Category: Opinion

By Tunji Olaopa

All autobiographies and biographies are significant documents. For one, they are records of the lives and times of significant individuals whose histories intersect the trajectories of the human societies in which they lived, and how these societies evolve over time. Whether we like it or not, history is more often than not the deeds of great men and women who impact the narratives of the society with their actions and inactions. This is what Thomas Carlyle, the Scottish philosopher, enunciated as what is now regarded as the “Great Man Theory.” The history of the world is, therefore, essentially the biography of great men and women. And when these great people now go further to write their autobiographies, or commission biographies, we are further provided with an illumination of those aspects or dimensions of their lives and times that were hidden from the public glare when they were still active.

All autobiographies are retrospective. They provide us with several insights into the past of the person who is the focus of the narration. Autobiographies also speaks to the relationship between the central figure and all those whose lives and stories intersects his or her own. So, in narrating the trajectory of his or her life, the autobiographer must also necessarily narrate those aspects of the lives of others that affect, molded and impact his or her own. And when that autobiographer turns out to be a public figure, or a politician, the narrative becomes even more charged with intrigues, revelations and assessment. This is the point where the autobiography of a politician becomes a fundamental contribution to political history. Like all history, political history is sketchy and partial. When political events happen, we do not always have all the facts and evidences at our disposals to achieve proper understanding. And, therefore, we quibble and speculate and quarrel. This is so until a significant political gladiator speaks out and clarifies and provides more evidences that illuminate the historical silences and gaps that were empty before.

Chief Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala is a significant political gladiator. And the political history of Oyo state is not complete without some chapters to his presence and actions. He was not only the sixth executive governor of Oyo state, he is also a prominent player in the political landscape of the state. There is therefore a lot to learn from an autobiography of such an eminent politician and public figure that will benefit a deeper reflection on the political history of Oyo state, as well as Ogbomoso that donated Otunba Alao-Akala to Oyo state. This makes his newly minted autobiography a significant event in Oyo State’s political history.

Amazing Grace is a nineteen-chapter, and 530-page, tour de force that combines the personal, the political and the historical into a solid narration of the trajectory of an extraordinary personage. Like him or not, Otunba Alao-Akala is a force to be reckoned with in Oyo politics. From the title of the autobiography alone, we are immediately sensitized to the spiritual framework within which Alao-Akala situates his life and all he has achieved so far. Chief Akala wants to leave us in no doubt about the fundamental role that Providence has played in what he has become. And with this, he acknowledges most profoundly that “God rules in the affairs of men,” according to the Scripture (Daniel 4:17). And that finger of God actively charted his paths from a young baby, born screaming and kicking into the world to a formidable governor of a formidable state. Amazing Grace is an amazing narrative of how the grace of God could intervene in the life of a hitherto unknown boy, born in a small corner of the world, but destined to shake a larger corner of that world.

From the very first sets of words in the “Prologue,” we are given a hint of the progression of the narrative—it is the story of a boy who had no clue about the future and what life had in store for him. According to him, “For a toddler who lost his father at age two, and whose widowed mother’s anguish knew no bound—more so being a young woman—the future did not hold any promise for me.” But by the time we arrive at chapter four of the autobiography—”Police Cadetship: Robust Vision and an Excellent Career as Officer of the Law”—this young and partially orphaned boy was already finding his feet in the world. And from chapter six—”Politics, Here I Come!” to chapter thirteen—”Progressives and Conservatives: Where the Thin Line Lies,” we get right into the thick of the political significance of Amazing Grace; the context within which former Governor Alao-Akala cut his political teeth and became a political factor to be reckoned with.

Of course, this narration of the political events and incidences in the state were all from his perspective, but then that perspective is a cogent one. This is because history speaks through those who participated in it. And their voices add to the elaborate and complex mapping of what happened and why and how they happen. With Amazing Grace, we have a most important addition to the mapping of the political history of Oyo state. And every such voice and narration ought to matter to political historians in their assessment of the circumstances that shape the lives of everyone. This autobiography shed a significant light into the political saga that molded Oyo state into what it is now. And we can begin to connect several dots, while raising new political reflections.

Otunba Alao-Akala hailed from Ogbomoso. That in itself is a significant opening statement in the political history of Oyo state. Ogbomoso stands at the confluence of several historical juncture, from Yoruba to Nigeria. Its geographic location as the intersection that link Oyo, Ilorin, Ikoyi and Osogbo ensured that Ogbomoso became not only significant in defining the fate of the old Oyo Empire (and especially its hostile relationship with the invading Fulani); Ogbomoso also contributed to the erosion of the power of the Empire when it shifted its allegiance to Ibadan, the then rising military town which defeated the Fulani in 1840. This political strategy of reading the time and space of politics has led to Ogbomoso being a significant bloc in the politics of Oyo state. It is with the rise of Chief SLA Akintola that Ogbomoso further entrenched its political significance in the politics of the Old Western region. With Chief Obafemi Awolowo and their ideological and political disagreement, Akintola not only help precipitate the 1962 political crisis which is one of the proximate causes that led to the 1966 coup and eventually the civil war. His principled stand derived from the need to maintain a firm belief in a strategic alignment with the center. It is this belief in strategic alliance that links Akintola to Akala.

Thus, it is not just mere coincidence that Chief Alao-Akala and Chief SLA Akintola were both Ogbomoso indigenes and both solid Baptist members. It is therefore not strange for Chief Akala to pronounce that “history has not been fair to…Akintola.” The reason for this judgment is simple: Akintola, in Akala’s critical assessment, was merely following the Ogbomoso political leaning, which was oriented towards the national political center, and those who dominate it—the North. And if alignment with the North could benefit Ogbomoso, then that was the best political move to make. Chief Akala said that was a significant motivation for his joining the APC: “the party had the national spread and was in control of the center.”

And on the basis of this decision, we saw the rise of an Ogbomoso politician challenging the Ibadan hegemonic dominance. In aligning with Adedibu, the archetypal godfather, and his guerilla-type politics, Akala was motivated by what he called the “Ogbomoso political behavior.” It is in this sense that we must salute the political sagacity of Chief Alao-Akala. It was not an easy thing for him to ride the formidable dynamics of his Ogbomoso grassroots politics into the fortress of Ibadan realpolitik, and not only win but also become a godfather himself. The late Chief Lamidi Adedibu was the indefatigable avatar of Oyo politics. Even though he was referred to as the “strongman of Ibadan politics,” Adedibu was unofficial kingmaker in Oyo state. His brand of populism and patronage politics ensured he had a control over the voice and votes of the Oyo people. The question for the young and rising Akala was simple: how to keep pushing the Ogbomoso political interest in the face of Adedibu’s tight hold on Oyo politics, and preference for Ibadan? Though Adedibu held sway as a force in the PDP, he was sufficiently pragmatic to immediately recognize how Akala could inject the influential Ogbomoso bloc into his own political complex calculation. Adedibu recognized a fellow populist, and power broker. Between Adedibu and Akala, political historians, scientists and theorists will have a field day theorizing the role of patronage, populism, opportunism and strategic consideration in Oyo state and Nigerian politics.

