Category: Opinion

By Abiodun Komolafe

Recession is simply defined as ‘a difficult time for the economy of a country, when there is less trade and industrial activity than usual and more people are unemployed.’ To put it succinctly, recession is a vehicular expression of what is wrong with a domestic economy. Any economy will slide into recession when the government is fiscally undisciplined, when the citizens are laden with insatiable compulsive appetite for exotic foreign products, and consumes mostly other items not locally made, or sourced, while the attitudinal disposition of the civil-society is ‘sidon look’. This economic malaise is never sudden or accidental; and, like confusion, it doesn’t come singly. It begins gradually until it morphs into an economic albatross that it really is: full blown manifest of economic go-slow or retardation.

The vibrant seed of recession first berthed at the shore of Nigeria when the national treasury had more money than the leadership could manage. No vision, no viable or feasible development plan; therefore, ‘nothing ventured, nothing gained’. The leadership at the time made a costly remark: ‘the problem of Nigeria is not money but how to spend it.’ Thoughtful people and brilliant economies turned their attention to Nigeria, a naïve nation with stupendous wealth. Afterwards, the real trouble started when Nigeria began to take every conceivable loan at the international finance market. Unfortunately, those loans were never used to execute development projects for which they were originally intended; and, where projects were done at all, they were haphazardly executed, and with additional costs to boot. It dawned on the elites that the ‘miliki’ era of overflowing surplus has come, and the new song and dance in town was ‘maa j’aye oni o, mi o m’eyin ola o, maa j’aye oni o, mi o m’eyin ola o’ (I will enjoy myself today, I do not know about tomorrow). In a word, recession in Nigeria is a plague that has its origin in our current and historical irresponsible management of our national economy. The indiscipline mentioned earlier represents the floodgate of corruption and perpetual underdevelopment.

We are told by the government that the worst recession in 33 years afflicted Nigeria for the second time in 5 years, courtesy of COVID-19 pandemic and #EndSARS. Well, what government of the day has not told Nigerians is that recession also has to do with appointments, bloated government, official profligacy and politics of entitlement. But, COVID-19, #EndSARS, even oil glut as its causative agents aside, what efforts have we made to prepare for the raining day? Where is the money the country made prior to the pandemic? In specific terms, what happened to the last budget? What has happened and where are the results of government’s initiatives, especially, in agriculture? If Nigeria’s borders were shut to encourage local production of rice, isn’t it time we reviewed a policy that has made more Nigerians embrace suicide as an option, even as satisfying basic needs has become a distant dream?

Once upon a time in Nigeria, we had oil boom and we had oil reserves. Ibrahim Babangida came only to squander the resources that were enough to transform Nigeria into the Eldorado. Not only did the ‘evil genius’ institutionalize corruption, he also demonstrated how subversive generosity could work wonders in a country overwhelmed by an intimidating percentage of poor people. Unfortunately, no Nigerian leader has been able to deal with that till date. As fate would have it, Olusegun Obasanjo also came and it was as if he was destined to ignore wise counsels. Against all entreaties to the contrary, even the interjection of the British monarch, ‘Balogun Owu’ entered Nigeria into the Guinness Book of Records when he paid $12billion to liquidate Nigeria’s debt! What if he had used the proceeds from the boom arising from the Gulf War to give Nigerians uninterrupted power supply?

If we may ask, who oversees the Nigerian economy and what are the viable alternative options or counter-measures against this recession? Or, are we asking too many questions? The gist is: not many cabinet ministers are square pegs in square holes! After all, when President Muhammadu Buhari’s appointee gets to the senate, it’s no longer a question of whether the guy is competent or not. Instead, it is where he comes from and those who have actually done the underground work for him. On its part, the senate, in its wisdom, will just ask the nominee to simply ‘take a bow and go.’ So, when trouble comes, what will the appointee do?

