Category: Opinion

SIR: Eight years ago as a final year student in one of Nigeria’s Federal Universities, I argued that the incessant strikes by ASUU were needless. I wrote a piece about how ASUU as a union was a complete joke. They had at the time embarked on an indefinite strike that would last six months. After all these years and after several warning and indefinite strikes by the union, I still believe they are a joke, perhaps more than I had ever believed before.

The education sector is in shambles, agreed. But that is not the only sector that is in total disarray. The health sector is starving of funds. Doctors are grossly under-paid with health facilities inadequate and dilapidated. All the six geo-political zones in the country are facing one form of security challenge or the other. Nigerians are acutely under-policed, and the existing security personnel are underpaid, too.

The reason why the university lecturers have decided to freeze academic activities in public universities, rendering students (youths) redundant is centered on funds (and the constant flow of funding). This is based on an executed ‘agreement’ between the government and the union, whereby certain amounts have to be paid for the development of the universities, especially for infrastructure and world-class teaching equipment, amongst other things. The persistent lack of sincerity on the part of the government has constantly meant that the agreements would be reneged, and that the lecturers would always consider downing their tools. This vicious cycle is one that the lecturers should be all too aware of, and it is what a lot of us find most irksome.

How can a union with this array of knowledgeable members not be able to think outside the box for sustainable solutions to funding, without the need to render active-minded youths redundant? We all know that this campaign season makes the striking lecturers’ demands less pressing for government, more so because the current administration is not seeking re-election, coupled with glaring security challenges. Moreover, the educational system in Nigeria needs a comprehensive over-haul from top to bottom, such that adequate funding for universities alone will not come close to solving them. Who is going to strike on behalf of the millions of the out-of-school children roaming our streets? The primary and post-primary education system is arguably in need of more funding than the tertiary education system, if only to ensure that there is no mismatch between the graduates churned out and ultimately absorbed by the universities.

On funding needs, deregulation of the tertiary education system is a more sustainable solution. When subsidies, wrong rules and guidelines that form barriers to competition and free markets are eliminated, the system would most likely thrive better. Universities will survive based on the quality of their facilities and the skills they offer based on the available courses in their institution.

The education system worldwide is being decentralized with schools and classes becoming increasingly online and remote. Nigerians now earn foreign degrees without the need to travel outside the country, which means good money for these ‘smarter’ countries. There is an informal agreement across the country that ASUU strikes are usually factored into the duration of stay of each student, such that the student cannot be sure when he or she would graduate, considering the inevitability of strikes by ASUU. This de-marketing of the Nigerian universities would only help the course of the increasing number of private universities and foreign higher institutions.

Strikes are outdated, just like the curricular and skills being taught in Nigerian universities. With these constant strikes by ASUU, the ends do not justify the means.

• Aliyu Sulaiman, Jigawa.

SIR: It is hard to believe that due diligence is being followed by the Federal Ministry of Aviation, Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority, Federal Airport Authority of Nigeria and other agencies responsible before approval is given for the building of airports in Nigeria.

There is an airport in Benin City which by all standards is being underutilized. What then could be the justification for the approval and construction of another airport in Asaba? The journey from Benin City to Asaba by road is about one hour. Today, both Benin and Asaba airports are grossly underutilized.  As if this error was not enough, the Anambra State government got approval and constructed another airport within an hour distance by road to Asaba. Without doubt, the operations of the airport will also be below capacity.

The Port Harcourt airport is usually busy but not yet operating at maximum capacity. What then is the justification for the approval and construction of another airport in Bayelsa State, a distance of less than two hours by road? The Bayelsa Airport is currently being underutilized.

Jos has an airport that has been operating far below capacity. What is the economic sense in the approval and construction of another airport in Bauchi, a distance of about one hour to Jos by road?

Of what economic value is the approval and construction of an airport in Katsina?

Akure has a grossly underutilized airport and Ekiti of less than one hour journey to Akure by road is contemplating constructing an airport. Osun State, a distance of less than two hours by road to the underutilized Ibadan Airport is also planning to construct an airport. The list continues; whether it is called a passenger or cargo airport, a decorated monkey is a monkey!