The reformer in me would not allow me leave this review without giving attention to an issue of infrastructural development, as it relates to Akala’s governorship. I am talking about the LAUTECH saga, and the development of the Southwest. The autobiography inevitably addressed the LAUTECH issue in chapter fourteen. This tertiary institution has been involved in a crippling ownership tussle between Oyo and Osun states that was recently resolved in favour of Oyo state. Can we say that the imbroglio that initially stalled the resolution of the LAUTECH issue is a result of the politics of territoriality? This is a significant given that the six Southwest states have a significant infrastructural vision in the Oodua network that undergird the DAWN framework of action. Since education is a key part of this vision, in what sense, therefore, is the LAUTECH predicament a slap on the face of a joint commitment to collective development?

An autobiography of this magnitude indeed provides the opportunity for political historians and scholars to reassess epistemically and politically the existing dynamics of realpolitik and political practice. Akala’s Amazing Grace brings to the fore again the persistent issue of godfatherism, and patronage politics, and their place in democratic governance. It further concretizes the role of political geography—of place and space—in the understanding of how political and governance decisions come to affect the wellbeing of citizens. to get the most from the autobiography, one needs to come to it with an open mind for insights on gaps and silences that require filling.

The Amazing Grace makes for a significant addition to Oyo and national political history. Otunba Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala is not someone to be easily pushed aside. And no political historian will discount the narration of someone who reshuffled the political dynamics of a state that contributed a lot to the shaping of the Nigerian political landscape. I will end with the brilliant and befitting portrait of Akala penned by Festus Adedayo, who wrote the Foreword to Amazing Grace:

I saw a down-to-earth man who had no airs, a man hunted by the unpleasant experience of his childhood which manifested in an uncommon generosity in him while in office that was misconstrued as profligacy. I saw a man who inputs into his rise and strides in life the unseen hands of grace. This reflected in his view of every needy who comes his way as a replica of, or a reconstruction of his own situation while growing up. He saw in them the helpless and hopeless young Bayo whom grace elevated from the lowest rung of the ladder and catapulted to the exalted office of the Chief Executive of a state, sitting in an office which a Yoruba ancestor, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, once occupied.

 

Retired Federal Permanent Secretary & Professor of Public Administration, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos

 

tolaopa2003@gmail.com

tolaopa@isgpp.com.ng

By Funmi Branco 

Since the return to civil rule in 1999, Nigerians have had to contend with the ugly spectre of ill-prepared, ideologically vacuous, morally bankrupt and intellectually challenged leaders across the political spectrum. For many years, the office of governor, in particular, has featured tenants that never should have come anywhere close to authority.

We have seen governors engaging in monumental rape of the resources of the state they were meant to steer to prosperity, using vile and uncouth language that even motor park touts would shudder at, turning a state into a battlefield between the three arms of government, giving workers a raw deal while gorging on state resources, spending ecological funds on political campaigns, among other atrocities. But wherever a departure from the norm is spotted, such departure deserves a place under the spotlight, in part because they offer hope to a beleaguered populace. Against this backdrop, there is a compelling reason to place the Ogun State governor, Dapo Abiodun’s governance style under the critical radar and see what lessons it offers on leadership, especially in perilous times.

To be sure, I do not celebrate a saint and quite frankly, I know of none. Still, it seems sufficiently clear that not even the bitterest critics of the Ogun State helmsman would fail to acknowledge that he is a gentleman, a man of his word; a modest, prudent, and honest leader. A year old in office, the governor reportedly did not even have official cars, either as main vehicle or backup. Neither did his commissioners, special assistants and other appointees. This is striking because Ogun is one of Nigeria’s most naturally, intellectually and economically endowed, even shunning the fact that it shares pivotal contiguity with Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital. The Ogun economy could certainly support official vehicles for its helmsman, but Abiodun, it appears, aimed to ensure that available funds were conserved and channeled to the priority needs of the populace.

The point cannot be overlooked that since inception, he has been able to disappoint the prophets of doom who laid encumbrances on his path even before he had started his ultimately successful campaign. Today, Abiodun runs one of the states paying the highest minimum wage in the country, regularly and promptly, despite the financial constraints imposed by the coronavirus pandemic, a second wave of which has just struck the country. There is harmony between the executive and the legislature, and between the judiciary and the executive, yet the turbulent circumstances in which Abiodun took power is, to quote the Nobel Laureate Thomas Eliot, not worth forgetting. Taking on the formidable political machinery of the then state government, Abiodun fought a titanic battle to win both the APC governorship primary and the election proper. But then the opposition within would not relent: he had no committee to hand over power to him, and did not get the handing over notes until a few hours to the inauguration when the deputy governor received them on his behalf. The open-roof pick-up used during his inauguration was borrowed from another state, and thugs piled wood on the inauguration pathway. This was followed by the failed legal challenges to his educational qualifications and candidature.

Symbolically, Abiodun ensured the full absorption of workers recruited through the back door by the Amosun administration in the twilight of its tenure. He ratified the appointment of Permanent Secretaries and directed the mainstreaming and regularisation of the appointment of over 1000 graduates recruited into the state civil service. His message: “The appointments and recruitments were fraught with non-adherence to the principles and laid-down traditions of the public service. But in line with our administration’s commitment to equity, fairness, justice and inclusiveness, we will not engage in any action or policy that may be viewed as vendetta. Rather, we will call on all to continue to put in their best for the service delivery to the people of Ogun State.” This is, in my view, a worthy template for governance in all the 36 states. Who does bickering help?

To say the least, Governor Abiodun has managed the Covid-19 crisis excellently well. Apart from building isolation centres and testing labs in record time, he doubled the newly ratified allowances of health workers in the state. He also demonstrated the full Omoluabi qualities that the Yoruba of the South-West pride themselves in when he chose to forgive Idowu Adekoya, a young lady who had purveyed false and malicious information about the foodstuff distributed in the state to cushion the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on the populace, after appeals by her relatives and elders in the community. A lady who tried such malignity in Osun State was promptly thrown into jail, but the symbolism of Governor Abiodun’s forgiveness of a penitent young lady could not have been lost on Nigerians.

