The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Israel should not resume the war in Gaza

    Israel should not resume the war in Gaza

    • By Mark Lavie

    Israel has a new military chief. From his first day on the job, Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir has been threatening to resume a full-scale war against Hamas in Gaza. He is clear about his goal—to wipe out Hamas once and for all.

    That’s a mistake.

    In parallel, Israel has rejected the Egyptian plan for Gaza after the war, because it leaves Hamas more or less intact.

    That’s a mistake, too.

    The situation as it stands today is this: Phase one of the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas is over. Several dozen Israeli hostages have been released, along with the bodies of others murdered in captivity—including the red-headed Bibas children and their mother.

    That horror is behind us, but the way forward is unclear. There has been no agreement about Phase two of the ceasefire, including an Israeli withdrawal from strategic points in Gaza, and it’s not at all certain that there will be one. Zamir clearly doesn’t want another phase, and apparently neither does his boss, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

    Netanyahu invented the concept of wiping all traces of Hamas off the map. It sounded right just after the Hamas pogrom of Oct. 7, 2023, when thousands of Hamas terrorists stormed across the border and attacked Israeli villages and a music festival, killing 1,200 and hauling 240 others off into captivity in Gaza tunnels.

    Those atrocities would have justified practically any Israeli response. What Israel did was attack Gaza from the air and the ground, blowing up tunnels, battling and killing thousands of terrorists, and destroying buildings and neighborhoods, while doing its best to minimize casualties among Gaza civilians.

    That last point is complicated, because Hamas bases its terrorists among civilians, fires rockets from schools and mosques, and digs tunnels under hospitals and neighborhoods. Despite its efforts, Israel has taken an international beating over civilian deaths in Gaza, though the actual numbers show that Israel is doing a much better job of protecting civilians than, say, American forces did in Iraq not so many years ago.

    The intensive counterattack against Hamas was justified—but now it has played itself out. It’s time for Israel’s leaders, political and military, to accept the basics:

    Hamas was formed as a terrorist organization. Its victories are counted in Israeli civilian deaths and damage to Israel’s cities and towns.

    Partly because of misguided Israeli encouragement, Hamas transformed its structure from terrorist cells into military formations over the past decade.

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    Israel has destroyed most of those military formations.

    Few hostages were freed through Israeli military action. Agreements have led to exchanges of captured terrorists for more than 150 hostages. There are still 59 hostages in Hamas captivity.

    Now that Hamas is back to operating as a terrorist group, further large-scale Israeli military operations won’t eliminate Hamas or free more hostages. Instead, Israel will find that over the six weeks of the first phase of the ceasefire, Hamas has booby-trapped what’s left of Gaza, ready for the next Israeli incursion. Of course, Israeli soldiers could kill some more Hamas terrorists, but the cost in soldiers’ lives would be prohibitive, and Hamas, as a terrorist entity, would emerge intact.

    Here’s the issue: “Victory” does not mean the same thing for armies and terrorists. A victory for an army means defeating the enemy. A victory for terrorists can be a single attack on a civilian target. Oct. 7 was the ultimate terrorist victory, on the scale of al-Qaida’s 9/11 attack on the United States in 2001.

    The bottom line: terrorist groups cannot be eliminated by military means alone.

    In the case of the Middle East, that means two things: Israel cannot solve the Hamas problem by itself, and moderate Arab nations that have more important issues to deal with, like the Iran issue, can and must contribute to the Gaza solution.

    Shocked by the fantastical “Palestinian-free American Gaza Riviera” proposal floated by US President Donald Trump, Arab nations sprang into action, starting with Egypt—the nation with the most to lose from the Trump plan, which envisions moving Palestinians out of Gaza to, wait for it, Egypt.

    In general terms, Egypt’s proposal, adopted by the Arab League and endorsed by the 57-nation Organization of Islamic Cooperation, envisions a government of non-Hamas Palestinian technocrats supervised by Arab nations. Hamas would remain in place with its weapons, but they would be under the eyes of the Arab forces. A multibillion-dollar reconstruction project would restore housing in Gaza.

    Obviously there are flaws here. Can Arab nations be trusted to keep Hamas under control? Is it even possible that Hamas, today one of the main employers in Gaza (especially when you add in the UN, which is basically the same thing), can be kept on the sidelines? Can Gaza be rebuilt the way it was, with its neighborhoods a stone’s throw (literally) from Israeli villages across the border, without endangering Israel?

