem has been (to use the President’s own words in his last media chat) “localised” and “contained in a certain area” the government can sit back and watch the locals slaughter themselves whilst they continue to drink champagne in the Villa? If that is the case has it not occurred to them that their fellow Nigerians live in those areas where the problem has supposedly been “localised” and is the blood of those fellow Nigerians not red as well? Are they less Nigerian because of where they were born and who they are? Are the people that live in the villages and countryside not as important as those who live in the towns and cities?

    Whatever is really going on God sees all and anything that is not of Him will surely fail. If it is nothing but weakness and incompetence that has resulted in this unprecedented carnage the President will answer before God for violating his solemn oath to protect the Nigerian people from enemies within and from enemies without. If it is a conspiracy to encourage and create turmoil and chaos in the North just to ensure that they are excluded from voting in 2015, both Jonathan himself and Nigeria as a whole will reap the consequences. It is worth noting that that is precisely what happened in Mali in the elections that took place before the North was taken over by the Islamists and it led to a full scale civil war.

    The fact of the matter is that Nigeria is in dire need of a real “Asiwaju” to lead her. She needs a man with the spirit of the “Jagaban”- a “last man standing” who has an iron will. She needs an “Ebora” who never retreats and a “Balogun” who knows no fear. Sadly, we do not have that today. Instead what we have is what the Yoruba describe as an “olori oko tio lepon”. Roughly translated that means “a President without balls”. May God take the leadership of this nation away from the gutless eunuch and give it to a lion king.

  • 2015: Hurdles before Lagos PDP

    Ahead of the 2015 general elections in Lagos State, there is a particular interest among adherents of the Peoples Democratic Party regarding the possible scenarios that could play out which could either lead to the formation of the state government at Alausa or go down as a perennial loser. In other words, it is a make or mar election. And the burning desire of members is to make history by winning the state for the first time in this Fourth Republic.

    From inception in 1999, except for the remarkable election of 2003 where the late Engr. Funso Williams proved to be a formidable politician and a grassroots mobiliser, the party has repeatedly lost vital elections to the ruling All Progressives Congress, then known as Action Congress. In recent times, though, there are indications that the PDP could actually give the APC a good run for their money. The last local government elections are pointers to this assertion.

    Yet, the situation in a general election involving the governorship may not be that so easy on account of the ruling party’s long stay in power and the attendant influence on the major indices of electoral advantage.

    From this standpoint, it becomes a major issue for the Peoples Democratic Party to look inwards and make judicious amends as the race for the 2015 elections begins in earnest.

    The starting point though would have to be a holistic reconciliation of the various facets of the party from the state leadership to the local government and the wards, ensuring that the party goes into the next election as a unified body. It is noted that the usual disagreement over choice of candidates especially for the governorship ticket and the resultant effect on apathy and indeed members working against their own party at elections must be well addressed ahead of time.

    Of course, the tendency to allow so many aspirants dissipate energy and vital resources in conducting primaries must not be encouraged ahead of the 2015 election if the PDP must make any appreciable impact. Every succeeding primary elections had created more troubles for the party which had also resulted in fractured house, with the losers who may have thought they were cheated or not given a fair treatment embracing a “siddon look” attitude and never given the party’s flag-bearer the needed support and this usually led to failure at the elections. This recurring decimal must stop and the way to go this time is to let all stakeholders embrace a consensus candidate.

    This is a major hurdle which should be carefully resolved through give- and- take since the whole objective is a collective approach to win at least for the first time in a period spanning 16 years in political wilderness. Then there is the tactical selection of the candidate which must also be done in such a way as to destroy every political calculation that could give the ruling party any political advantage. As a matter of realistic political strategy, PDP must also pick its governorship candidate from where APC picks its own candidate but the party should allow the ruling party make the first commitment. With the current Speaker of the Lagos House of Assembly, Hon. Adeyemi Ikuforiji from Lagos East angling to run for governor, the PDP should have it as Plan A or B that their own candidate could possibly emerge from the same zone. His position in the government as well as those of others from the area including Dapo Ambode and Leke Pitan, Senator Gbenga Ashafa, as reported in the media and for obvious reasons may tilt the selection towards Lagos East should be instructive to the PDP leadership that their strategic thinking and effective counter-punches against the APC is key in this all- important election. Similar focus should also be on other prominent names being touted in the media from other zones for effect. Here we have the likes of Senator Ganiyu Solomon, Ariyo Gbeleyi, Olasupo Sasore, Tokunbo Abiru, Femi Hamzat, Adeola Ipaye, Waheed Enitan, Tunde Faula, Muiz Banire and others who may yet indicate interest. What we cannot overlook here is the strategic role of APC leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and the incumbent, Governor Fashola, in who eventually emerges which should also be of interest to our leaders. It should be a collective action with the sole aim of “how can we win in 2015 by thwarting every move and political advantage of the APC?” It shouldn’t be a sectional affair like before but a united front to make history. Arguably, the APC has always had superior tactical approaches to elections since 1999 and why the PDP must be ready to match or surpass them this time.