Only in November, medical doctors under the auspices of the National Association of Government General Medical and Dental Practitioners (NAGGMDP) and Association of Resident Doctors (ARD), OOOUTH, Sagamu, applauded him for their new pay package. The doctors, while on a thank-you visit to his office at Oke-Imosan, Abeokuta, also commended him for the steps taken to reposition the health sector for efficient healthcare delivery. According to the President of ARD, OOUTH chapter, Dr. Mutiu Popoola, the recruitment of doctors and other medical personnel and provision of medical equipment was a clear demonstration of the government’s determination to return the health institution back to its former state. Similarly, civil servants came out en-masse to the Arcade Square at the state secretariat to celebrate the governor whom they described as a “talk and do governor” for keeping his word on the payment of the new minimum wage.

Besides, the harmonious working relationship between the governor and the state House of Assembly paid off with the approval of the N250bn debt insurance programme under the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework to revamp the economy of the state in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic. Before granting the bond, the lawmakers engaged government agencies with a view to determining the desirability of the facility. The three-year facility to stimulate and grow the Ogun economy is to be accessed in tranches of N100bn annually, based on measurable performance indicators. Instructively, the governor deplored the same visionary strategy to managing the subsequent #EndSARS crisis. Despite the contiguity of Lagos to the state, the crisis did not snowball into massive destruction in Ogun, in large part because of the governor’s humility and widespread consultations with stakeholders, including the protesting youth, with whom he fully identified, traditional rulers and community rules. Said Omolara Adeyemi, an Abeokuta resident, “We didn’t know he could do so well. He’s so humble, he’s working hard. He has not been hurling abuses at people, and he has brought a lot of stability into the state.”

Indeed, in an address delivered at his office in Abeokuta on Monday, October 26 in the wake of the #EndSARS crisis, Governor Abiodun went into the roots of the protest and spread the gospel of job creation across the state. According to him, each local government would see at least 250 youth given employment with immediate effect. Explaining the move, Prince Abiodun was quoted as saying: “We understand that many of our people are just coming out of the economic hardship as imposed by COVID-19. These are people whose economic activities have been affected by the lockdown and other difficult but necessary measures to combat and bring down the curve of COVID-19. We are irrevocably committed to the successful implementation of the Building our Future Together Agenda.” This is the kind of news, and the kind of leaders, that the country requires to thrive.

Tunde Rahman

Could Asiwaju Bola Tinubu have been motivated by politics in his recent visit to far-flung Maiduguri, Borno State and yet held no discussion with the party leaders and political stakeholders in that North-eastern state? Could the APC leader have been out to feather his 2023 political nest and yet there was no closed-door session, no behind-the-scene meeting at which the matter of his ambition would be discussed? These are the critical questions for critics and political detractors who have imputed political reasons to the visit. Everything was done in the open during last Monday’s visit, which lasted about four hours.

Yet out of their desire to cast others in their mould and view people from their constricted, parochial perspectives, they framed Asiwaju Tinubu’s visit as politically motivated. They claim the APC leader was in that city in furtherance of his 2023 political ambition, even when he is yet to declare interest in the upcoming presidential race.

It is, nonetheless, worth asking: how many of those political hawks would be ready at present to undertake a trip to that North-eastern town ravaged by Boko Haram, even if for politics?

The fact is that by visiting Governor Babagana Zulum and the government and people of Borno State over the recent massacre of scores of innocent rice farmers in Zabarmari, Asiwaju Tinubu was simply demonstrating the humanity in him. Moved by compassion over the cruel fate of those farmers who were butchered by Boko Haram insurgents while tilling the soil for their sustenance and those of others, he was convinced he had to visit the state. So, for him, it wasn’t a search for validation. Nor was it a matter of political endorsement.

In Maiduguri, the APC leader condemned the gruesome killing of the farmers in clear terms, saying the farmers who he called patriots did not deserve to die the way they did. As he is won’t to do, Asiwaju not only offered his support to the government to cushion the agony and anguish of relations of the deceased farmers and other victims of Boko Haram, he also offered ideas on how the nation could respond to the new wave of insurgency going forward.

He said given that the evil killers have become more daring and now wield sophisticated weapons, it is expedient for the military to change strategy. The visit was not only instructive for the support and all of that, it was even more remarkable because of the insightful ideas and suggestions on confronting the Boko Haram menace proffered by Asiwaju.

Hear the APC leader: “We have been on this (Boko Haram) for sometime. We have seen the reaction of the Federal Government; we have seen the reaction of the Armed Forces. This is no longer a conventional warfare; it requires some more tact and reasoned approach, as it is increasingly gruesome. In such situation, what we do is to re-plan our strategy.

“We have seen Governor Zulum’s life being attacked on more than one occasion in a bid to eliminate him, but Allah is mighty, He has protected and will continue to protect him.”

According to him, under insurgency governance would hardly excel. “You can’t concentrate, become innovative and excel if you have to go to school and engage in developmental efforts under a climate of fear. We saw people who have endured so much agony, denial, brutality and who decided to run to their farms to develop means of livelihood, not only for themselves, but for all of us, and at the end of the day they were slaughtered. That’s not religion, it is not in our religion (Islam); it is not in Christianity either. It is an act of wickedness.”

Perhaps explaining the rationale behind the visit, he said: “I want His Excellency Governor Zulum and members of the state Executive Council to see this visit not as a condolence visit only, not a sympathy visit only, but as a symbol of solidarity and commitment to demonstrate that we must defeat all evil doers.

We have to remove these unemployed youths from the streets, from being available for recruitment by the evil-doers. Don’t tell me they are illiterates, anybody that can operate Keke NAPEP and do little repairs; anybody that can hold guns, dismantle guns and service it is no more an illiterate”.

And speaking particularly about Governor Zulum, the APC leader commended his commitment to the security of lives and property in the state. “Professor Zulum is a man of courage and brilliance. He is talented and has a great character. It is a different thing for one to be talented, it is yet another to have character. Zulum is a man who has combined talent with great character. He is courageously confronting the responsibility of governance without looking back.

“I respect the Governor, he has so much courage and strong determination. He has been consistent in this struggle, his voice is loud, he is a man rooting for peace, stability and safety of lives and property of not only the people of Borno but that of the entire country.”

In his response, Governor Zulum thanked the APC leader for the visit, which he indicated was a special one. Zulum spoke of the commitment of his administration to doing whatever it can, to protect the lives and property of Borno people.

Asiwaju and his entourage were received by Governor Zulum, immediate-past governor of the state and presently Senator representing Borno Central Senatorial District, Alhaji Kashim Shettima, some House of Representatives members and members of the state cabinet. The APC stalwart on his part was accompanied by former National Vice Chairman (South-west) of the party, Chief Pius Akinyelure; former Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, and former APC National Welfare Officer, Alhaji Ibrahim Masari.

With the visit, Asiwaju behaved like a true statesman who looks not for his own success or that of his party, but that of his country, to paraphrase the 19th Century American theologian and author, James Freeman Clarke. Indeed, strong convictions precede great actions, as Clarke had surmised.