    So understandably, Israel rejected the Egyptian plan, charging that it “fails to address the realities of the situation” after the Hamas pogrom.

    That’s a mistake.

    Israel’s blanket rejection removes it from the process of developing the Egyptian-Arab League plan into something that might actually work. If there is to be a solution to the Hamas threat, it has to come with the cooperation of the Arab world, and Israel must take part in that.

    It’s possible that the new Israeli army chief is blowing off steam or trying to improve Israel’s bargaining position with his threats of annihilation of Hamas. Possible, but not likely, since “total victory” has been the mantra of the Netanyahu government since the day after the Oct. 7 pogrom.

    That’s a mistake.

    • This article was originally published in www.themedialine.org
  • Galadima’s queer theory

    Galadima’s queer theory

    Buba Galadima, northern elder and controversial critic, has woven a rather quaint — if not queer — deflation theory: falling food prices are a conspiracy against the North!

    In his preening (il)logic, northern farmers had all fled their farms because of sundry insecurity.  If farmers are in ‘exile’, so to say from farms, how come the more food stuffs that have sent food inflation on a steady but progressive southward spiral?

    Galadima answered own question.  Hear from the horse’s mouth: “The government has started massive food importation … “

    True.  The Federal Government indeed announced temporary food imports, to make for shortfalls, pending the time own huge farming intervention to tackle food inflation matured.  But Hardball wonders if that importation would pass for “massive”.  That’s a Galadima hyperbole, for whatever motives.

    But Galadima’s accompanying conspiracy theory is definitely false, which further shed light on his “massive” hyperbole.

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    Again, hear direct from the horse’s mouth:  “… this will make the economy of the North, which depends on agriculture, to dwindle as many won’t be able to farm again to gain any meaningful profit.”  Haba, Alhaji!  For real? Are you griping because food is getting cheaper?  Must everything be politics?

    That the medium on which Galadima spoke was Hausa, speaks volumes of what appears his sinister motive.  It sounded too close to conspiratorial grandstanding over the air waves to discredit the sitting government, to which Galadima is not exactly a friend. 

    But that’s alright.  If the Tinubu government has supporters, it must not gripe over opposers.  Supporters and opposers are integral parts of democracy.  Supporters eulogizing a government is no more an offence than bad-mouthing it by opponents.

    Still, the Galadima take is queer because of its ringing illogic, which again should sound strange, even to the northern masses, whose mind Galadima was clearly trying to poison.

    Pray, who does falling food prices hurt?  The northern “Talakawas” that need cheap food to make life more livable?  Or the rich that would spend even less on food, while sinking their excess money into more earthly comfort?  Who?

    It’s that welcome juncture, where reasonable people think the inflationary crisis might just be coming to an end — good news.  Yet, that’s what seem to incense Galadima, as he weighed in with his toxic politics.

    Galadima has a right to play whatever politics he likes, no matter how senseless.  Still, his illogical take — ease on food prices as anti-northern conspiracy — is likely to make him the butt of jokes, even among the northern masses he is trying to hoodwink. 

    Such silly politicking would bury, with contempt, Galadima and his views.  But his choice!

  • 2027: The game has commenced

    2027: The game has commenced

    Sir: The 2027 game will not only be interesting but will also mark a significant turning point in Nigeria’s political landscape. The voting patterns and intricate scheming that shaped the 2023 elections will not be replicated in their exact form, yet their influence will still be felt. While the key political figures that played major roles in 2023 will remain central to the unfolding drama, they will adopt new strategies, shift alliances, and engage in different forms of political manoeuvring.

    The battle for power will be defined by strong political platforms, influential players, a formidable war chest, scientifically crafted strategies, and carefully calculated negotiations. The presidential race, in particular, will be a high-stakes contest, shaped by a mix of ambition, ideological shifts, and pragmatic political decisions.

    An incumbent seeking a second term will be a bulldozer—with an enormous war chest, a solid structure, and the full weight of state power behind them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will fight tooth and nail to secure re-election- any first term president will do so.

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    The recent resignation of Nasir El-Rufai from the All Progressives Congress (APC) and his defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) however is just one of many major developments that will reshape the political terrain in the coming months and as 2027 approaches. Hid early defection serves as a catalyst for the unfolding political drama. The Tinubu team is fortunate to have this early warning, giving them ample time to strategize.

