It is not unusual nowadays to hear diplomats from western nations lament the destabilising role that China, Russia and their cahoot of renegade states play within the international system. Germany’s new chancellor, Olaf Scholz, recently described the invasion of Ukraine as a Zeitenwende, a historical turning point in the rules-based international system. On May 8, in commemoration of the end of the Second World War in Europe, the leaders of the G7 released a joint statement affirming that Russia’s action violated the principles upon which the post second world war system had been constructed. China’s actions in Taiwan, the South China sea, have been described in similar terms—as threatening the stability of the international order and tearing at the fabric of the rules-based system.

The end of the second world war ushered in a new approach to international relations. Unlike the League of Nations which had not legally outlawed war, the UN was designed with the ambition to prevent future wars through international law. For instance, the preamble of the United Nations Charter opened with these words: “We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind…establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained.”

To ensure this agenda of peace was realised, the framers of the UN Charter outlined guiding principles to regulate the relations amongst states in Article 2 (1-7). In article 2(1), the Charter maintained that the organisation would operate on the basis of the sovereign equality of member states. In article 2(4), it outlawed wars of aggression by enjoining all states to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of other states. The argument, therefore is that, by acting with impunity these states threaten to completely upend this post war order. But the important question here is, how valid is this argument?

Let us be clear, both countries are serial violators of international law and their actions often put international peace and stability in jeopardy. In October 2021, the Chinese air force sent 150 aircrafts into Taiwan’s air defence identification zone within a period of four days. It has continued such provocations this year too, prompting US president, Joe Biden, to abandon his country’s long-standing policy of ‘strategic ambiguity’ regarding how it will deal with a possible invasion of Taiwan by China. Russia’s litany of violations of the principles of international law need not be rehashed here. They are visible to the blind and audible to the deaf. But this is not the whole story.

Western states have acted with similar contempt for international laws and norms. The US’ led invasion of Iraq is perhaps one of the best-known examples, but there were others too— for instance, the invasion of Panama in 1989 by the US. There have also been several CIA sponsored coups in Latin America that deposed regimes and destabilised these states. In a landmark decision in 1986, the International Court of Justice found that the US’ military activities in Nicaragua violated international law. Yet, the US did not only disregard the ICJ’s judgement, but actively prevented Nicaragua from obtaining the remedy granted it by the international court.

In essence, the narrative that Russia and China are the maleficent forces whose actions threaten the supposed rules-based system does not hold up in the face of critical scrutiny.  In fact, a more legitimate question is whether the supposed rules-based system ever took off. I argue to the contrary. The Cold War began almost immediately after the second World War and during it, states of the global south were routinely invaded or politically interfered with. The ideological contest between liberal capitalism and communism provided a pretence for the wars of proxy that the west and the USSR engaged in. From Vietnam to Afghanistan, Congo to Angola, we in the global south never saw those supposed rules operationalised. Indeed, it is not provocative to insist that claims of the existence of a rules-based system shows an unawareness of, and a complete disregard of the history of aggression by both western actors and the USSR in the affairs of the global south.

The end of the cold war did not bring much succour either. The west’s aerial bombing of Kosovo in 1998 was illegal even if it was adjudged to have had ‘humanitarian intentions’. The US continues to routinely violate the sovereignty of states such as Pakistan and Somalia by launching drone attacks or military expeditions in its war on terror. The reality is that this avowed rules-based international system is not in jeopardy, it was stillbirth. It never took off. The international system is one that is mostly based on power politics, not on rules. If rules exist at all, they exist only for the weak, for the small states.

• Dr Adediran is an Assistant professor in International Relations at Liverpool Hope University. He can be contacted on: bolaadediran2020@yahoo.com. This article was first published on June 12, 2022

Hon. justice Ibrahim Tanko Mohammed, (68) retired as an embattled chief justice of federation on penultime Sunday and his runner-up Justice Olukayode Ariwoola (67) was sworn-in acting CJN, on Monday.