• Rahman is Media Advisor to Asiwaju Tinubu.

By Igboeli Arinze

Growing up as a kid, my first understanding of who a mercenary is came from the 1968 movie  ‘The Mercenaries’ (Also called the Dark of the Sun) which starred the likes of Rod Taylor, Jim Brown, Yvette Mimieux  and Peter Carsten, the movie, a screen adaptation of Wilbur Smith’s novel ‘Dark of the Sun’ depicted a group of mercenaries who invaded the Congo to steal 50 million dollars worth of diamonds.

Over the years other movies such as Inglorious bastards, the Wild Geese , Dogs of War and Rambo gave a great depiction of who a mercenary was, the history of wars fought such as the Nigerian Biafran War, the Congo Civil War, The Bush Wars in Rhodesia and The Angolan War saw mercenaries feature heavily. In the case of the Nigerian Biafran War names such as Ron Steiner, Taffy Williams, Pete Goosens and my favorite of all  the Swedish Von Rosen , aka the ‘Devil Pilot’ who fought for Biafra for free were all mercenaries who sought to aid the Republic of Biafra then remain as a fledging republic.

Today, even the word mercenaries to some extent has quite become obsolete, mercenaries are now known as Private Defence Contractors even though the process of engaging them remains the same, so I will pardon Professor Zulum, the Governor of Borno State who perhaps is stuck with such a word.

I will however fault Professor Zulum’s  calls for the deployment of mercenaries to help tackle the rampaging Boko Haram menace in the North Eastern part of Nigeria. The call, to any reasonable Nigerian smacks of the violation of the sovereignty of the Nigerian nation that we have to now place our security in the hands of Private Armies. No doubt, I can understand the passion of Governor Zulum, he is keen to govern in a land without Boko Haram or ISWAP terrorizing his citizens, no governor worth his salt would fold his hands and watch such without proffering a solution or two but methinks that Zulum is on the extreme for such a call.

Has it gotten to point where Nigeria, the supposed Giant of Africa now places her security as well as sovereignty in the hands of foreigners? Is this the same Nigerian Army with legends of what our forefathers did in Burma? Or where an Aguiyi Ironsi singlehandedly disarmed a Katangese  unit in Congo Kinshasha? Is this the Nigerian Army that beat back Chad and even crossed 59 km into Chadian nation to teach those petulant Chadians a lesson or two? What about our exploits in Liberia and Sierra Leone, was it not the same Nigerian Army that restored the peace in these respective areas giving the trio of Charles Taylor, Foday Sankoh and Johnnie Paul Koromah double whammies? I cannot accept such, it is a mockery of our nationhood.

Or what respect will world powers accord us, particularly those who might need us to help ensure a secure world in an era where the forces of globalization have changed the very nature of global security? A strong military will naturally keep or help protect a  nation’s interest. How do we ensure that our interests as the Giant of Africa are protected when it seems that we cannot beat a rag tag army of illiterates and marabouts? Haba!!!!

The calls for mercenaries is even insulting to the Nigerian Armed Forces,the numerous soldiers who have lost their lives in trying to protect the country and those still holding the rampart so that ‘bloody civilians like myself can close my eyes and sleep at night as well as pen pieces for my column. It is disrespectful to the colors of the Nigerian Army as well as its pride and prestige.

Even if it seems that the Nigerian Army appears not to be living up to its duty, an accusation that I much disagree with, the solution cannot be the import of mercenaries. Can we look at other basics such as recruiting more soldiers, training, better equipment, better coordination amongst the component branches of the Armed Forces, better intelligence gathering and the formation of lasting coalitions amongst member states where Boko Haram is a mutual problem and lastly the need to make those in charge accountable for the happenings in this war.

For example, I know that this administration has done its best in arming the military to enable it prosecute much better the war against the insurgents, if this is the case then it is about time , those in the rank and file take responsibility for the successes as well as failures of the military in this war, President Muhammadu Buhari should begin to demand much more from his service chief’s whom also ought to demand more from their officers within the rank and file. When heads are rolled, others in the rank and file would definitely sit up.

The call for mercenaries by Governor Zulum is a bad call, the authorities should kindly ignore him but see to it that our military boys are buoyed to see off these insurgents in a blaze of glory.

Nigeria shall succeed.

By Emmanuel Oladesu

Eyes are on the All Progressives Congress (APC) as it gazes at 2023. Will it overcome its self-inflicted problems and avert likely explosion or continue to wobble on in organisational deficit, distrust and disaster?

In 2015, it was clearly the party to beat at the historic general elections. Nigerians who were fed up with the inept PDP administration at the centre took solace in APC as a credible alternative. On poll day, they vented their anger on the party that dreamt of ruling for the next 60 years. The PDP was booted out of power.

Between 2015 and now, there is no evidence that APC enjoys the same popularity rating, the defections to the platform notwithstanding. There is a difference between hypocritical defection and visceral commitment based on conviction. Defection is a game of politics. Those who defect today can also defect tomorrow, if the edifice is collapsing. Not all defectors are party builders.

That the ruling party is living to expectation is debatable. APC midwifed the Muhammadu Buhari administration, which also secured a second term in last year’s elections. Nigerians do not pay attention to the infrastructure battle being fought by the government because other sectors lay prostrate.

APC made four cardinal promises to Nigeria-the revival of the economy, restoration of security, anti-corruption war, and restructuring. There is gap between expectation and reality on all counts. Buhari is genuinely fighting corruption. But, there are constraints. He also working hard to restore security. He still needs to work harder.

Unlike the Ota farmer, Buhari is not an oppressor. He has not personalised power. The cabal; the clique is the problem.

In 2023, Nigerians will reassess the party, not only in comparison with the pre-2015 PDP, but also based on the fulfilment and non-fulfilment of its campaign promises.

The ruling party has not been able to put its house in order. Its multiple crises underscore its inherent contradictions, lack of effective leadership and inability to manage its achievements. Does it mean therefore, that APC leaders were only united by their collective pursuit of federal power in 2015, unmindful of the post-election joint responsibility of building a virile party afterwards?

There is no semblance of unity, cohesion and harmony in the political family. For example, there is a deep gulf between the camp of governors-the dominant, influential and powerful state executives who lean on state resources-and other stalwarts, particularly committed founding leaders, whose labours gave birth to the platform.

In many states, governors and other chieftains are at war over the unresolved conflicts triggered by last year’s governorship and parliamentary nominations.

It is doubtful if APC could be described now as a party of equity and justice. Mutual confidence is diminishing. In some quarters, there is a feeling of gradual alienation and systematic exclusion, not only at the centre, but also in many state chapters.