    For the opposition, the biggest challenge will be balancing the interests of four key groups: the Atiku camp, the Kwankwaso camp, the Peter Obi camp, and the El-Rufai/Buhari former ministers’ camp. As political camps solidify and realign, new alliances will emerge, while old ones will fracture under the weight of conflicting interests. The electorate, too, will evolve—demanding more from their leaders and scrutinizing candidates beyond party affiliations.

    Ultimately, the 2027 game will be a masterclass in political strategy and power dynamics—one that students of politics, analysts, and observers alike will find fascinating to study for years to come.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,Abuja.

  • Give it to the EFCC

    Give it to the EFCC

    Sir: The article titled “Worries as EFCC recovers N1tr stolen cash, assets from politicians, others” authored by Tope Templer in The Guardian of March 10, makes an interesting reading.

    After series of rigmaroles, the writer concluded by quoting “another human rights activist and lawyer,”Inibehe Effiong: “As of today, the EFCC is suffering acute trust deficit. If you submit a petition and they don’t attend to it or you suspect the officials have collected money, there should be a channel to make a complaint so that the confidence-building process can start.

     “This is an agency established by former president, Olusegun Obasanjo in 2003 primarily to fight corruption which has become endemic in our country. The primary reason for establishing the EFCC was not to fight internet fraudsters, but because internet fraud has become such a pervasive thing, it is expected that the commission will tackle it head-on. However, the EFCC needs to change its modus operandi if it wants public support.

     “My impression of the commission has changed in recent years. I will not attack their legitimate efforts, but at the same time, I’m not going to pretend that they are on track. The commission has a corruption problem, a partisanship problem, a nepotism problem, and a professionalism problem. Their modus operandi has not inspired public confidence. The way they pamper politicians is at variance with the way they handle other cases.”

     The joy is that the said “activist”, and we have quite many of them, was merely expressing his utmost unfair, personalised and biased opinion against the EFCC. One will then wonder which EFCC the activist was talking about: the anti-corruption body under the hardworking chairman, Ola Olukoyede, who had made the greatest recoveries and seizures in the history of the commission? Or the EFCC that has received global endorsements from international anti-corruption agencies, governmental and non-governmental bodies? The EFCC that foreign ambassadors from US, UK, Canada and other European countries are now quick to visit and seek collaboration with? Please let’s give it to the Olukoyede-led EFCC.

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    As Tony Egbulefu wrote in the Premium Times of November 24, 2024: “The prime target of the sustained dissemination of misconceptions and often outright falsehood against the EFCC is clearly to diminish the work of the commission and erode public trust in it. Take for instance the issue of cybercrime, which takes root from advance fee fraud, characterised globally as “Nigerian Crime”, the country in 2022 alone lost $500 million to this crime category. No responsible organisation, charged with fighting financial crimes would sit idly by and watch the integrity of the country’s institutions get compromised and the youths drift inexorably towards becoming a tribe of rogues.”

    On the dangers of demonizing the EFCC, Sola Oyeyipo, on September 10, 2024 wrote: “Thus, whether Nigerians love to hate the EFCC or not; or do not trust it because of its chequered past, they cannot turn a blind eye to its anti-graft efforts and activities.

    “There will always be pushback from corrupt elements. It is Nigerians’ responsibility, not just the agency’s, to see through the veneer of untruths and blackmail and come together to fight a common existential enemy.”

    There is no doubt that the EFCC in the last one year or so, have touched on the sore toes of hitherto sacred cows; politically exposed people; meaning push backs are inevitable.

    There are also cases of corruption within the agency and the best and most commendable action was the internal cleansing by Olukoyede who exposed and sacked scores of the agency’s officers for fraud. He did not sweep it under the rug.

    EFCC may not be where we all expect it to be today, but it certainly, and far away from where it used to be. Let us give it to Olukoyede and his team please.

    •Kehinde Osifisan, Journalists Against Corruption (JAC), Abuja.