But before the retirement, the erstwhile Judge Tanko had been embroiled in a controversy between him and his brother – Judges in a petition authored by 14 other justices including the newly sworn-in acting CJN. They are: Olukayode Ariwoola (ACJN), Musa Dattijo Mohammed, Kudirat Motonmori O., Kekere-Ekun, John Inyang Okoro, Chima Centus Nweze, Amina Adamu Augie, Uwani Musa Abba-Aji, Mohammed Lawal, Helen Morenikeji Ogunwumiju, Abdul Aboki Ibrahim Sawlawa, Adamu Jauro, Tijani Abubakar and Emmanuel Agim. Now, that one of the petitioners has become a respondent, what becomes of the weighty, consequential allegations against the former CJN? Buried in the archives or under the carpet? and the business goes on as usual with Nigerian syndrome? What goes around comes around as the saying goes. Was the former CJN, Walter Onnoghen not shabbily charged of infraction by our derelict institutional framework in concert with political vendetta?

While there is no perfect system in the universe, judiciary as a most important organ of government from the point of view of constitutional interpretation and construction must be circumspect, restrained and be reflectively sober. The usual hiccups pervading the Executive and legislative arms of government must be diffused from judiciary and that is why in British cannon, Judges are sacred and must like Caesar’s wife live above board. But where there are internal infractions as decoded in Judges vs CJN, what happens? Whatever be the merits and lack of it in their petition, there should better and tidier ways of handling them to sustain whatever is left in “public confidence” in our Judiciary, otherwise, one-day, Judges in Nigeria will be carrying placards to remove their leaders.

So many ills have pricked Nigerian Judiciary for too long not the least backward and front in elongating and de-elongating retirement age especially for justices at the apex court!

The excursion of lodging a parity with ages in western world cannot flow because of our social-economic differences including life expectancy in Africa, particularly in Nigeria where life expectancy hovers between 54 to 55. How will statutory limitation of 70 earmarked for our justices at the apex court flow? Truth be told, most of our jurists could hardly be mentally alert after 60 years.

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Then the charge of corruption! There has been wide clamour for financial autonomy since the beginning of this fourth republic in respect of judiciary and legislative arms of government. While there are some merits in the campaign, events at our various level of governance indicate that autonomy without adequate financial monitoring unit in the system is an invitation to financial corruption. Added to this fact is in respect of CJN, the constitutional responsibilities placed on the office is elaborately too weighty in a society that every minor lords over others as “Lord Emperor”.

The facts need restating that every aspirant to the bench at either inferior or superior court of records with intention for pecuniary gains or gratification ought to not to be allowed to sit on the bench.

A corollary to this is the recruitment of judges in our judiciary which borders so much on Nepotism, man-know-man syndrome, and show manship, Class stratification as against competence, industry and character.

Must we narrow down the appointment of our CJN only to ‘seniority?’ in the hierarchy of Supreme Court justices? Can we not spread the net to catch the “big fishes” in the academic and various legal institutes? Even among the finest of the silks? Think of an Elias CJN who was fished out of University of Lagos as a Senior Lecturer to become our CJN (1972-1975) later adorned the World court as its president with lasting imprint in the citadel of Justice in Hague, Netherlands. Imagine how Late Justice Timothy Akinola Aguda would have been had he been appointed as CJN as a successor of CJN Fatai Williams as widely speculated then. He had a fantastic experience as justice of Botswana where he laid bare his attributes of industry, incorruptibility, courage, versatility and untainted administrative integrity.

Justice Aguda had derived exemplary mentorship from another immortal Jurist, Judge Charles Dadi Onyeama the father of the current foreign affairs minister Geoffrey Onyeama. Dadi Onyeama as chronicled by his biographer Ikeazor Akaraiwe in his book “EAGLE ON THE BENCH” said Charles Dadi Onyeama was an exceptional judge on a number of ways. He was scholarly, pitty, independent and fair minded, incorruptible, and highly detribalized. He handed judgments based on facts and laws, regardless of social status of parties whether government or citizen including his appointors. He was not afraid like Lord Denning and our own Kayode Esho to be a lone star among panel of jurists.

To this effect he was brave, impartial, and independent minded in the National Bank Enquiry, dissented in Adegbenro vs Akintola to the extent that the privy council in London gave kudos to his legal exposition and jurisprudential dexterity. He equal displayed these attributes at Hague been the first Nigerian to adorn the International Court of Justice.