    Yet, success in the 2015 election will necessarily go beyond the above hurdles as important as they are. Aside from proper resolution of internal schism and a viable consensus candidate from the “right” and politically correct district from the state, the party will also have to contend with financing of the elections. Retaining the state is very dear to the ruling party and will fund the election so massively as they have ever did, which would make it the more tasking for the opposition trying to snatch victory from them. So PDP must start right now to gather all their brains together and strategize on financial viability for a possible redemption. Besides this is the urgent need to burnish the image of the party as a vibrant one ready to take power from the ruling party for renewal. The current image of the party should be transformed from that of an overwhelmed entity with a record of perennial electoral misfortune and an appendage of a crisis-prone federal government to one with fresh offers to serve the public good.

     

    • Chief Balogun is a chieftain of the PDP.

  • Aregbesola: Taking governance to next level

    We are in deep trouble, can’t you see?” the weather-beaten fellow whispered to his mate.”

    “But how?” whispered back his mate.

    “How do you tackle a man who is so determined, so driven? They say he hardly sleeps. That once his mind locks on an idea that can help the masses, he gets so excited and can’t sleep until he gets it done.

    “Really? Maybe he’s not a true politician?”

    “Yeah! That’s the trouble. Such men spoil the business of politics for us. They open the eyes of the people to what can be done, what is achievable.”

    His mate stood, head drooping, “What manner of calamity is this one? That won’t allow us to chop?

    The two fellows were huddled under a weather-beaten umbrella. A rainstorm was afoot and the tattered umbrella flapped mournfully in the wind. It definitely won’t provide enough protection for them when the storm breaks in earnest. But they were too deep in their sorrow to fully realize that now.

    But now a blaring transistor radio from across the street began relaying some news items in which the governor’s name was mentioned. The two fellows stilled themselves to listen: “Governor Aregbesola has doubled the amount paid all government workers for the 13th month salary…”

    “Did I not say it just now? This man has spoiled our business.” It was the first fellow.

    “This one has come to turn things upside down,” ejaculated his colleague.

    But all around them were shouts of joy.

    Aregbesola had done it again.

    What manner of people are these umbrella people who are made sad by people’s joy?

    The energy with which Aregbesola carries on people-oriented programmes is a constant source of sadness for weaklings whose only mission in politics is to corner the public treasury and enslave their own people.

    Aregbesola is not a weakling. His is Spartan discipline, not given to drinking or smoking; such a combination is a guarantee for success. When such a disciplined mind is coupled with intelligence and abundant energy, you have a “Power House”. Unfortunately in our world which is still low on the level of evolution, such powers can be used for good or evil.

    Nigerians today are witnesses to the magnitude of havoc such evil geniuses can wreak.

    Aregbesola’s is different. He’s among those rare human blessings who direct their tremendous energy towards the good of man. And all sane societies who desire progress treasure –and nurture— such assets, no matter their foibles as humans. Societies that fail to nurture such men do so at their own peril.

    Self-discipline is the magic by which Aregbesola functions as governor, Professor of Philosophy, Makinde, the DG/CEO, Awolowo Centre for Philosophy, Ideology and Good Governance, Osogbo, once attested.

    Though he does not go around with the familiar symbols of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Aregbesola is suffused and driven by the spirit of Awoism: democratic socialism. Armed with his six-point Integral Action Plan “to eliminate poverty, unemployment, hunger and promote education and communal peace,” Aregbesola has tackled challenges in the State Of Osun head-on.

    First, he made the “Omoluabi” slogan of his government. Omoluabi is the quintessence of the Yoruba person; a person of impeccable integrity. By holding up the Omoluabi concept as something to strive for by citizens of the state, Aregbesola addressed a fundamental necessity of true development: the refinement of the human mind. A truly great nation or state can only be built by men of character, integrity.

    The Omoluabi concept was later made more concrete with the inauguration of two clubs: The Omoluabi Boys and Girls Club, and the Omoluabi Youth Club. Speaking at the launch which was attended by Professor Akinwunmi Ishola, renowned Yoruba playwright and author, Aregbesola stressed the need to create a society of virtuous and progressive people rather than one of delinquents and retrogressive elements, noting that the best way to do this is to begin from the cradle since studies in socialisation and culture affirm that civilisation begins from birth.