  • Rivers: Power, politics, and quest for stability

    Rivers: Power, politics, and quest for stability

    Sir: Politics, as the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle once observed, is the art of the possible. Yet, in Rivers State, the art of politics has taken on a life of its own, morphing into a high-stakes drama where power, ambition, and governance collide. At the centre of this unfolding saga are two men: Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and the de facto political godfather of Rivers State, and Governor Sim Fubara, his anointed successor, who now finds himself at odds with his benefactor. The recent threats of impeachment and Wike’s bold declaration that “heaven will not fall” if Fubara is removed have thrown the state into a political maelstrom, raising questions about the future of governance in Nigeria’s oil-rich heartland.

    Niccolò Machiavelli, the Renaissance political theorist, famously argued that the ends often justify the means in politics. In The Prince, he posited that a ruler must be both a lion and a fox—strong enough to intimidate and cunning enough to outmanoeuvre opponents. Wike, a man often described as a political bulldozer, seems to embody this Machiavellian ideal. As FCT Minister, he oversees the affairs of Abuja while maintaining an iron grip on Rivers State politics, earning him the moniker of a “double governor.” His ability to wield power across two spheres is a testament to his political acumen, but it also raises questions about the sustainability of such dominance.

    Governor Sim Fubara, once seen as Wike’s loyal protégé, now finds himself in the eye of the storm. While Wike’s threats of impeachment have drawn widespread criticism, it would be unfair to place the blame solely on the FCT Minister. Fubara’s leadership has also come under scrutiny, with accusations of missteps and a failure to fully assert his authority. As John Locke, the Enlightenment thinker, argued, governance is a social contract between the ruler and the ruled. If Fubara has faltered in fulfilling his end of the bargain, it is only natural that questions about his tenure would arise.

    That said, the timing and tone of Wike’s threats raise concerns about the motives behind the impeachment move. Is this a genuine attempt to hold Fubara accountable, or is it a power play designed to reassert Wike’s dominance? The answer may lie somewhere in between. Politics, after all, is rarely black and white.

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     The Yoruba have a saying: “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.” In Rivers State, the “grass” is the ordinary citizen—the fisherman in Bonny, the trader in Port Harcourt, the farmer in Ahoada. These are the people who bear the brunt of political instability. Rivers State is a region blessed with immense natural resources, yet its people continue to grapple with poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment. The ongoing political crisis threatens to exacerbate these challenges, diverting attention from pressing issues like infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

    The current crisis in Rivers State is a reminder that power, while intoxicating, comes with immense responsibility. Both Wike and Fubara must recognize that their actions have far-reaching consequences. Wike’s assertion that “heaven will not fall” if Fubara is impeached may be technically true, but it ignores the broader implications of such an action. Impeachment is not just a legal process; it is a political statement that can either strengthen or weaken the fabric of governance.

     As the Hausa proverb says, “Peace is the father of prosperity.” Without peace, Rivers State cannot hope to achieve its full potential. It is time for both men to step back from the brink and embrace dialogue over discord. The Akan people have a saying: “One head does not go into council.” Rivers State needs leaders who can collaborate, compromise, and prioritize the common good.

     The political drama unfolding in Rivers State is a cautionary tale about the dangers of unchecked ambition and the fragility of power. Wike and Fubara must recognize that their actions today will shape the future of Rivers State for generations to come. While Wike’s political prowess cannot be denied, his recent moves risk alienating the very people whose support he needs. Similarly, Fubara must rise to the occasion and demonstrate the leadership qualities that earned him the governorship in the first place.

     As another proverb reminds us: “When the drumbeat changes, the dance must adapt”. The people of Rivers State deserve leaders who can adapt to the changing times, putting the interests of the state above personal ambitions. The future of Rivers State hangs in balance. Let us hope that its leaders choose the path of wisdom, for the sake of the people they serve.

    •Humphrey Ukeaja,Abuja.

  • Lent, Ramadan and the road to peace

    Lent, Ramadan and the road to peace

    • By Kene Obiezu

    Sir: With the Lenten season for Christians starting on March 5, four days after Ramadan started for Muslims on March 1, there is no better time to reflect on how far the country has come and focus on what binds the country together rather than on that which tears Nigerians apart.

    Unfortunately, and as if to truncate the beginning of these holy periods, some needless controversies have cropped up in different states. First, there was the far-reaching decision by some state governors in the North to shut all schools during Ramadan. Expectedly, strong reactions have greeted the decision, with many criticizing the governors for truncating education in their states with the needless closure.