Beyond the routine of resignation and succession of Judge Tanko, a holistic reform of the entire judicial system along the recommendations of unpublished report of Hon Justice Kayode Esho widely applauded as the most erudite justice that ever sat on our apex court must be revisited and earnestly implemented. It was Lord Arkins in his famous obiter in 1943 that said

“Amidst class of arms, laws are never silent they speak the same language in war time as in peace time”

But our jurisprudence in Nigeria seems to go contrary wise of this english jurist admonition. Our jurisprudence have never been active in interpreting of law in favour of the common-man in Nigeria as against his rich counterpart. We have not been privileged to have landslide jurisprudence that guaranteed free and equitable education of all Nigerian children like in the case of Brown vs Board of Education 1347 U.S. 483 on the right to basic education.

We have not had a landmark judgement from apex count guaranteed employable opportunities for our tickling unemployed population, we have not had decision guaranteeing decent housing for the citizens. We have not had judgements from our highest court granting health insurance scheme for the less privileged or the vulnerables. To average common man in Nigeria, justice seems to have taken flight from him to another domain. When do we have the replicas of Dadi Onyeama, Akinola Aguda, Kayode Esho, Andrew Otutu Obaseki, Olumuyiwa Jibowu, Karibe Whyte, Morenikeji Onalaja, Niki Tobi and others?

Perhaps our jurisprudence had taken a long holiday or perhaps it is deferred to the nearest future. Resignation of Judge Tanko and the replacement of a successor in Judge Olukayode Ariwoola are mere symptoms of a pathological disease of inertia pervading the Judiciary as well as other organs of government in Nigeria. Time to reform is now!!!

With the nation now in full electioneering mode, there is no better time to look back over the last sixty years or so, to try and find out what went wrong in our political life with a view to learning from our errors. Some cynics will however argue that we are so far gone down the road to political demise that there is just no point in trying to put our Humpty Dumpty back together again. You don’t even have to be a cynic to endorse this apocalyptic submission. But, before you raise your hands up in despair thinking that what is about to follow is a recitation of the catalogue of woes with which we are now dealing, you can rest assured that you are not about to be smothered under the regurgitation of what is wrong with Nigeria at this particular point in time. This is because such a recitation is likely to be an exercise in futility if only because the list is inordinately long and getting ever longer.

There is no doubt that we have been in trouble for a very long time, some would say specifically since 1964 when the first general elections since Nigeria acquired her dubious nation status. Up till then, Nigeria was buoyed up by the euphoria of independence and we could all pretend that even though there were many points of contention, all would be well. The crisis in the Western Region had been more or less contained and the trouble with a census exercise had been swept under the carpet where it has festered and continues to pour venom into our body politic more than fifty years after the first post-independence census. The next attempt to enumerate the Nigerian public is not likely to be more reliable than all the similar attempts which have littered our collective past. It was however clear that it was no longer possible to pretend that all was well with Nigeria when on the eve of the general elections, the NCNC, part of the governing coalition not only broke ranks with the NPC, the senior partner in the coalition but went on to form a very unlikely partnership with the AG. Given the antecedents of these two parties, it was clear that they, in the parlance of Nigeria’s political future were a coalition which was to be left of the political spectrum whilst the other more likely coalition between the NPC and the NNDP, the party which emerged from the split in the AG and another within the NCNC in the West took her place in a distant political right wing position. The rivalry between these two groups could not be tested electorally however as the NCNC/AG (United Progressive Grand Alliance), decided to boycott the elections at the last minute claiming that the electoral body could not, under the circumstances of the day guarantee that the elections would be free and fair. And they had a valid point since their candidates in the North and the West were, in the face of naked intimidation not even allowed to register as candidates. More than a third of the candidates in the North were returned unopposed and thugs operating with the backing of the regional government made sure that registering to vote was a hazardous undertaking in the West. The elections went on regardless and after furious negotiations which included the holding of elections in those areas where elections could not be held in December 1964, the old NPC/NCNC coalition was resumed and the Federation was coaxed back to life. As before, the AG was left out in the cold and facing the crushing challenge of the NNDP in her home region which because of her volatile political climate was referred to as the Wild West. After the great compromise, business went on more or less as usual but underneath all of it there was a raging inferno which was constantly fed with high grade fuel by all the parties concerned. In the meantime, it was a wonder that Nigeria was still being governed in any meaningful way at both the regional and Federal levels. But to all intents and purposes, everything appeared to be normal and people went about their business without the widespread insecurities which should have followed in the wake of the political uncertainties that the nation had to cope with.