    Aregbesola noted that no matter the investment by a government on infrastructure, if the moral of the people is not invested in, it will be in vain because uncultured people will destroy any good thing that the government might have done.

    In line with this philosophy, the governor has waged an all-out battle against corruption in his government. One result of this is the doubling of the tax revenue accruing to the state. This was achieved through the blocking of leakages in the tax collection process.

    According to Dr. Wale Bolorunduro, Commissioner for Finance, Economic Planning and Budget, “The approach we adopted was to plug loopholes and stop the losses incurred through manual collection and manual processing. The approach paid off with 100% jump in revenue earnings.”

    Recently too, the state held a week-long workshop on budget preparation for senior civil servants in the state.

    As part of efforts to reduce unemployment, Aregbesola partnered with an indigenous firm to establish the Omoluabi Garment Factory. Apart from encouraging the production and use of local materials to make school uniforms and other wears in the state, it will ultimately train 3,000 to be tailors and provide employment for thousands of Osun residents.

    Under the Osun Youth Employment Scheme — O’ YES—thousands of youths are being trained in different vocations to make them not only independent but also employers of labour .Recently, 410 youths graduated as farmers from the Osun-Odua Farmers Academy. These youth farmers are to enjoy a year tax holiday as a way of enabling them to stabilize and grow.

    Speaking at the graduation ceremony of the young farmers, Aregbesola noted that it was an opportunity to hoist aloft for all to see the “fruits of responsive and responsible governance that only the healthy tree of focused and visionary leadership can yield.”

    The announcement of the 100 percent monthly basic as the 13th month salary last December is unprecedented in the state. And it was announced on a day another unprecedented gesture was extended to workers: vehicle refurbishing loans to no fewer than 9, 435 workers.

    Chairman of Trade Union Congress Francis Adetunji; Chairman, Joint Negotiation Council Bayo Adejumo and Chairman of the Nigeria Labour Congress Saka Adesiyan, lauded Aregbesola for the gesture, calling it the first in the history of the state.

    Speaking on the third anniversary of the administration, Special Adviser to Governor Rauf Aregbesola on Environment and Sanitation, Bola Ilori, commented: “Aregbesola is indeed a blessing to the State of Osun, going by what we are witnessing today. In just three years, infrastructural developments are massive, road constructions are going on in all nooks and crannies of the state.

    Efforts on cleaner environment have reduced hospital patronage for diseases-related cases by 50 per cent, face-lifting of the environment through urban renewal programme are on, and farmers are getting soft loans and other inputs to carry on their businesses.

    No single case of flooding has been reported since the government started dredging of streams and rivers in the flood-prone areas when it came on board; schools are being constructed everywhere, enabling environment is being created for investors.

    Jobs are being created, modern markets are being built and a whole lot more like that. The governor has indeed done well and we can only continue to pray for him for more success.”

    You must also have heard of Opon Imo, that computer device for students in the State of Osun. It is unprecedented in the whole of Africa. It is yet another clue to how Aregbesola’s mind works. While lesser minds divert state money into buying bullet-proof vehicles and allied frivolities, this visionary looks far ahead into the future.

    Spare no pity for those pitiful fellows under that weather-beaten umbrella. They won’t survive the gale that now threatens. It will sweep off all the dead woods of the past to usher in a new dawn of which prodigies like Rauf Aregbesola are the prophets…

    • Aminu, former Chief Of Staff to Chief Adefarati, former Governor of Ondo State, sent this piece from Ibadan.

  • How Imo PDP chair emerged

    Contrary to the impression being bandied about, the recent emergence of Chief Nnamdi Anyaehie as the acting chairman of the Imo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) followed due process as laid down by the party’s constitution. The controversy that initially arose following the announcement of his name as the new helmsman of the Imo PDP was contrived by some elements, especially from outside his native Orlu zone, who, contrary to the rules of the party, felt they should have been consulted, ab initio, before the zone nominates anybody to fill the position which became vacant following the appointment of the former chairman, Chief Eze Duruihuoma, as chairman of the National Population Commission.

    The constitution of the party provides that the zone from which a member of the state executive committee comes from has the prerogative of finding a replacement from the same zone. Anyaehie comes from the same Orlu zone as Duruihuoma.