The intra-party struggle for supremacy and the inordinate scramble for party power have deepened the mutual suspicion and division. Instead of focusing on governance in the spirit of 2019 electoral mandate, leading lights in the crisis-ridden party are locked in scheming ahead of next general elections.

There is the insinuation that the brewing commotion is premised on concerted efforts by an influential bloc to edge out a likely contender for the exalted office from the process or liquidate his formidable machinery ahead of the exercise. This may not totally be in the realm of conjecture.

Although all the contending forces in the polarised party claim to defer to the party leader, President Muhammadu Buhari, he is not perceived as a symbol of unity and understanding. The General is held in esteem by all. But, according to observers, he is not perceived as an effective party manager.

APC actually became a laughing stock when the Commander-In-Chief asked party members and the electorate to vote for him at the presidential election, while at the same time urging them to vote for candidates of their choice at the governorship and parliamentary elections.

The lack of party supremacy and discipline has become the hallmark of the ruling party that has refused to be a role model for other platforms.

APC swims in ideological vacuum. This is worrisome. That means that it lacks a compass. Ideology is not an end itself. It is a means to an end. The claim to progressivism by APC appears vague. The making of a progressive party goes beyond the projection of progressive ideas, philosophy and  manifesto on paper or its casual spousal at media events.

The organisational structures of APC should not only be firmly rooted in the party’s constitution, which is often misinterpreted, manipulated and even set aside, but mirror its ideological leaning. The APC Board of Trustees (BoT) is yet to be constituted. Its roles in the party are put in abbeyance. The National Caucus is dormant. Today, the constitutional authenticity of party leadership structures can be disputed.

There is disquiet in the party, following the dissolution of executive committee at the ward, local government, state and zonal levels by an unelected National Caretaker Committee that has obtained an extension for its interim tenure.

Since Chief Bisi Akande left as interim National chairman, APC has been a House of Babel under his successors. The two chairmen-Chief John Odigie-Oyegun and Comrade Adams Oshiomhole-later left office unceremoniously. Once there is crisis in APC, it will consume the gladiators. It is always a fight to finish. What can be deduced is that the party is an amalgam of strange fellows. They may not be united by strongs ideas apart from the thirst for power.

Six months ago, the National Caretaker Committee was set up. Its mandate is to resolve the multiple crises and organise a national convention. The crucial tasks have not been accomplished.

The Caretaker Committee chairman became an absentee governor in Yobe State. Yet, the committee has not been able to reconcile warring factions, rival camps and groups in Kwara, Ogun, Zamfara, Ekiti, Edo, Imo, Rivers, Ondo, Oyo, Delta, and Kaduna. It has also failed to hold a national congress in six months.

The motivation for tampering with the party’s democratic leadership structures at the states and grassroots is not clear. Is there any hidden agenda? What is the dissolution actually meant to achieve? Does that mean that all the state, council and ward chapters are in deep chaos?

The danger of the unconstitutional and undemocratic conversion of duly elected ward, local government and state executive committees into temporary caretaker structures  is that they now enjoy a temporary tenure at the mercy of the national caretaker committee, which can now also arrogate to itself the sweeping powers to suspend and dissolve them. A dangerous precedent has been set.

There are more battles for the APC to fight. The government it has installed twice should justify the confidence reposed in it by Nigerians. It should fix the economy, fight and win the battle against insurgency and bring comfort to citizens through workable people-oriented policies and programmes. The government should not be aloof to the consistent calls for the reconfiguration, redesign and restructuring of the country. That is the wish of the majority of ethnic groups.

APC should reflect about its journey so far. The resolution of the mounting intra-party challenges is critical to its survival. The tests before APC include crisis resolution, party congresses at lower levels, the national convention for the election of national chairman and other officers, and consideration for presidential zoning at the presidential convention and 2023 polls.

There is the unfinished business of reconciliation. The crisis resolution mechanism should be reactivated. The National Caretaker Committee can make use of the experience of all the national party chairmen who are now taking a back seat as elders in the party to drive reconciliation.

After the membership registration, party congresses would be held at ward, local government, state and zonal levels. The exercise should be properly managed to prevent post-congress crisis.

After a year, there will be no basis for the extension of the tenure of the national caretaker committee. It should organise an inclusive convention where a new democratic party would emerge.

Since party chieftains are already telescoping into 2023, the national convention may be turbulent. The zoning of the position of national chairman of the party will give a clearer picture of 2024 presidential zoning.

In 2014, the Abuja convention of the party was nearly aborted. While it was billed for 8am, it could only take off around 5.30pm in an atmosphere of repressed tension.

Lamentably, attention has shifted from governance to the next general elections. Zoning or rotation is an issue the party cannot avoid. Key chieftains have pointed out that it is rooted in the convention of the party. They are alluding to concrete agreements that should not be reneged.

If APC leaders want their party to survive, it will survive. But, they should be mindful of pitfalls. They should avoid making costly mistakes.

No political party is indispensable.

Nnedinso Ogaziechi

 

Make no mistake about it, politics is a 24/7 business. It is not for nothing that the mantra is that in politics, there are no permanent enemies or friends but permanent interests. The politicking that goes on in democracies  is such that politicians continue to strategize, lobby and change tactics depending on what political expediencies can be assuaged by any action.

In Nigeria for instance, after inauguration of any administration, political leanings begin to change principally because the political party structure has no strictly identifiable ideologies. The fluidity of most of the politicians makes it possible for them to oscillate from one party to the other in ways that one individual politician may leave party D for party E, return to party D in a year or two and again leave to return to party E. In all the movements, the political interest of the politician is always paramount.

However, for female politicians the fight for political visibility and relevance has been a very though one since 1999 because the socio-cultural and religious influences have been huge. The lack of gender parity has been a big issue in Nigerian politics. If democracy is a game of numbers, it follows that the number of men in legislative houses has always been far above that of the women in some cases,  there are no women at all in some state legislative houses.

The impact is therefore that the bills that can be of much value for women and youths if passed and signed into law often never get the needed numbers to sail through. It is in the light of this that various organizations, gender advocates and some global bodies are spending time and funds to create the needed awareness for more women to get out and let their voices be heard in politics. Are the Nigerian women in politics doing enough to encourage more women to join the political train?

The Roundtable Conversation sat with the APC National Women Leader in the caretaker Committee of the National Working Committee of the All Progressive Congress, APC, Hon. Stella Erhuvwuoghene Okotete. A professional with public and private sector experiences in Public Policy, Design and implementation amongst other qualifications, she started very early in life to long to represent her people in politics despite the obvious huddles faced by women and youths in politics in Nigeria.

She started off as a Councilor in her Ughelli  North Local government and having worked with rural women both as an elected person and as an appointee of her state government , she is not ignorant of what it means to be a woman in Nigerian politics. She is at the forefront of working to influence some changes in the party constitution to include more women in politics at least at the party operational levels. They want to create room for more competent women to vie for elective positions in the party rather than being mere appointees.