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For most of 1965, there were few signs that the Federation was in any serious danger. Even, the volatile nature of the politics of bitterness which was playing out in the Western Region suited the Federal government right down to the ground and when the imposed NNDP government in the West tried to legitimise itself through blatantly rigged elections, the Federal government stood resolutely behind the her allies, giving the NNDP the confidence, if not the audacity to carry out a civilian coup in the Western Region.

After the farcical elections of 1964, it was clear that any real power in the country resided in Kaduna but that power could only be consolidated with the capture of the Western Region in an election which was scheduled for the later months of the year. This being the case, no stone, legitimate or not was to be left unturned in the bid to decide the political future of  Nigeria in the uncertain terrain of the Western Region. This is why the Sardauna, the de facto leader of the ruling NPC who was not enamoured with the rigours of unruly political campaigns was imported into the region to kick off the electioneering activities of the NNDP in the regional elections.

It was clear long before the election that the NNDP had no hope of winning any halfway decent election in the Western Region, unless of course the vote was massively rigged in its favour. After all, the two chief contesting parties, the AG and the NCNC, had come together to fight the election and could call on the NCNC government of the Eastern Region to provide all kinds of logistical support to UPGA in the West. But, the power of incumbency as well as the support of the Federal government meant that the result of the election could not be taken for granted by either side. However, the machinations of the Federal government since the crisis which had fractured the AG in 1962 suggested that the winner of the 1965 election was going to be picked by the Federal government which shows clearly that even under the regional system of government of the day, the wishes of the government at the centre were likely to decide which party was to form regional governments. After all, a state of emergency had been declared in 1962 after the famous fracas in the Western House of Assembly, the uncooperative leaders of the AG including the iconic leader of the party and Leader of Opposition in the Federal Assembly had been sent to cool their heels in prison after being accused of treasonable felony. The victory of the AG in the 1961 regional election had been abrogated and a party which did not even exist at the time of that election was in firm control of all items of authority in the region. UPGA might claim to have the control of power on the streets but this did not amount to a pot of beans in the exalted corridors of power which is why the Premier of the Western Region was no better than an impostor as his authority was not derived from the votes of the people over whom he ruled.

As expected, the NNDP was judged by the powers that be to have won the Western Regional election of 1965. The truth as was apparent to anyone who still had vestiges of mental control was that the results were simply announced and did not have any support of the demonstrated reality on ground. The period before the election was fraught as all available organs of brutal government coercion were used to ensure that the only result was going to be victory for the imposed government. The whole process degenerated into a farce complete with a takeover of the government controlled radio station by a very concerned citizen whose sensitive stomach could no longer put up with the fictitious reports of the election with which the government of the day had polluted the airwaves over which the results of the election were broadcast to the people. No lives were lost over the radio station prank but what followed was general mayhem as the people of the Region rose up spontaneously to deal with all the recognized agents of their hated and indeed hateful government. In what was dubbed Operation Wetie, people and properties were doused with petrol and set on fire in an orgy of what the perpetrators were convinced was righteous rage. They must have looked on this exercise as cleansing with fire leading the restoration of the right that had been stolen from them.

For weeks, the streets of Western Region were burning and burning out of control as the government put up barricades and refused to be moved by the mayhem on the streets. They refused to make a move, a small move, any move, towards the restoration of normalcy to the tortured region. The Federal government, the same government which had moved very smartly to declare a state of emergency when there was fighting on the floor of parliament in Ibadan in 1962 did not see it fit to take any steps towards dousing the fires which were making a mockery of democracy as well as the security of life and property all over the Western Region. It has been said that the government was in the process of sending in the army to quell the riots when the nation was informed that a military coup had taken place and the Constitution for what it was worth had been suspended and Parliament summarily disbanded. Our first military government was put in place and all political activities were banned. Of course there was no longer room for any form of civil disobedience and after a couple of diehard thugs had been shot down on the street like mad dogs, all the rioting stopped forthwith. The country was settling down to life under the military when a different set of soldiers carried out what has been described as a revenge coup a little over six months later and as the saying goes, the rest is history. Since then, we have been stumbling in the wilderness, looking for peace, stability and progress but as our condition deteriorates perceptibly with every passing year, only goodness knows when we will stumble onto the fertile shores of the Promised land of our dreams.