The money involved in the construction and maintenance of airports is very huge. The colossal economic wastage could have been avoided and the resources channelled to more productive areas. Misplaced priority, non-attention to return-on-investment factors and the non-display of the knowledge of environmental analysis and diagnosis, coupled with the slacks on the part of the aviation regulatory agencies are responsible for the wastages.

Of what economic or developmental value is an airport that doesn’t have daily flights that can boast of a minimum number of 100 passengers per day? In most cases, it is only the governor and his entourage that mostly patronise some of the airports.

If it is a private business, who will invest such money in a business that cannot generate enough money for maintenance not to talk of profits? The government will then have no choice than to fall back on the meagre resources to maintain an unprofitable or kwashiorkor airports.

There is a need to do away with unhealthy rivalry and personal aggrandizement because government is a business. Any wastage of resources will surely negatively affect the overall performance of the government.

Whenever a government wants to embark on any project, the necessary appraisals of the plans must be done to ensure that such project will have justifiable socio-economic value as well as pass the tests of profitability and sustainability. If an airport cannot sustain itself and add to the revenue of the government in geometric progression, it must not be embarked upon for fanfare or egoistic purpose.

• Jide Owatunmise, Ikorodu, Lagos.

The political formation, which eventually secured Nigeria’s independence, was powered by the ideals of independence and the expectation of Nigerians was that the country’s domestic affairs would be wholesome. However, immediately the independence issue got sorted, her internal socio-political contradictions and gray public administration dynamics became manifest. To put it mildly, things that were hitherto not so clearly observable, even by the political gladiators, were thereafter obvious to the public, especially, the educated Nigerians. The transfer of power was just a ceremony; government’s policy contents and implications on the nitty-gritty of the day-to-day administration became dawned on the people onto whom the power was transferred.

Contextually, Nigerians might have been thinking that, once Nigeria attained independence, it was only a matter of time before she would access non-negotiable, reckoned greatness and enter into the Promised Land, where all things would be bright and beautiful. But then, it is unfortunate that Nigeria’s political trajectory is one of missed and/or messed-up opportunities; nothing but a wholesale fraud! The experiential reality of Nigeria is that of a confused society experimenting at the concept and unclear idea of an independent state. Sad, that so far, the pathway through which leaders emerge in Nigeria is lined with malignant cancerous cells which have for long been left unattended to. So, leadership remains problematic!

Though debatable, Nigeria’s problems as a nation-state have not been unconnected with how to move the country forward. They were not very many; but, while some Nigerians already had advanced knowledge of how the country should run and develop, others were held back by the primitive ideas of their forebears. For them, truncating this age-long mode of living could be likened to a descent into slavery. Jephthah was careless and lost his only child! Needless to highlight therefore the lack of consensus or an agreeable definition of development among the critical mass of Nigerians; even the elite, till date! The level of education or lack of it, across board, has also not helped matters. Ability to interpret and process information for the use of the country’s handlers is also at its ebb.

Well, while it is easier to blame the government or third party, it becomes a different ballgame entirely when one is saddled with the responsibility and the power to execute government policies. So, issues like differences in ethnicity, religion, culture and differential geographical locations not only became manifest, post-independence; they also constituted the fault lines in Nigeria’s geopolitical space. Perhaps, they remain the topical issues till tomorrow!

Take the Hausa culture as a case study! A section of the North never forgave the late Obafemi Awolowo for attempting to introduce western education to the region. Awolowo was already going on the path of Lin Kuan Yew by making education free and compulsory in the then Western Region. Depending on how buoyant the economy was, he had wanted education to be free up to the university level. In his view, the sane option was to train all, regardless of tribe, religion, or gender; because today’s untrained children were most likely to become the future’s serious liability. Whereas the novel idea was embraced in the Western Region, the Northern Region drove Awolowo away with his Free Education and allied ‘jargons.’ With the helpful knowledge of hindsight, is it any wonder that almajirai still thrives in parts of the country, decades after independence? Had we trekked this now-lost path, wouldn’t the country have long overcome the basest challenges that have now paralysed its faith? And, if we may ask, can there be any meaningful development without education?