    On March 6, the senate also let the sledgehammer fly in suspending Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, one of the four women in the senate of 109 senators. She was suspended for six months with all her privileges withdrawn.

    Furthermore, trouble appears to be brewing in Rivers State where the Supreme Court has nullified the local government elections conducted on by Governor Siminalayi Fubara. The court also reinstated the Martin Amaewhule-led House of Assembly, which, in a bid to make up for lost time has issued a series of ultimatums to the governor. The fear is real that if the situation is not brought under control and the stallions stomping for war bridled, peace will so evaporate from the state like vapor.

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    As a country, Nigeria has not known sustained peace in a very long time. The country always appears only a step away from the next disaster. Even when nothing is reported in the ongoing war against terrorism in parts of the country, it seems  only a matter of time before the next disaster strikes.

    Without peace, there will be no security and without security, prosperity will remain a mirage. Nigerians deserve a better country. Nigerian children deserve a country that works in peace, progress, and prosperity. This will not happen overnight but can be achieved if Nigerians can come together, walk together and work together.

    Peace may be a gift, but it is also the fruit of a lot of hard work. Nigerians must commit to work for peace and live in peace with one another. There is no alternative to peace as many people have found out to their cost.

    May Nigerians, especially Nigerian leaders and all warring factions in the country, find the strength and humility to make sacrifices necessary for lasting and sustainable peace.

    •Kene Obiezu,

    keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Much ado about America’s WHO exit

    Much ado about America’s WHO exit

    Sir: On his inauguration on January 20, one of the most controversial directives by President Donald Trump came just days into his presidency: the announcement of the U.S. withdrawal from World Health Organisation, WHO, a body in which it had been a founding member since 1948. This move was not entirely unexpected, as Trump had previously attempted to exit WHO in 2020 before his decision was overturned by President Joe Biden in 2021.

    To the jubilation of his supporters and the dismay of critics, Trump successfully pushed through the withdrawal in early 2025. In February, he followed up with additional measures, including cutting funding to certain organizations like the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

    The leadership of WHO bemoaned the decision for obvious reasons. According to financing data, the U.S. contributed an estimated $988 million between January and November 2024, marking approximately 14% of WHO’s $6.9 billion budget. The organization further noted that U.S. funding provides the backbone for many of its large-scale emergency operations aimed at combating diseases globally.

    Citing an example, WHO stated, “U.S. funding covers 95% of the WHO’s tuberculosis program in Europe, along with 60% of the agency’s TB efforts in Africa, the Western Pacific, and headquarters in Geneva.”

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    As events continued to unfold, the African Union (AU) also expressed deep concern over the development. In a statement, AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat emphasized the crucial role the U.S. has played in shaping global health standards over the past seven decades. He noted that the U.S. was a key supporter in establishing the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC), which works closely with WHO to tackle global health challenges, including those on the African continent.

    What readily comes to mind in the wake of the raging debate on the US exit from WHO is the book Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa, written in 2009 by Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo,. It earnestly challenged the traditional approach to foreign aid in Africa.

    Moyo argues that foreign aid has failed to lift Africa out of poverty and has instead created a culture of dependency, corruption, and stagnation. She claims that aid has undermined Africa’s incentive to develop its own economic and political systems. In this case, it has stunted the development of Africa’s health sector.

    It is a universal truth that no nation can survive in isolation, but countries should be able to provide themselves with basic survival needs. The concern raised by the AU may well validate Moyo’s hypothesis because, despite having a continent-wide centre for disease control, Africa remains dependent on aid from foreign entities like WHO.

    In 2001, the Abuja Declaration was signed by African leaders with the promise to increase budgetary allocation for health, eradicate HIV/AIDS, and strengthen the health sector through improved infrastructure, human resources, and access to essential medicines.

    Two decades later, we are crying over a single nation’s withdrawal from WHO because we have failed to fulfil the promises we made to ourselves. What happens if other “powerful” countries decide to quit? Will our already poor health indices worsen? This should be a wake-up call.

    All hope is not lost, as some progress has been made. In Nigeria, there was a breakthrough in November 2024. Doctors at Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), in collaboration with the Sickle Cell Foundation, successfully carried out a bone marrow transplant on two patients. This procedure, once thought impossible in Nigeria, was described as “a significant step forward in the treatment of sickle cell disease—the first of its kind in West Africa.”