Curiosity was the exact word that struck  me while watching the Governor of Zamfara State ask his citizens to apply for arms in order to defend themselves against the raging bandits who have turned the state into a killing field. On one hand, the policy sounded like an unconstitutional pronouncement, running contrary to the spirit of the Nigerian constitution and all known laws of our federation. On the other hand, I could understand the anguish of this governor, who has known no respite since his assumption of office as governor of a state which was once known as a hub of peace and tolerance. I mean which right thinking administrator will seat down, perhaps fiddling some mellifluous Dan Maraya tunes with a goje like some modern day Nero, while bandits now dubbed as terrorists run amok with our security agencies looking somewhat helpless, no administrator worth his salt would do such.

In simple English,  what Governor Matawalle wants is to hand over weapons to the ordinary Zamfara citizen, some sort of “One Man, One Gun” policy with the aim of complimenting the efforts of the security forces.

But then Governor Matawalle forgets a number of other encumbrances that may arise with such a policy, first of all, we do not know what kind of arms the governor wants the people to procure, is he seeking to arm them with Short or hand-held firearms (handguns) or Long or shoulder fired firearms (long guns). What about the action of such weapons? That is the firing system of such a firearm, firing frequency  or physical mechanism? Is Matawalle proposing a single shot, repeating, semi-automatic and automatic kind of weapons? Will there be a sort of uniformity for the procurement of such arms or will it be a free for all? To each, his desired weapon?

In addition to this, who will pay for such arms? Will it be a private affair or will Matawalle’s government subsidize such a move? Should it be the former, then it means that the purpose will be defeated because owning guns is a thing for the rich as guns are not sold cheap.

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Has the governor considered factors such as training such individuals to fire such arms and a number of fallouts, mostly negative that may arise as a result of such a policy.

There is also the matter of weighing the constitutional and legal matters arising: Does the Governor have the constitutional wherewithal to make such directives! According to the structure of policing in Nigeria, is the Commissioner of Police responsible to the state governor or the IGP? How then can the governor order the Commissioner of Police of the state to issue gun licences to the public?

I believe, I mentioned that such a policy may have negative fallouts, one of such fallouts is that owing to the lack of a means of determining what kind of profiles to hand over such weapons to ? Imagine allowing every Tom, Ibrahim and Musa to own guns without doing effective psychological evaluations on these persons! Likewise, I very much doubt if Zamfara State  can readily boast of such facilities, when we still have trigger happy people in the Nigerian Armed Forces and the Police, despite the many years such institutions have been in existence.  We would surely be moving from frying pan to fire should such a policy see the light of the day, crafting with our own hands a “Libya” in Zamfara , a situation in which we would evolve from the war against banditry and terrorism to what Thomas Hobbes in his book Leviathan called “a war of all against all” with the resultant spillovers into other states. we would shortly have unleashed ourselves another kind of hell.

One would rather want Governor Matawalle to add his voice to the calls for state and community policing, for a restructuring of the Nigerian security architecture, where everything is lumped on a few people to make decisions and not on the prevailing realities such as what we are seeing in Zamfara. In the short term, the governor can expand the vigilante laws in his state, give them better trainings, guns and improved welfare rather than use his own hands to help invite the lizards into his own house.

Lastly; I will not want us to see Governor Matawalle’s directive as some sort of folly! No! The man knows where the shoe pinches and is indeed concerned about protecting life and property in the state. His calls thus should be seen as a wake up call to all Nigerians in authority that the situation has gone beyond the extraordinary and that it is time to pull out all the stops and face effectively the menace of banditry otherwise Somalia and Libya will be like playthings when compared with what is brewing in Nigeria.

May Nigeria Succeed

A five-year single tenure of Prof. Abdullahi Bala as the seventh Vice Chancellor of Federal University of Technology, Minna (FUTMINNA) is gradually coming to a glorious crescendo in conformity with the popular saying that every beginning must have an end. Prof. Bala was appointed in 2017 to lead the specialized institution to higher heights with his academic and administrative acumen, having towered above other candidates at the interview.