It is interesting to note that majority of Nigerians still cling to the hope that dear country would develop. Why did I say so? It was a tug of war among the regions before the leaders could agree that there should be independence. As fate would have it, the region that welcomed it the least is the region now enjoying the benefits therefrom the most. Come to think of it, immediately Awoism was removed from the system of government, Nigeria began to retrogress. Even, in the Southwest, our pride as the economic powerhouse and epicentre of civilization for the country began to wane. A peep into WAEC results in the last five or six years would confirm how backward the zone has become in its much-touted prowess in education because the status enhancement, hitherto attached to it in this part of the world, has taken flight. Since the leadership is insensitive to anything, the pursuit of excellence via education no longer has any meaning. So, all the efforts of leaders like Awolowo have become redundant!

I have argued elsewhere that Nigeria’s major challenge is the absence of leaders with known aggressive pursuits towards knowledge, innovation and/or development. On December 31, 1983, the Buhari/Idiagbon regime identified gross indiscipline and corruption as the main reasons for Shehu Shagari’s ouster as Nigeria’s president. In replacement, the junta cheerfully tormented the county with military fiat even as Nigerians hailed the ‘timely’ intervention. But the regime was soon to be accused of high-handedness, especially by Ibrahim Babangida and his gang who put a balm, albeit, temporarily, on the accusation and whetted the appetite of the bureaucratic machinery with subversive generosity and populist rhetoric to the admiration of Nigerians. But the ‘evil genius’ would soon betray his colour! Sani Abacha rode to power on the anvil of Nigeria’s ‘imminent collapse.’ He reduced the pump price of the premium motor spirit, pms, and Nigerians clapped into high heavens! But, by the time the apple reportedly dealt him a cruel and decisive blow, Sani had looted the treasury blind! Welcome Abdulsalami Abubakar, the reluctant Head of State! He was wise and calculative. For obvious reasons to boot, he never rocked any boat. Instead, Abubakar ran a calculatedly-permissive administration with all the perks to his kitty, until he, too, went his own way.

Those who understand the game of power would admit that Nigeria’s democratic experience is like a statue – with neither functional hands nor useful legs. Like butterflies, in search of nectar, the same old guards have been repositioning themselves at the expense of the masses. The same Alhaji Samanja Tumbuleke who contested in the parliamentary election of December 12, 1959, was refurbished and resold to Nigerians as ‘the man to beat’ during the Second Republic. He came back as the gubernatorial hopeful in 1992; and was a Senatorial top-notch in 2019. Elsewhere, one leader leaves office and replaces himself with his son. But, so far, it’s been a repeated circle of circus – same old story! We keep on doing the same thing, the same way, repeatedly, all the time; still, expecting different results. How do we expect Nigeria to overcome her challenges?

This is the Year 2022! Disappointingly, we are still in the business of hoping to develop. Nothing has changed. Ours is leadership without conviction! Due to the lopsided social status structure and its debilitating effects on social interaction, the masses work for the leadership; not the other way round. Added to these is the culture-induced feudalism which makes the leadership to consider the mass of the people as mere subjects, not citizens with constitutional rights. So, where do we go from here and how do we make Nigeria a country for all? Since we have imposed upon ourselves a sociocultural value which we want to uphold at all costs, isn’t it a matter of time before Nigeria self-repudiates?

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

• KOMOLAFE wrote in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

Four Africans attended the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in 1945 and all four of them became influential to the history of their countries with no less than three of them becoming Heads of States and the fourth one founded a political dynasty in the largest country in Africa. Given this record, it is clear that the Manchester Congress has assumed the single most important meeting in contemporary African history and therefore worthy of scholarly interrogation.  More than this however, its message should be taken on board and milked for all the political importance it contains. When we look at the subsequent careers of those of them that had the responsibility of being leaders of their countries before and after independence, we must question the importance of this meeting to the political development of Africa and dismiss them as rank opportunists who abused their privileged positions in seeking first the political kingdom.