If British economy stumbles today, we are told that there are about four or five other economic paradigms, waiting to be applied. Britain will stop the operating-but-ineffective paradigm and introduce a new one to ensure that her people do not suffer unjustly. In other words, there are experts whose job it is to monitor the economy with a view to ascertaining whether or not the existing paradigm is still suitable. But it is always a different ballgame in Nigeria. Whoever is the Minister of Finance only has to go to his or her village and, with deadly seriousness, dance ‘shaku shaku’ with his or her kinsmen so that they can know that he or she is now the Finance Minister. But, is that what we need? Now that we have a recession, what are the Minister of Finance’s plans to get us out of this avoidable pass?

Let’s face it, until we have fiscal discipline, accountability and restructuring, which will reflect true federalism, Nigeria will remain a drunken spendthrift. With the current structure, even, if Osun State wants to generate electricity with its natural waterfall, the Federal Government will stop at nothing to generate impediments against it. Osun has gold, but, as things stand, the state must obtain permission from the centre to do anything meaningful with the natural resource. Laughable and ridiculous as it may sound, a warning has gone to the South-South not to joy in being called an oil producing region, because oil now belongs to the North. It is that bad.

Altogether, the shocking-but-true situation is that the last #EndSARS protest in Nigeria was undertaken by a few aggrieved youths. The majority did not participate in it. Thus, government was able to rise above it. A full mob action may throw up a different outcome. It is, therefore, in the interest of the rich, the political elites, and the critical mass, to protect this country; for, if government does not come up with palliatives that will pacify the anger, frustrations and misery of Nigerians, the next #EndSARS protest may be heading the country towards unprecedented ‘internally-induced’ social anomie. Until we have all the economic leaks patched, recession will always be knocking at our door. Until corruption is sanctioned and thievery punished, fraudsters will not be afraid to serve in government.

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria.

 

Igboeli Arinze

 

If there was a universal cult for bearded leaders, both could have being members, they were as well as  controversial as they were colourful men, who brought panache into their styles of leadership. Both indeed were passionate about the causes they chose, both sacrificed much and even to the point of death, both were vehement in their beliefs.

Fidel Castro, was the Cuban leader who shot the small island nation, formerly known only for its cigars and exotic drinks to world limelight, taking the global stage on several occasions to the chagrin of major world powers and the cheers or the smaller ones. Ojukwu, on the other hand also shot the Nigerian nation into limelight by becoming the second leader to forcefully break away from the original borders assigned to African nations by their colonial masters, the first being Moise Tshombe of Katanga.

Both were children of circumstances, with fate and events playing tricks on what choices or options were offered to them; none intentionally set out on the paths

history was to reckon them with. For example, Castro was never Communist in any terms nor was he a believer in the use of revolutionary force to attain change. Likewise Ojukwu, secession was never on his cards, when he joined the military and rose to the ranks of Colonel and the office of Military Governor of the Eastern Region. Even with the many cavalier like provocations by the Yakubu Gowon junta, secession was not considered a full option until the Aburi fiasco.

Both stood up to world powers, Castro played the Soviet Union against the United States risking a nuclear World War between both super powers in 1962 as well as fighting proxy wars on behalf of the Soviet Union in Honduras, Zaire ( Now known as the Democratic Republic of Congo) Angola, Nicaragua and Honduras. Poor Ojukwu and his heroic Biafrans had to contend with the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, while the United States stood aloof, it is to Ojukwu’s credit that Biafra did not collapse earlier than the 32 months it stood out as nation on its own.

Both men, be it in life or death have continued to inspire generations of their own people. Offering a much frenzied account of leadership, the likes of Castro and Ojukwu were able to work out miracles in their own time. Castro turned Cuba from a poverty stricken, illiteracy populated nation to one with one of the highest per capita income, a high literacy rate as well as a model for the provision of qualitative healthcare. Ojukwu’s Biafra did far better, producing arms such as rockets and tanks, one’s imagination hums much rendition on what Biafra or Nigeria may have become had the seccessionist republic broken away or had Nigeria injected such wonders into her numerous challenges.