    Following the latter’s successful screening by the Senate, the Zonal Executive Committee (ZEC) of the party in the zone (Orlu), in accordance with the provision of the constitution, met to screen candidates who had indicated interest in the position. The ZEC, made up of serving legislators at the state and federal levels, the local government chairmen of the party and members of the state executive committee from the zone, unanimously nominated Anyaehie for the position and thereafter forwarded his name to the state executive committee for ratification. At a meeting of the committee and which had the National Vice Chairman (South East), Colonel Austin Akobundu (rtd), as an observer, Anyaehie’s nomination was unanimously approved. However, some leaders of the party outside Orlu zone felt slighted that Anyaehie did not reach out to them but analysts and observers point out that such a posturing was misplaced since Anyaehie could not have began to reach out to them when his nomination was yet to be ratified by the Orlu zonal executive committee and the state executive committee. But inspite of this, some stakeholders went to town with insinuations that Anyaehie was an imposition of Senator Hope Uzodinma who, given his current position as the senator representing the zone, is the political leader of the area.

    There were also insinuations that Anyaehie will be too independent minded, being the scion of a wealthy and influential icon in the state, Chief John Anyaehie and himself a very successful businessman. Incidentally, some of the stakeholders who initially raised misgivings about the emergence of Anyaehie are those who saw the exercise of filling the vacant chairmanship position as an opportunity for taking control of the party ahead of 2015 general election. It was in this light that Senator Uzodinma was accused by some of having more than a casual interest in the emergence of Anyaehie, said to be a close political ally and personal friend of the senator. But keen watchers of the Imo political terrain point out that while it would have been impossible to fill the position without input from Uzodinma and even if he had more than a passing interest in Anyaehie, it was his ability to bring Orlu leaders to agree on one candidate that matters.

    Orlu zone, made up of 12 local government areas out of the 27 in the state, is believed to be the most amorphous geo–political zone in the state. Given the caliber of persons that earlier indicated interest in the position, it had been feared that the zone, which parades some of the most vibrant and influential politicians in the state, was going to implode during the search for Duruihuoma’s replacement.

    That it did not happen was to the credit of Uzodimma whose residence, both in Abuja and his home town, Omuma in Oru-East local government area of the state, had become a Mecca of sorts for aspirants and those lobbying for them. That a consensus was reached is a development which the leaders outside the zone should emulate.

    Among those who indicated interest in the position were Chief Boni Ebili, who comes from the same local government area as Duruihuoma, Dr. Jeff Ojinika, a former member of the House of Representatives, also from the zone and Barrister C.O.C Akaolisa, the current Legal Adviser of the Imo state PDP and a well known political ally and personal friend of Uzodimma.

    While Uzodimma’s political interest and calculations cannot be ignored, his pedigree as a team player and consensus builder, with an amazing political following throughout the state, would always propel him to thread with caution. Against the back drop of the lingering crisis within the PDP and the general polity, vis-a-vis the determination of the party to reclaim the state in 2015, leaders of the party in the state are very cautious not to allow any rift amongst them, as that may cause a lot of damage to the party. Hence, the unprecedented level of equanimity and co-operation currently among them.

    Even insinuations that the chairmanship issue was causing a rift between Uzodimma and the immediate past governor of the state, Ikedi Ohakim, has been dismissed on account of the fact that the duo have both become too politically sophisticated to allow such a thing.

    As a matter of fact, it is no longer a secret that both the presidency and the national leadership of the PDP are aware that the two are working closely to ensure that the party regains the state in 2015. Although some of the aspirants to the position are also his political allies, having worked under him while he was governor, Ohakim has been steadfast in the belief that the leaders of Orlu zone have the prerogative to make nominations on consensus. And once that happened, it took no efforts to get the co-operation of the amiable former governor whose rating in the state has risen astronomically in spite of the controversies over the 2011 governorship election.

    The last couple of weeks were also awash with speculations and even media reports to the effect that some other leaders of the party from Owerri zone expressed misgiving over Anyaehie’s emergence, apparently on account of inadequate consultation. Among those said to be feeling slighted were Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, a member of the party’s Board of Trustees and Kema Chikwe, the national woman leader of the party. Again, these allegations appear far-fetched as these leaders, apart from having resolved not to allow the matter to distract them from their stoic determination to make the party reclaim the state in 2015, rely on the judgment of Orlu zone.

    There have been talks that the new chairman lacks the political experience to occupy the position. But this has been debunked by both observers and analysts who quickly say that nobody needs go far to put a lie on that. Apart from insisting that Anyaehie is by no means a political neophyte, being one of the most visible politicians in at least his Orlu zone, they point at his predecessor, Duruihuoma, who had no political pedigree, whatsoever, before he was elected into the office which he held successfully for more than three years.