Without doubts, Prof. Bala has not only improved the lot of the University with various achievements recorded in all areas, he has sufficiently proved his mettle as a leader with the fear of Allah as he is leaving with his head held high, clean conscience without any abandoned capital project despite myriad of challenges including paucity of funds. One of the pillars of his strength since he became VC has been the culture of his transparency.

Prof. Bala radiates peacefulness of mind. Irrespective of any circumstance, he largely remains unruffled. Nothing intimidates him. Prof. Bala never bothers about the trappings of power. He is not given to tooting his own trumpet. Yet, his temper constitutes the template for enviable conduct as he is always on his best behaviour in all situations.  Prof. Bala is ever constantly seeking an unbeaten path to tread and unusual course to chart, to the extent that he has thus elevated the university campus to a place of scientific information, reformation, innovation and transformation.

More strikingly is the culture of broad consultations he introduces to the university administration. He encourages all stakeholders including students, staff members, parents, alumni, traditional rulers, host community to make contributions to his policies, thus, promoting sense of belonging and inclusiveness. No wonder there has been peaceful coexistence in the university since he assumed office.

Here is a man who pays unscheduled visits to various Centres, Departments and Directorates so as to deracinate the workers of lame ducking. As much as he wants maximum comfort for the University workers, he is never at home with people who are bereft of sure footedness in their duties. Following deep-rooted lethargy in the system, the VC has developed all kinds of therapy to prevent inherent atrophy in the university. In his determined effort to get the best from every worker and lift the system higher than he met it, Prof. Bala has not only been proactive, he has been innovative.

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In a letter of commendation by the Education Minister, Malam Adamu Adamu dated 15 May, 2019, Prof. Bala was applauded for ensuring peace among all stakeholders in the university including council members, maintenance of academic standards and quality of graduates as well as issuance of certificates on the day of convocation. This letter eloquently testifies to the quality of leadership Prof. Bala has brought to FUTMINNA.

Witty and humorous, the Prof. Bala proves that he is familiar and conversant with every issue, having done his home work thoroughly. There is hardly any issue that catches him napping. He is always a step ahead. An attribute of a prepared leader you may say. To those who asked him to give them fish, he is always ready to teach them how to fish.

Again, from various interactions one has had with him, it is obvious that Prof. Bala  is a man of irresistible influence with a rich possession of people management skill. This attribute must have accounted for his ability to hold his administrative team players in synergy. There is no crack in the wall of their unity while they treat one another with mutual respect.

One of the legacies Prof. Bala is leaving behind as he rounds off his tenure is his dedication to the completion of all projects. As earlier said, he is not leaving behind abandoned projects. Of interest to this writer is his efforts in the construction and the provision of building complexes to enable the relocation to Gidan Kwano campus of additional Schools. His efforts to institutionalize Public Private Partnership which can pave ways for more hostels for the students is highly commendable.

However, when it comes to discipline, Prof. Bala does not take nonsense. As jocular as he may appear to be, he is also firm and decisive regarding rules and regulations. Under his stewardship, the university developed its Sexual Harassment Policy to respond to Gender Based issues and sexual misconduct. Early in 2020, the VC set up the Sexual Harassment Policy Implementation Committee charged with prevention and response to sexual and gender- based issues. The Committee is really working as the case of sexual harassment is minimal on campus.

By and large, Prof. Bala has done quite well in the last five years. He deserves a national recognition for serving meritoriously. He could be given another national assignment to do more as the reward of hard work is an opportunity to do more.

Prof. Bala, is a consummate researcher of international repute with over 30 years of scholarship experience. He is a superb mentor who has made tremendous contribution to expanding the pool of indigenous scholars and professionals in the field of Soil Science and Land Management in Nigeria. He was born in Suleja, Niger State,  on March 27, 1967. He attended Dawaki Primary School, Suleja from 1973 to 1979 emerging as the overall best student. He had his secondary education at the famous Federal Government College, Minna from 1979 to 1984. He also emerged as the best graduating student with a distinction in the General Certificate of Education (GCE) O’Level.

A First-class graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Prof Abdullahi Bala is also an alumnus of the University of Reading and the University of London, the UK where he obtained his Master’s and Ph.D. degrees respectively with distinctions. May God continue to give Nigeria quality men to mount the leadership positions. Prof. Bala remains a huge honour and pride.

• Lukman writes from Federal University of Technology, Minna. five-year single tenure of Prof. Abdullahi