Both were intellectuals in their own right, who in their thinking proffered jaw breaking thoughts to the problems each faced in his own part of the hemisphere. Castro’s books such as ” How Far We Slaves Have Come”, “Fidel and Religion” and ” Che” are best sellers anytime any day. Ojukwu’s three books, ” Because I am Involved” , “Biafra” and “Ahiara” make good reads, sadly Ojukwu I think dissapointed a number of us when he failed to bequeath to our generation his own account of events that led to the war and its prosecution, that said, he was a note worthy writer whose thoughts will continue to shape my generation’s thinking.

How can one forget their oratory, both men could arouse stones with their words, one was rabid and reeled out his speeches with revolutionary fervour, the other being Ojukwu was more calm, calculative and at ease with his words, one writer, John de Saint Jorre in his book, “The Brothers War” (The Nigerian Civil War was its UK title) much described Ojukwu’s style of speaking as Othello’s Orsone Welles playing Orsone Welles. Nevertheless, both charmed crowds and spurred men into action, even to death.

Finally, despite the loftiness with which men like us would seek to paint these men with, we must still acknowledge the fact that both men were also human and not infallible. Both for sure made countless mistakes as any human would, both perhaps regret a couple of actions they believe they rashly or wrongly took; for Castro, perhaps the executions, detentions and abuse of human rights. For Ojukwu, perhaps his stubbornness to end the war and a couple of other mistakes. However, let us ask, what options were before them?

If we must fault Castro for his few mistakes then we must praise him for his numerous achievements, most notable of them are the liberation struggles which saw Cuban soldiers help roll back Colonialism and Apartheid rule in Southern Africa, likewise Ojukwu, whose efforts to give the Easterners then sanctuary from the senseless massacres that continued to reoccur. I so submit.

Emmanuel Oladesu

 

 

 

At 80, Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, eminent politician and former deputy governor of Lagos, has mixed feelings.  Personally, he is fulfilled. An accomplished technocrat, he had risen to the top of his accounting profession as a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountant of Nigeria(ICAN). He had worked hard from the onset of adulthood and made money through honest labour. As a family man, he is blessed with good children who are making progress in their careers.

Elder statesman Ogunleye is a household name in his home town of Ikorodu, where he is a prince. In community service, he is not found wanting. As a politician, he has also made his mark, serving as chairman of a ruling party and number two citizen.

However, his aspirations for his beloved country have not been fulfilled. There is a huge gap between expectation and reality.

When he was growing up, Nigeria and the Asian Tigers of today were at the same level of growth, full of hope for a brighter future. While Malaysia, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and other countries realised their dream for greatness, Nigeria is still struggling. Its snail-like speed in the march of progress is confounding.

Sixty years after flag independence, the Nigerian federation has become a compelling and comprehensive failure; the nation-state appears to be ebbing away, tottering on in infrastructural decay, battling with a permanently ailing economy, antagonistic diverse tribes, disunity, insecurity and bad leadership.

The awful picture is discouraging to the political leader who joined the Octogenarian Club on November 1. He could not also roll out the drums. Due to the ravaging Covid-19 pandemic, the climate has  remained cloudy. The atmosphere was not germane to an elaborate celebration. Thus, children, other relations and political associates had to postpone the birthday party.

Ogunleye is a man of many parts. But, he is more popular now as a politician. It should be pointed out that he is not a politician without a second address. To him, politics is a vocation and not a career. It is an avenue for productive service to the beleaguered nation. Perhaps, that criterion of service, in contrast with the quest for primitive accumulation, demarcated the two blocs of the old order and new breed.

Ogunleye is part of the residual class of ideologues, who subscribed to the code of Awoism. Awo was an inspiration; a great leader who sought to transform his society, but without achieving his cardinal goal. But, his ardent disciple, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, was Ogunleye’s leader in Lagos State Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Queueing behind LKJ, Ogunleye observed Awo at a close range, learning from his intellect, principles, vision, strengths and weaknesses.

In those days, parties raised devotees, actors and loyalists from the grassroots. Thus, Ogunleye was a party officer at the countryside.  He needed to be relevant at home before becoming relevant at the state level.