Being the only woman amongst the 13 Member Working Committee, she has been pushing along with other state women leaders to get at least four out of the thirteen seats for women. They also want to push for more competent women to run for elective positions for federal constituencies and the Senate and thier efforts has paid off with the first female Senator from Plateau state that was recently sworn in.

They have also succeeded in getting an adoption of a situation where women get to deputize for male chairmen and currently have twenty one women in those roles in Kogi state and 63 councilors with three per local government too.

The women have also been able to lobby for one of the top legislative leadership seats in both the state and federal legislature to be occupied by a woman-  the majority leader position.

In Bornu State for instance the APC women have been able to get one councilor per local government with the support and understanding of the governor of the state. Even when what has been achieved under her representation in under the 35% affirmative action, she believes that it is an encouraging start and can be improved upon. We are working with the state and zonal women leaders of the party to create more participation and visibility for  women because visibility is key. If we are in politics and are not visible, we won’t have a platform to serve. Her own strategy is to enhance female visibility and empower the women with training, leadership skills, moral support and economic independence so they can compete favourably with the men.

The APC women leaders had about two weeks ago organized a workshop to give the women a better perspective about women mobilization and visibility and are hoping that by next June that the congresses would be held, more women would be in the political train. The APC Chairman in Delta state has also made the nomination and expression of interest forms free for all women, helping to give women at the local level able to vie for both councilors and local government chairmen.

The  new registration and revalidation of old members would be starting in January and there is high hopes that this would be an advocacy period to encourage more women to join the party not just to wish to be given spaces but to create spaces for themselves just like the men. There would be more awareness created for women because that can now enable more women to access party positions like chairpersons at ward, senatorial or even national levels, they can become secretaries and welfare officers hitherto exclusively held by men.

The women can have better opportunities when their numbers increase because democracy is about numbers and so even if there are posts to be filled and the women do not have the numbers, nothing can be achieved. To achieve set goals and targets, women must reach out and join parties and play along with the men because power is never given on a platter.

Hon. Okotete however feels proud of how much she has achieved but reiterates one of the challenges of female political participation in the country being the fact that older female politicians often do not mentor the younger ones and the idea that some women play the crab and the idiomatic pulling each other down from climbing the political ladder does not help women in any way.

She cites a personal example of going the right route when she encouraged and helped campaign for one of the women that tried to scuttle her efforts at some point in her political career. She believes mentoring is a compulsory ingredient in increasing female participation because most women do not know the routes to follow even when they are competent and ready to serve.

Again, she believes that for more women to succeed in politics, the values the African holds dear, like respect and dignity must be maintained by the women in politics so that they do not fit into the wrong stereotypes that can be blocked off by men who might accuse the women of being rude and antagonistic. The women would, like the snail realize that to pass through the thorns needs extra care and deft strategy.

To defeat crass patriarchy would take time but the key is maintaining those values that are endearing not because the women cannot fight but because the patient dog they say eats the fattest bone. Integrity on the political field would get the women what they want and that should be the watchword. What drives the process must be the adherence to our African values not by being slavish but when we are more united and more firm when given the opportunity  then doors are not closed for other women.

Diligence and commitment in carrying out duties even outside the political arena can always help women win their space in politics because when you come with those two, the men have no choice but to give you what you deserve. The advocacy for more female inclusion must always go with caution and focus because that is the only way women can win. Sitting back and complaining without the requisite hard work cannot move women into the core political space.

As it is, there is serious global attention on women as good leaders whose sense of duty and patriotism help develop economies. However, the power to do that must come with a sense of togetherness and stronger strategic alliances from every woman in or out of politics. The idea of the older female politicians staying aloof and ignoring mentorship and advocacy programmes for more women is akin to dropping the baton in a relay race, you might have run well but if your baton drops and is not picked, the race cannot be completed.

It is gratifying to note that some women in politics are realizing the value of lifting others and collaborating with men even if faced with some skepticism. The men too are realizing that leadership of the twenty first century is no longer a viable mono action. The collaborative efforts of the genders and the youth are the needed fillip to develop any economy.

The era of women being in political parties for the fun of organizing women to vote for men and to dance at campaigns must be a thing of the past if development must happen. The advocacy for gender parity can never be too much because given the population of the country and the poverty capital tag, the more competent and ready to serve women in politics, the better for the country. Women must be ready to go the whole hog because the men can never voluntarily give up power.

The dialogue continues…

By Garba Shehu

As he marks today, December 17 as his birthday, Muhammadu Buhari, driver of change and mobiliser of voters continues in his role as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, leading by setting examples as the country wades through the thick waves of corruption, insecurity and a Covid economy.

David Aaker, the American marketing guru says every person has a brand that affects how the person is perceived and whether he or she is liked and respected.

The qualities of uprightness and incorruptibility have given the biggest push to Muhammadu Buhari both as a military Head of State and a two-term democratically elected civilian President of Nigeria.

As an assistant in his office, I attest to the fact that the Buhari phenomenon is not a product of marketing.  In any case, experts in the field teach that marketing cannot sell a bad product.  No matter how much money, so long as what you are selling does not measure up to expectations or is fake, all efforts in that marketing will fail.

With discipline and consistency, President Buhari has convinced a majority of Nigerians and his peers who have retained him as the continent’s anti-corruption champion that he is sincere, credible, incorruptible and that he stands for good governance.

Upon his assumption of office in May, 2015, President Muhammadu Buhari sat at long meetings with teams led by Permanent Secretaries and heads of the various government agencies and departments.  Those meetings took a few months to go round and were in effect, responsible for the delay in the appointment of ministers into his first cabinet.

Before his inauguration, President elect Muhammadu Buhari wasn’t allowed to meet government officials, just as we witnessed in America recently, until the incumbent President agreed that the incoming President Joe Biden be met and briefed.

President-elect Buhari therefore didn’t have the benefit of an official view of things because the administration he succeeded had decided that “there will not be two governments in place in the country; wait for your time”.

So the President-elect bided his time until he took the office before getting a real glimpse of what was the nature of the treasury to inheriting; the state of security; projects going on and the disposition of the public service to implement his ambitious plans.

One of the earliest rules set by the leader at the inception of the administration was that “I will not be corrupt and I will not let anyone of you to be corrupt.”

The chance to spell out this message clearly to the senior government officials and the business community was when he met with the big companies handling government contracts: roads, railways, bridges, buildings and others.

On this particular issue, the President had this important message:”We have been informed that percentage cuts- 10 percent or more are built into contracts, to be shared among government leaders and civil servants. This must stop. We will not accept kickbacks.