Kwame Nkrumah took to heart all the lessons of the Manchester congress and was sure that the only way for Africa to rise was to unite; and to achieve this objective African sovereignty had to be shared and even sacrificed to achieve the goal of African resurgence on the world stage. Each African country was therefore required to look at herself as being part of a United States of Africa and play down issues of narrow nationalism which promoted one country above the other and play down all the issues: nationalism, provincialism, regionalism, tribalism and clan affiliations which all came together to frustrate African coalescence and political development. The political kingdom which was so much worthy of working to achieve was bigger than the interests of each individual  country or persons. To the dismay of many of his contemporaries in Ghana, Nkrumah advocated for a unitary government for the country and tried very hard to work against all the forces of regional, provincial and tribal interests all of which were antitheses to the goal of African unification. The failure of Nkrumah’s political vision is based on his failure to convince his compatriots of the need to think outside their tribal box and work towards the ideal of African integration. Instead, all over Africa, people have retreated into tawdry tribal enclaves and are taking pot shots at people from other tribes, which is why there are so many conflicts all over the continent blighting the possibility of any form of human development on the continent. To all intents and purposes, Pan-Africanism is a dead concept and we have not been able to bring about the evolution of anything to replace it.

The other concept to come out of the Manchester congress was that the economic development of Africa was dependent on the adoption of socialist principles and this made a lot of sense even if this is only because the main cause of African development and subjugation was her continued exploitation by global capitalism. The only sensible reading of the situation was that capitalism needed Africa to provide raw materials to Western factories and also provide the market within which manufactured goods were to be sold. When Nkrumah rose to power in Ghana, it did not take him long to find that the future of his country was determined more by the price of cocoa on the world market than by whatever strategy or ideology he could devise for the development of his country. If world capitalism was inimical to the growth of Ghana and other African countries, it stood to reason that capitalism within Ghana could not be in the interest of the country. But the powerful people who operated on the fringes of global capitalism were determined to protect their petty interests at all cost and made it impossible for Nkrumah to even think of operating a socialist system within the country. And when Nkrumah persisted in going ahead with his plans for the young nation, the military moved in to protect the interests of their mentors and he was tufted out, bringing to an end the country’s flirtation with both Pan-Africanism and socialism.

Obafemi Awolowo, our man in Manchester did not become a Head of State but like all the others he spent time in jail, not fighting against the British but for being in serious disagreement with the people who inherited Nigeria from the departed colonialists. Depending on who you listen to, he was a victim of political rascality perpetrated by his political opponents but there are others who swear that he was plotting to overthrow those who had somehow won the right to rule over the country. With Nkrumah in charge virtually next door in Ghana, his involvement in the charge of treasonable felony could not be discountenanced and it was not. Obafemi Awolowo had been espousing policies which sounded too suspiciously close to what Nkrumah was saying and trying to do in Ghana and he had to be guilty by association at least. The end result was that he was given a ten year prison sentence for what was described as treasonable felony. He was three years into this sentence when the turmoil into which the country had been plunged dictated that he be let out of prison to contribute whatever quota he had to give to sorting out the crisis which had the country by the throat. As earlier mentioned, he served with distinction as the man in charge of the finances of the country but never was he presented with the privilege of leading the country in his own image so that his participation in the Manchester congress cannot be as rigorously assessed as it could have been had he been able to ascend to the leadership position.

One man who was not in Manchester like the three Heads of State earlier encountered continues to present us with food for thought over the matter of seeking the political kingdom and advancing the cause of African unity and freedom from what has been described as neo-colonialism, a fancy word for the continued subjugation of Africa by the West. Africa had been free of colonialism but it was soon apparent that having a flag, a national anthem, a seat at the United Nations as well as an airline as all the new countries had, did not mean that they were free to give a direction to the growth of their countries. Julius Nyerere was perhaps too young to have participated in the Pan-African Congress of 1945 as indeed he did not, but he more than any other person who was present conformed to the spirit that brought black people from all over the world to that meeting.