Unfortunately, the curtains were drawn on the Second Republic by the soldiers, who toppled legitimate authorities and disrupted orderly political evolution.

The politicians of Second Republic were also tossed around by the military interlopers when they later aspired to participate in the elongated and dubious transition programme midwifed by the Evil Genuis,  Military President Ibrahim Babangida. The so-called new breed andcmoney bags were inadvertently incited against the more experienced, but politically harassed and pauperised old brigade.

The move altered the trend of leadership recruitment based on experience and hierarchy, and distorted the pattern of followership enlistment. The new breed started embracing political participation from the top without paying their dues.

Ogunleye and other progressives from AG/UPN days cohabited with the impatient new faces in the defunct Social Democratic Party(SDP), led by Chairman Muniru Baruwa who was backed by Jakande, leader of the ‘Ase Group.’ Before then, he was involved in the vanity of forming the Peoples Solidarity Party, temporarily serving as state treasurer.

The selection of a governorship candidate created stress and strains for the party in Lagos. The ambition of Prof. Femi Agbalajobi and Chief Dapo Sarunmi led to a split. It was “Ase” versus “Primose.” Due to lack of truce, both groups fell into the military trap. Agbalajobi and Sarunmi were banned from the governorship race.

The camp of Jakande later nominated Ogunleye as candidate. Primose nominated Yomi Edu after Dr. Tola Kasali, who was prompted by Sarunmi, refused to join the race. Edu defeated Ogunleye. But, at the governorship poll, the candidate of the defunct National Republican Convention (NRC), Sir Michael Otedola, beat Edu. There was no post-primary reconciliation in SDP. While Primose was more financially buoyant and more aggressive in delegate targeting at the governorship primary, Ase maintained its hold on the grassroots and swayed the votes to the rival NRC at the governorship election.

The Third Republic was also shortlived. But, the succeeding military rulers could not do away with the political class as the June 12 controversy was raging. Therefore, in Lagos, Military Administrator Olagunsoye Oyinlola, was mandated to appoint commissioners from the rank of the SDP and NRC “top notchers.”

Although the governor wanted to appoint Abisogun Noah as Health Commissioner, Jakande recommended Ogunleye for the position. When the military governor objected, saying that an accountant cannot manage the Ministry of Health effectively, Jakande disagreed. The former civilian governor pointed out that his Health commissioner was a lawyer, adding that he performed excellently. Jakande reminded Oyinlola that he had served as governor before him, a vague reference to the certainty of experience and validity superiority.

Ogunleye served as Health commissioner. He was also Finance commisioner. While in government, he never soiled his hands. His contemporaries at the State Executve Council were Agbalajobi, Prince Tajudeen Olusi and Prof. Simpson.

In 1998/99, the Ikorodu prince joined the Alliance for Democracy (AD). The party was enmeshed in the Ige/Falae crisis at the national level and Tinubu/Dawodu conflict in Lagos chapter. The pioneer state chairman, Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu, had opposed Asiwaju Bola Tinubu at the primary. He was rooting for Funsho Williams.

Reconciliation was difficult. The camps of Dawodu, Tinubu and M.A Taiwo held parallel party congresses. Dawodu re-emerged from his factional congress as chairman. Taiwo was made chairman by his camp. Ogunleye, who became the candidate of the Afenifere Justice Forum, following the death of the initial candidate, Senator Ajayi Adeyiga, became the chairman of Lagos AD.

As party chairman, Ogunleye was devoted to the doctrines of party supremacy and discipline, reminiscent of how ideological parties of the Southwest were run by men of principle and vision. He was a team player. He was blessed with crisis resolution skills. Soft-spoken, his utterances were a soothing balm capable of calming down nerves.