“We have equally been informed that handlers of major contracts build homes for government leaders. You buy expensive cars and maintain them for the beneficiaries. When they or close relations fall ill, you take them to hospitals abroad, including the use of air ambulances when that is warranted at no cost them.

“Our finding is that nothing you give is free. All such costs are built into government contacts. We don’t want that to continue.

“Most of you have built the reputation over the years for doing good jobs, delivering them on time. So we will continue to patronize your services. But the the high costs will be checked.

“From now going forward, the added costs and all this padding must end.  If we ask for quotations from you, tell us the actual cost that the project entails.  No ten percent, no added costs.”

An eerie silence greeted the riot act as read by the President. No one in room complained against the assessment of the President nor was there a dissent.

A young Nigerian designer, very successful abroad produced a gold wristwatch of the famous Rolex brand and embossed the picture of the President on its face.  The President Commanded the success of the young man’s brand oversea, asked him to keep the name of Nigeria flying but directed that the gift be politely returned. The young entrepreneur picked up his precious wristwatch and left.

Among the key arguments for the Petroleum Industry Bill now being debated in the two chambers of the National Assembly is that it seeks to curb what critics say is the “absolute power of a president to award, revoke and renew licenses.” At the pleasure of past leaders, influential individuals had oil wells gifted to them.

In an interview he once gave, the immediate past Minister of State, Petroleum Resources and Chairman of the Board, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) Dr. Ibe Kachikwu said President Buhari as Minister and head of government never, not even once did he direct him to issue the gift of oil well, this or that license, contract or any sort of authorization but allowed all to come through due process.

President Buhari equally abhors ostentatious living style.  When a Permanent Secretary, at those early briefings announced to him that he was in receipt of N400 million from the treasury for the purchase of new cars for his office, the President’s question was, “what is wrong with the cars left behind by the former President? They are alright for my use.”  He continued to use those Jonathan cars until just a year ago when one of the two Mercedes Benz cars broke down on the way to the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport.

That his austere and disciplined lifestyle were not a make-believe was on public display when the enterprising photographer, Bayo Omoboriowo captured the President in a picture he was watching a football match at home in Daura.

Without meaning to do that, that iconic picture put out for the public to see the austere furnishings including a TV set not bigger than 36 inches wide. A picture tells more than a thousand words. Nigerians in thousands were caught saying, “wow, is this all that the President could have at home?”

In seeking a holistic approach against corruption, the President has spoken all the time for the place of effective audits and other systemic checks. He has promoted the adoption of e-government initiatives and innovative technology.  He found very progressive policies on the drawing boards, the Bank verification Number, BVN; the Treasury single Account and the IPPIS Payroll service which the previous government failed to implement and promptly put the mechanism in place for their implementation.  Arising from this, gains from savings are today being counted in trillions of naira.

In dealing with contractors and contacts, that is where you find oil in the hands of many leaders. Everyone knows by now that President Buhari does not use power, discretionary or otherwise, to issue contracts. Open bidding is the way to go and when approvals are needed, President-in-Council insists that the path to due process must be followed. The bidding process must be disclosed, company directors must be listed and a due process certificate must accompany the request for each approval.

Because cash or cheque payments are no longer in fashion, contractors get paid without person to person interaction to reduce corruption. Using information technology, the arrival of the “alert” tells the contractors that the their payment is on account. Each government payment of five million Naira and above must be on public display in the GIFMIS (Government Integrated Financial Management Information System) that seeks to stem the tide of corruption.

President Buhari believes that the road to reduced corruption in Nigeria and elsewhere is not an easy one.  One experience he never forgets to speak about is that in which the counterrevolutionary elements who threw him out of office as Military Head of State in the 80s locked him up in detention, set free all those he detained and returned to them in full the proceeds of their corruption.  Now he says, I follow the due process of the law.  Beyond that, we will auction whatever we have taken from the corrupt, use the money to serve the people so that there will be nothing to be returned when others succeed us after the completion of our term.

As I write, Committees under the Ministry of Justice have been set up to sell off all seized assets – aircraft, boats, cars, buildings, factories and so forth.

Beyond the unyielding determination to lead by setting examples, President Buhari strongly believes that there must be consequences for corruption.  When government leaders or officials commit acts of corruption and there are no consequences, the ones that come after them will engage in corruption with even greater vigar.

Our President is determined to keep this lesson in place, and the best way to showing the seriousness of commitment is to lead by example.

• Shehu is SSA to President (Media & Publicity)

By Femi Adesina

Ask for a President beleaguered from all sides, and I’ll show you Muhammadu Buhari, the ramrod straight man from Daura, in Katsina State, who turns 78 today.

In the build up to the 2015 presidential election, we used to say everything had been thrown at him as projectiles, except the kitchen sink. Permit me to update that expression. Today, everything possible has been thrown at President Buhari, including the kitchen sink. Anything. Everything. Fake news. Hate speech. Lies. False propaganda. Evil thoughts. Malediction. Odium. Opprobrium. Ogbunigwe. Ogulutu.Surface to air missiles. All offensive weapons. But the man trudges on. Calmly, sedately, peacefully.

If only more Nigerians knew this President. If only they knew the essential Buhari, the quintessential patriot and gentleman, they would behave differently, handle him with more care, and show him more kindness. Yes, everyone needs kindness, even Presidents.

Remember that song by Mary Mc Kee and The Genesis?

You’ve got to try a little kindness

Yes, show a little kindness

Just shine your light for everyone to see

And if you try a little kindness

Then you’ll overlook the blindness

Of narrow-minded people, on narrow-minded streets.

Too many people have chosen to believe the wrong things about President Buhari, and have ossified their minds against the truth. But then, those of us who have had the privilege to work with him, studied and known him at close quarters, have a duty to tell what we have seen. And what better day to do it, than on his birthday.

Oh, he eats from the President. What else would he say than to sing his praises. True? False. If need be, I will serve this President for free. I consider it a great privilege to serve a man I admire. Even gratis.

Somebody commented that a blitzkrieg has been launched against Buhari and the government he leads, from all quarters. Some elements in the media, human rights groups, so-called activists, NGOs, Boko Haram, ISWAP, all at once. But is Buhari the loser? Not at all. It’s the country that ultimately loses, just as Eric Donaldson sang in ‘Little Did You Know:’

You think that you are hurting me

But little did you know you are only hurting yourself

Little did you know you are only hurting yourself.

In about two years and five months, with God being merciful as He always is, President Buhari will land safely, and retire to Daura for a well-deserved retirement at 80. And if those engineering distraction against his government continue, it is the country that would have lost. A great deal.

What are the things some people hurl against the President, which shows that they don’t know him at all?

He’s a religious bigot. Really? I’ve not seen a scintilla of evidence in the past five years. Every Christmas and Easter holiday, he calls those of us who are Christians, working with him, and asks us to stay off work, and enjoy the season with our families. That’s not the way of bigots, who would never acknowledge any religion, except their own.