Julius Nyerere was first the Prime Minister of Tangayika and later president of Tanzania, the country formed by the amalgamation of Tangayika with the spice island of Zanzibar. That those two countries came together was a departure from the normal African experience of countries breaking up but it shored up the Pan-African credentials of Julius Nyerere. He did not only succeed in supervising this merger but worked tirelessly if unsuccessfully for a much larger federation which would have included Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and ultimately, Zambia and Zimbabwe. It certainly was not for the want of trying that the federation did not come into being and it did not, probably because it was an idea that was way ahead of its time and beyond the imagination of Nyerere’s contemporaries.

It was agreed in Manchester that the best economical way forward was through socialism and nobody has made a greater effort in fulfilling this objective as Julius Nyerere had done, even though unlike some of the others he had a distrust of Marxist principles because of the prominence it gives to class warfare and revolutions. As far as he was concerned, traditional African societies thrived on a form of socialism which he called Ujama. This again suggests that Nyerere benefitted more from the consensus of opinion at the Manchester congress than those who were present and participated in the discussions which took place there. In a stunning departure from what was acceptable at the time, Nyerere not only leaned towards China diplomatically but economically as well. He invited them to build what became known as the Tanzam railway which as the name suggests was extended from Tanzania to Zambia, thereby giving landlocked Zambia access to the sea. This of course aroused a great deal of suspicion from the West almost as much as it still does now that many African countries are hitching their horse to the Chinese coach which is flying the flag all over the world in places where the West is very uncomfortable to see any Chinese presence. Because of the ideological bent of Julius Nyerere, the little country of Tanzania was punching well above its weight in global terms and it is a pity that those countries which were better placed to make a significant difference to the world order did not, or perhaps, could not follow the lead provided by Tanzania.

Tanzania under Nyerere represented the Pan-African ideal but she could not succeed in making the significant difference that was needed at the time and is still needed if African independence is to have any meaning. And Nyerere was willing to test his ideas out in the field. When Idi Amin was disturbing the peace in his corner of East Africa, it was Nyerere who called his bluff by sending his army into Uganda to dislodge that blood thirsty dictator even though it was at a cost that the sisal dependent Tanzanian economy could ill afford to incur. Given the circumstances, it was also a responsibility which could not be shirked if the whole of the East African sub-region was not to go up in smoke. There was a realization there that breaking eggs was a necessary prelude to making an omelette.

On the economic front, Nyerere’s flirtation with home-grown socialism did not fare better than his attempts, spirited as they were to create a sub-regional power by building an East African Federation. His Ujama villages, many of them built from scratch, could not deliver the economic miracle which was required for Tanzania to be truly free and so the country has continued to struggle as an economic entity. It is now clear that Africa has not found the way to true and sustained development and the key to unlocking the continent’s true potential was not one of the successes of the Fifth Pan-African Congress which was convened in Manchester, England in 1945. Be that as it may, there never was any comparable gathering of that period that had so many African leaders who took the same path to power and influence in Africa. This may very well have been a coincidence but the fact that this is what happened is of considerable significance and remains a point of reference today.

Anytime he traverses the land, air or sea like a troubadour, he must bring good tidings. Each time the Nigerian President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) comes to see President Muhammadu Buhari, he never comes empty handed. He must bring goodies and goodies for his home country.

Tuesday this week was not different. Dr Akinwumi Adesina, former Minister of Agriculture, came on a proactive rescue mission. Something was severely threatening food security in Africa, and Nigeria particularly. It calls for urgent action.

Each time the two gentlemen meet, they start with banters. So comfortable are they in each other’s company.

The jokes and bonhomie over, the AfDB President burst the speaker: “Urgent actions are needed to prevent a food crisis in Africa.”

Why? How? When? What can be done? The questions came tumbling out, like water cascading from a burst dam.

Dr Adesina provided all the answers.

“I am here Mr President to brief you on the impacts of the Russian-Ukraine war and its implications for food security in Africa, and Nigeria; and to intimate you with decisive actions being taken by the African Development Bank to avert what is a looming food crisis.”