Ogunleye promoted inclusion, managed inevitable conflicts in the fold with tact and fostered a synergy between the party machinery and the Tinubu government, which the party midwifed. He never betrayed the confidence reposed in him. He enjoyed the trust of party elders, including Alhaji Olatunji Hamzat, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, Alhaji Busura Alebiosu, Pa Odunsi, Senator Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Alhaji Mumuni Badmus, Chief Taiwo, Chief Rabiu Oluwa, Prince  Murphy Adetoro and Alhaji Akanni Seriki Bamu. The chairman had two efficient party secretaries-Lanre Ogunyemi and the late Lateef Raji who also learned at his feet.

Five important challenges confronted the party under his leadership. The first was the uncompromising posturing of the Dawodu camp, particularly members of the House of Assembly, who posed as internal opposition leaders.

The second was the discord between Governor Tinubu and his deputy, Senator Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor. The crisis consumed the carer of the deputy governor.

The third was the gale of defections that hit the Lagos AD as from 2002. Two senators-Adeseye Ogunlewe and Musiliu Obanikoro-left for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where they continued to fire salvos at the AD government.

The fourth was the seizure of federal allocations to Lagos, following the creation of additional councils by the Tinubu administration.

The fifth was the controversial 60:40 formula for the distribution of appointive and elective positions between Tinubu and Dawodu camps. It was proposed by a Reconciliation Committee chaired by Sir Olaniwun Ajayi. When Afenifere, pan-Yoruba socio-political group, led by Pa Abraham Adesanya, intimated the former governor about the recommendation, he tactically thanked the elders and obtained permission to table it before his group. It was the end of the matter. Tinubu had nurtured a big political structure in AD that accounted for the majority in the crisis-ridden party. The formula was rejected without voicing it.

While five AD governors supported by Afenifere failed to secure second term, Tinubu became the only man standing. Under the chairmanship of Ogunleye, the platform survived the threat posed by the federal might in 2003. Since then, Tinubu camp has waxed stronger.

Yet, Tinubu and Ogunleye parted ways  for one week in 2007, as it were. The chairman was among 14 aspirants itching to succeed the former governor. Ogunleye had approached Tinubu to inform him about his aspiration like others- Olufemi Pedro, Ganiyu Solomon, Remi Adikwu-Bakare, Rahman Owokoniran, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Kasali, Leke Pitan, Erikitola, Hakeem Gbajabiamila and Kunle Lawal. But, Tinubu was rooting for his Chief of Staff, Babatunde Fashola, who he described then as the SAN with a sound mind.

But, as Pedro was shoved aside, Ogunleye succeeded him as deputy governor at the dying minute. Remarkably,  Senator Afikuyomi, the ring leader, who first opted for the APP, later retraced his steps, serving as the Action Congres (AC) Agent at the electoral commission’s office when the votes were being counted.

Since 2007, Ogunleye has been out of power. But, he has not been out of privilege and relevance. He is a party stalwart held in esteem by the leadership and party faithful. Within the party, he is a party elder and a communicator of values. His life of integrity and honour has a modelling and moderating influence on the young Turks who are always in a hurry and desperate for power and money.

At the state level, Ogunleye is a member of the Governance Advisory Council (GAC). At the divisional level, he is the undisputed APC leader in Ikorodu. It is interesting that the collegiate leadership in the division revolves around Ogunleye and Chief Olorunfunmi Basorun and there is no friction. In Lagos East, he is one of the APC apex leaders.

His concern is that his party should continue to maintain dominance in Lagos politics. But, Ogunleye also have ideas about the making of a great and virile Federal state.

To him, Nigeria is still wobbling because it is dodging the solutions to its problems. Federalism, or true federalism, is still elusive.  Ogunleye advised the leaders to go back to Awo’s Path to Nigeria’s Fredom, written in 1947.

In his view, restructuring is the answer, and there is no alternative other than disaster.

The prince also wants Nigeria to reorder its economy so that it can be productive. He believes that, if there is electricity, it will aid industrialisation and there will be jobs.

Ogunleye also urges those in authority to shun corruption and become leaders who lead with the fear of God.

Then, he spares some thoughts for Lagos. The state, he maintains, needs a special status.