As a military commander, history has it that Buhari would always give soldiers working under him time to go for worship on Sunday mornings, just as he did to the Muslims on Fridays. Yet, bigot, bigot, some people continue to shout.

He’s a Fulani, he rears cows, and all Fulani herdsmen are criminals, that’s why he tolerates them. Really? Some people even say all Fulani are herdsmen, whether they see them with cattle or not. Truth is; every ethnic stock has its deviants, its criminal elements. You can’t just demonize all Fulani, simply because you want to excoriate the President. Did he choose to be born Fulani? Did I choose to be born Yoruba, and did the Ishan, Idoma or Ijaw man choose the ethnic stock he wanted to be born into? It’s a biological accident. You have nothing to do with it. A man then doesn’t go repudiating where he comes from, simply because some people have decided to tar his people with the brush of infamy.

He’s nepotistic. A common refrain, but non-scientific. About three years ago, we did a scientific exercise. We chronicled all the appointments made by the President since 2015, and allocated them to states and regions. The result showed that the Southwest had the largest share. Followed by Imo and Kano states. Then Edo and Katsina. And on and on. But the naysayers ignored facts and figures, and stuck to their false narratives. Nepotism.

One day, the President had given me an appointment to announce in the early days of the administration. By then, some people had started talking of northernisation agenda. So I said, “Mr President, this is the murmur we hear. Why don’t you consider giving this position to another part of the country?”

He looked at me calmly, smiled, and said: “If a search has been conducted for a position, and someone has been thrown up as the best candidate. And I then bypass him because of where he comes from, or because of his religion, haven’t I been unfair to that person?”

Food for thought, indeed.

This is Jubril from Sudan and not Muhammadu Buhari, who had died during the medical vacation in 2017, some people say. You have a clone in Aso Villa, not Buhari. Idiocy, sadly believed by even some intellectuals.

Let me tell you a story. On the day the President finally returned to the country in August 2017, after months of absence, the Chief of Defence Staff, Gen Abayomi Olonisakin, was giving out his daughter in marriage. I had attended the church service, decked unusually in complete Agbada, with cap to match. From the wedding, I went straight to the airport to join the reception party.

We formed a welcome line, as we usually do. And as the President shook each person, he had one wisecrack or the other to say. When he got to me, he took my hand and said: “Adesina, this is the best I’ve seen you dressed.” We both laughed heartily, and the television cameras captured it. I remember that many people asked me later what had tickled me and the President, that we laughed so uproariously.

Jubril from Sudan? Would he know my name as Adesina? Would he know I rarely wear Agbada? How ridiculous can some people be?

Another story. The journalist Lindsay Barret had been a long time friend of the President. One day, he sent me to give his greetings. When I did, the President said: “Lindsay Barret. I remember meeting him at the war front in 1968. He was covering the war. There was a day he was almost killed in an ambush, and he then described himself as a ‘devout coward,’ who was lucky to be alive.”

Jubril of Sudan? And he remembers Barret, whom he met at the warfront in 1968? Tell it to the marines.

Ask me for a loyal man, who never forgets a good turn, and I’ll show you Muhammadu Buhari. Among the last class of Ambassadors, he had personally picked Justice George Oguntade, who was sent to United Kingdom, and Justice Sylvester Nsofor, who he deployed to America. The latter died only last week, aged 85.

How did the two men gain the favour, loyalty and respect of the President? In his many legal battles after disputed election results in 2003, and 2007, they had given dissenting judgements at both the Court of Appeal and Supreme Court, nullifying the election results, saying Candidate Buhari had been cheated. The man never forgot, and sought them out in due time. The same also happened to some of us working with him today.

A kind man. I have lots of stories to tell, but let me restrict myself to a few. In December 2015, I had lost my elder sister, a Professor of Dramatic Arts, in an auto crash. While I was crying like a wailing wailer, who was on the phone, consoling and condoling with me? Muhammadu Buhari.

And before he became President, when my mother passed on in 2013, and we had a commendation service for her in Lagos, who flew in all the way from Kaduna to attend? Muhammadu Buhari. He sat through the Christian service. Yet, they say he’s a bigot. I hear. Bigot from Sudan.

And in January 2017, I was to receive the traditional title of Nwanne di Namba of Mmaku Kingdom, in Enugu State. Courtesy demanded I tell the President. This man, who prides himself as ‘very stingy’ gave me a handsome amount of money to ferry my friends and family to the ceremony. How much? I won’t tell you, lest you ask for a belated share.

And in May 2018, I was billed for China for a 12 days course for senior government officials from Africa. He said when the journey was two days away, I should come to see him. I did. You know what he said? “Adesina, I know that you don’t have money. But you are too shy to ask.” We both laughed, and he gave me an envelope which contained foreign currency. How much? You think I’ll tell you? For where?

This President is a patriot. He loves this country dearly. A man of personal discipline. Single minded about the infrastructural development of the country. And he’s succeeding at it. I have loads of stories to tell to justify each virtue. But time and space won’t permit.

However, let me tell this final one, as told to me by a retired Colonel of the Nigerian Army.

He said he was a Major at the Second Mechanized Division, Ibadan, when the then Major General was posted there in early 1983, as General Officer Commanding.

There was a cocktail reception, billed for 8 pm. Fifteen minutes to the time, the new GOC walked briskly in. Only a sprinkle of officers had arrived. He moved round the venue, surveying the place, and at the dot of 8 pm, with the hall still scanty, he went to the gate, and directed the sergeant-major on duty to lock the inner one firmly, admitting nobody.

Nobody.

Yes sir!

The GOC went back inside, held the cocktail with the few officers available. Event over, he went back to the gate, to see the battery of latecomer officers huddled there. He surveyed them, and then instructed:

All of you, see me in the office tomorrow by 8 am.

Yes sir!

The GOC walked briskly away. And you know what? As early as 6 am next day, most of the officers had reported in his office. Once bitten, twice shy.

At 78, the President still scrupulously respects time. Do they make them like this anymore? Doubtful.

Yet, many people are plotting, and engineering all sorts of artifices, to ensure Buhari does not succeed. Who loses? The country!

There is this classic Yoruba film, Saworoide, which I watched years back. Adebayo Faleti, who wrote and starred in the film, looked at the stratagems and underhand dealings of man. And he sang, rather philosophically: Koi ye won, yio ye won lola.

Translated freely, it means: They don’t understand today. They’ll understand tomorrow.

It’s better for a lot more cynical Nigerians to understand this President today, rather than tomorrow, for the good of the country. That would be the best birthday gift they can give him.

• Adesina is Special Adviser to President Buhari on Media and Publicity