    Also, in February 2025, Usmanu Danfodiyo University Teaching Hospital (UDUTH) joined the ranks of medical facilities that have successfully performed kidney transplants.

    Nigeria can capitalize on these and refine these developments, attracting patients from other regions for treatment. This influx will generate revenue and possibly elevate us to a level where we no longer rely on funding from external organizations.

    Nigeria and other African nations can build on their existing resources to generate revenue while investing further in research to discover cures or treatments for diseases that we have traditionally relied on palliatives for.

    • Lawal Dahiru Mamman,

    Abuja.

  • Imo Charter of Equity and Orlu zone governorship aspirants

    Imo Charter of Equity and Orlu zone governorship aspirants

    • By Ifeanyi Maduako

    Sir: Before the last governorship election in Imo State, the incumbent governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma, while on a campaign trail, had assured the people of the state, particularly the people of the Owerri zone, that the seat would come to their zone after his tenure. The political promise that the governor made was what every fair-minded citizen of the state should agree with without any equivocation.

    Imo State is made up of three senatorial districts -the Imo West (Orlu zone), the Imo East (Owerri zone) and Imo North (Okigwe zone).

    The Orlu zone has dominated the governorship seat for over about 21 years in the present democratic dispensation which is about 26 years. The Okigwe zone had the seat for four years and the Owerri zone had it for almost eight months.

    Therefore, as the next governorship election draws closer by the day, equity, justice, fairness and every adjective suitable for what is good demands that the seat should rotate to either Owerri zone or Okigwe zone particularly the former since the zone had governed the state for a cumulative 29 months between Evan Enwerem’s 22 months and Emeka Ihedioha’s seven months in the history of  the old Imo State created in 1976.

    Recently, some governorship aspirants from Orlu zone have been expressing their interest in the seat after the tenure of the incumbent. Granted that the constitution entitles every eligible citizen of the state to aspire to the position irrespective of the Imo charter of equity, however, nobody with a conscience will support the aspirations of those from the Orlu zone to take over from the incumbent when his tenure expires in January 2028.

    The implausible argument in some quarters is that Governor Uzodimma himself also took over from the then Governor Rochas Okorocha, who is also from the same Orlu zone, so why can’t they aspire to the position and replicate what Uzodimma did?

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    What happened in 2019 and what will happen in 2027 ought to be different. Uzodimma’s case was a peculiar case. He came on a rescue mission to save the state from the inordinate ambition of a particular family to appropriate the state as a personal property. Without the intervention of Governor Uzodimma, Uche Nwosu would be governor of the state till date. If Uzodimma didn’t wrest the All Progressives Congress (APC) state structure from the then Governor Okorocha, Uche Nwosu would have been unchallenged for the ticket of the APC. And if that had happened, Ihedioha himself wouldn’t have tasted the seat for the seven months that he was there. The combined might of the then federal and state governments would have bulldozed Uche Nwosu straight into the Government House.

    Senator Uzodimma had wanted to return to the senate in 2019, but when he saw that the state about to be annexed as a personal property, he jettisoned the senatorial ambition and plunged head on into the governorship position. His intervention was fortuitous because he had the necessary connections to those who controlled the levers of power in the party at the federal level.

    Against this backdrop, Uzodimma’s intervention in 2019 cannot be juxtaposed with the current quest for the governorship seat from those from the Orlu zone. None of the rumoured governorship aspirants from the Orlu zone has the kind of political gravitas that Uzodimma had in 2019.

    Recently, there was a news report that a former managing director of an interventionist agency had expressed his interest in the governorship position. The reports alluded that people in the diaspora who cannot even vote during the election were the ones promoting his governorship ambition. I laughed because the man has never contested any election before in his life and he wants to begin his political adventure with the governorship ambition even if the incumbent is from the same Orlu zone as himself?

    •Ifeanyi Maduako

     Owerri

  • Now that Kanu has a new judge

    Now that Kanu has a new judge

    Detained leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) Nnamdi Kanu must be feeling victorious following the reassignment of his trial to another judge based on his demand.  He had declared dramatically in court on February 10 that the decision of the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to return his case to Justice Binta Nyako was “unacceptable.”