“Russia and Ukraine dominate export of wheat and maize to Africa. With the disruption of supplies arising from the war, Africa now faces a shortage of at least 30 million metric tons of food imports from Russia and Ukraine, especially for wheat, maize, and soybeans.”

As the man spoke, suddenly Russia and Ukraine were not so far away again. They were right there in the Diplomatic Room of the Presidential Villa.

More statistics: “Price of wheat has soared in Africa by over 45% since the war. Prices of fertilizers have gone up by 300%, and the continent faces a fertilizer shortage of 2 million metric tons. If unmet rapidly, food production in Africa will decline by 20%, and the continent would lose over $11 billion in value of food production.”

Holy Moses!

The AfDB boss quoted the UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, who had said: “We are now facing a perfect storm that threatens the economies of developing countries.”

If there’s anything President Buhari is concerned about, it is that Nigerians should be able to feed themselves, without recourse to massive food importation. That was why he encouraged us to return to the land, put his money where his mouth is by funding agriculture massively, and today, we have a lot to be thankful for. Food security is almost a reality in the country.

But because the world is now a global village, and no nation is an island, the Russian-Ukraine war could still affect some fundamentals of our food security. So, what to do? Fortunately, we have our own ‘export’ to the world at the AfDB. He unfolded what he has in store for Africa, and for Nigeria, our own dear native land.

“Mr President, I know that you are also worried about the effects on Nigeria… The African Development Bank, under my leadership, is fully prepared to meet this new challenge head on. The Bank has developed a $1.5 billion Africa Emergency Food Production Plan to support countries to produce food rapidly, to mitigate the effects of the war on food prices.

“The plan will support countries to produce 38 million metric tons of food. This will include 11 million metric tons of wheat; 18 million metric tons of maize; 6 million metric tons of rice; and 2.5 million metric tons of soybeans.

“The total value of the additional food production is $12 billion. This plan, which is before the Board of Directors of the Bank for its approval, will be rolled out by the end of May and will cover all countries of the Bank.”

What is in it for me, that is the question people often ask. What’s in it specifically for Nigeria?

“Nigeria is top priority under the emergency food production plan. For the wet season of 2022, the plan will support 5 million smallholder farmers in Nigeria. They will cultivate 2.5 million hectares: one million hectares for maize; one million hectares for rice; 250,000 hectares for soybeans; and 250,000 hectares for sorghum.

“For the dry season of 2022/2023, the plan will support one million farmers across 10 northern states. We expect that this will support 500,000 hectares of wheat. Overall, the Emergency Food Production Plan for Nigeria will produce 9.5 million metric tons of food.”

Call this being proactive, or preparing adequately for the rainy day, and you are right on the money. Since 2015, President Buhari had seen into the future, repositioned the agriculture sector in the country, and he is now receiving viable support from outside. Support that won’t end up in private pockets. God bless leaders who care for their people, particularly the weak and vulnerable.

Dr Adesina said the AfDB will also support Nigeria to develop Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones.

“We have helped to mobilize $540 million for the program. The African Development Bank has approved a total of $210 million. The Islamic Development Bank, and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) have approved $170 million, and $160 million respectively, towards the program.”

The Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones will be initially rolled out in 7 States: Kano, Ogun, Oyo, Kaduna, Kwara, Imo, Cross River, and the Federal Capital Territory.

Dr Adesina ended on a note of hope. “Dear Mr President, you are passionate about agriculture. Your passion is shared by me and the colleagues at the African Development Bank. What is needful now is rapid action by Nigeria to implement the program to further boost food production, reduce food price inflation, and transform the agriculture sector, while assuring food security, and creating jobs. Your leadership will be critical for success. Failure is not an option. The farmers are waiting.”

A delighted President Buhari thanked Dr Adesina profusely, encouraging him to work with the right Ministers back here, adding that Nigerian borders were closed for about two years to protect local farmers, and curb smuggling. “We made some progress,” he added.

For those who look at only the downsides of things, under President Buhari, we can be thankful to God that we can feed ourselves, and not crossing the borders to look for food. All other things shall soon be added to us.

Amen, somebody!

*Adesina is Special Adviser to President Buhari on Media and Publicity