    His lawyer, Aloy Ejimakor, in a statement on March 8, said the defence team had “received two separate official letters regarding his case,” describing the letters as “momentous.”  He stated that one letter was from the Chief Justice of Nigeria “responding to a recent letter we had written to her, seeking her prompt administrative intervention (as the administrative head of the Nigerian judiciary) on the matter of a proper and lawful reassignment of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s case, following the recusal of the judge that was conducting it.” The other letter, he said, was from the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, “informing us that the case has been reassigned to another judge of the Federal High Court.”

    Kanu was first arrested in October 2015 and granted bail in April 2017 in the course of his trial for “alleged offences of conspiracy to commit acts of treasonable felony and other related offences.” His group is known for using terroristic methods in its fight for an independent “Biafra land” made up of Nigeria’s five Southeast states and parts of the South-south geo-political zone.

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     He fled the country in September 2017 following “Operation Python Dance,” a military exercise in the Southeast during which “rampaging soldiers” allegedly invaded his house in Afara-Ukwu Ibeku, Umuahia, Abia State. He was re-arrested in Kenya and brought back to Nigeria in June 2021, about four years after he mysteriously disappeared from the country. 

    Kanu remains lawfully detained, contrary to his oft-repeated claim that his detention is unlawful.  The Supreme Court had reversed his acquittal and the order for his release by the Court of Appeal.

    It is noteworthy that two other judges were previously recused from the case. Now that he has his wish, he needs to understand that there is a limit to demanding a judge’s recusal. How many judges could he reject, assuming he were allowed to? 

    His conduct suggests that he believes he has the right to decide which judge should try him. Indeed, his letter to the authorities, dated January 30, 2025, seeking that his case be moved to the Southeast, ahead of the continuation of his trial in February, demonstrated his unrealistic sense of entitlement. Is it possible that he believes he would receive a favourable judgment in the Southeast? He needs to be reminded that he is facing a trial, and he is not in charge.

  • The agile and proactive Zacch Adedeji

    The agile and proactive Zacch Adedeji

    By Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi

    When we look at Nigeria as a country, we all know there is more to it than just its challenges. Nigeria is a land of opportunities, rich in resources and talent. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was elected, we can say that was the beginning of the reform we needed. 

    He came in with the Renewed Hope agenda, a vision put in place to transform the economy and governance. But a vision alone is not enough. Execution matters, which is why he surrounds himself with people who can turn ideas into reality. In this administration, if you cannot deliver, you cannot stay.

    Therefore, the President carefully selected a number of people, “the reliable,” who can confidently translate his ideas and policy reforms of making Nigeria greater to reality and something to behold. Amongst these eggheads is the indefatigable, dependable, and ever reliable Zacch Adedeji.

    Dr. Zacch Adedeji, Executive Chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) is one of those delivering. He has proven this time without number. He is a results-driven technocrat who has taken on some of the toughest responsibilities in this administration. 

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    He has introduced automation, shut down leakages, and made it easier for people and businesses to comply with tax laws in Nigeria. Government revenue is growing, and money is being channelled into critical projects that benefit everyday Nigerians.

    Despite his demanding role at FIRS, Dr. Zacch has taken on national assignments, including ensuring the seamless implementation of the Naira-based crude oil supply framework. 

    He has worked closely with the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) to ensure that local refineries like Dangote, Port Harcourt, and Warri are not sidelined in crude allocation. By supporting structured agreements that promote transparency and efficiency, he is preventing unnecessary forex exposure and protecting the naira from further depreciation.

    With so much on his plate, distractions in the form of misinformation and fake news could have been a stumbling block. However, Dr. Zacch is unmoved. When reports falsely claimed that the Naira-for-Crude initiative had been scrapped, he wasted no time in setting the record straight. He does not engage in distractions. His focus is on ensuring that Nigeria moves forward. 

    As Chairman of the Technical Sub-Committee overseeing the policy, he immediately reaffirmed that the policy is still in place, and local refineries continue to receive crude in naira. 

    Every Nigerian wants a country that works. We want to see leaders who take action, not just make speeches and post on social media. Dr. Zacch is proving daily that he is one of the doers. 

    He is not just working in one sector; he is handling multiple national projects and delivering results. He remains committed to making Nigeria better for everyone.

    With every reform, every policy, and every initiative, the Tax Boss proves that Nigeria does not just need ideas. It needs action. And that is exactly what he brings to the table.

    Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the technical assistant to the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service