Category: Commentaries

  • Thank you, Rafat Salami; your memory will linger

    Thank you, Rafat Salami; your memory will linger

    By Lanre Arogundade

    Rafat was a most admired woman. Many would have wished to be like her, but most would not have been like her, no matter the burning desire. The reason? Rafat was an exceptional gift to humanity whose type could compare to Haley’s Comet—coming around every 72 to 80 years. The rarity of her kind makes her sudden death on Friday, December 20, shocking and devastating.

    While most mothers love their children, it is arguable whether any mother towered above Rafat in the context of loving and caring for a challenged child. She expanded that frontier with an uncommon commitment and approach to addressing the challenge of her darling son, Ahmed, thus helping him to cope and live happily with autism. As should be expected of a thoroughbred broadcast media professional, she deployed an unrestrained storytelling tool to get this done. By relentlessly bombarding us with photographs and videos of Ahmed’s exciting moments, Rafat made him the star boy whose abilities against disabilities became inspiring news, not the least his Americana or Britico accent. Yet Ahmed, according to Rafat, could barely pronounce a word in about five years of his early life!

    Indeed, Ahmed’s vocabulary can sometimes be enthusing. I recall when the child and his mother argued intensely over the latter’s insistence on helping the former scrub his upper back while bathing because his hand was not mobile enough to do justice to the concerned area. Ahmed, savouring having just turned 18, retorted that the thought and suggestion were “creepy.” When Rafat asked why, he reiterated: “Because it’s creepy, Mum.”

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    While we enjoyed the fun and poured accolades on mother and son, we probably paid less attention to the pains and pangs a mother was enduring, perhaps because she only occasionally betrayed the fact. Within the past year, however, she lamented how helping Ahmed stand on his feet, especially by getting him to accept a vocation, was herculean. Then came the illness that manifested in sudden immobility of the limbs and ultimate confinement to the wheelchair.

    I called Rafat when I read about the disturbing turn of events. Let me digress a bit. Rafat and I relate as professional colleagues, fellow media trainers, and Comrades, both of us being gender activists and trade unionists. Years back, when she ran for the chair of FCT, Abuja Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists and lost, some of us felt we didn’t do enough to support a comrade who, beyond theory, attempted to break a gender barrier at the level of the Council.

    Rafat did run an inspiring campaign, and if today the FCT NUJ chapter has a woman as the new chair, it is partly because an enigma like Rafat once dared. So, it was a comradely conversation revealing how far she had gone to seek medical solutions to her ailment and how much support she deserved, leading me to make my modest contribution, which she appreciated as if I had dropped a million. She was humble and appreciative.

    The triennial conference and meeting of the International Press Institute (IPI), Nigeria, in Abuja on December 11 and 12, 2024, offered a perfect opportunity to continue the conversation. There were smiles, jokes, and warm embraces, but the sight of Rafat in the wheelchair was worrisome. Yet, undeterred, it was from that wheelchair, which she assured would soon be discarded following improvement to her health, that she presented a detailed financial report for the past three years for which she was applauded before being re-elected for a second term in the Muskiliu Mojeed led Exco.

    The IPI conference offered me another opportunity  – to meet the famous Ahmed in person. That happened during the group lunch, and the encounter was again revealing. When I arrived, the mother was begging her visibly upset son to calm down and eat. Son was upset because he had just returned from the hospital, where a toenail had been pulled out following an injury. The pain led to a misplaced anger against the son’s family friend who had accompanied him to the hospital. I joined the pleading and cajoling party until Ahmed agreed to eat. It took a longer while before he managed to smile. Invariably, all smiled around the table.

    A few weeks on, we are now in a state of shock over the sudden death of Rafat, with many rightly worried about what would become of Ahmed. It would be challenging, but I’m hoping that after the initial shock, the memory of all his mother did to make him succeed would positively affect Ahmed.

    Our dear Rafat Salami, what else can we say? What remain is to thank you for your impact on humanity. And to add that although there may be a mystical or spiritual reason for your sudden departure, we are glad that you lived a purposeful life. You taught valuable lessons. You touched lives. They will serve as monuments to your memory. Adieu, Comrade.

    •Lanre Arogundade, Executive Director of the International Press Centre (IPC), is a former Chairman of the Lagos State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists.   

  • Budget 2025 and 15% inflation target

    Budget 2025 and 15% inflation target

    • By Kenechukwu Aguolu

    Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, presented the 2025 budget titled “Securing Peace, Rebuilding Prosperity,” to a joint session of the National Assembly on Wednesday, December 18 as required by the Constitution. As expected. there have been divergent opinions about the Appropriation Bill with many referring to it as overambitious. While the budget is achievable, the projected reduction in inflation is quite ambitious and may not be realized. More emphasis should have been placed on economic diversification.

    The objective of reducing inflation to 15% which is a 59% decrease in a single year is particularly challenging. The increase in the value of the naira, increased food production, and proper monetary/fiscal policies will surely drop inflation. However, achieving such a steep decline will not be feasible unless the value of the naira rises significantly; beyond what was projected in the appropriation bill.

    Apart from agriculture, other sectors like tourism and mining can drive economic growth and resilience. Developing the mining sector offers significant revenue-generation opportunities and will also lead to the establishment of more industries in a bid to take advantage of nearness to raw materials. The United Arab Emirates, France, Spain, etc, make massive revenue from tourism. Therefore, the government should have demonstrated a greater economic diversification drive in the budget. Insecurity has hindered the development of mining and tourism in Nigeria.

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    Stabilizing the exchange rate at N1,500/US$ will require amongst other things; increased foreign exchange inflows through foreign portfolio/direct investments, improved balance of trade, increased domestic oil production and refining capacity. Policies aimed at boosting exports and reducing dependency on imports are crucial for achieving currency stability and strengthening the naira.

    Addressing insecurity remains fundamental to achieving the budget’s objectives. Insecurity continues to undermine agricultural productivity, deter investment, and disrupt infrastructure projects. A peaceful and stable environment is essential for economic growth and the creation of opportunities for citizens. The administration’s allocation of N4.91 trillion to defense and security underscores its acknowledgment of this challenge. However, addressing insecurity will require a comprehensive approach that combines military interventions with community engagement and socio-economic initiatives.

    The 2025 Appropriation Bill, which has scaled second reading at the National Assembly, outlines an ambitious vision for Nigeria’s development. Critical to its success are inflation reduction, economic diversification, exchange rate stability, and improved security. The government may wish to revisit the inflation projection and economic diversification drive. The National Assembly is expected to make adjustments to the bill during its review before passing it.

    •Kenechukwu Aguolu,

    <kenerek1@gmail.com>

  • What’s in a N49.7 trillion budget?

    What’s in a N49.7 trillion budget?

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has presented a budget of N49.7 trillion (approximately $28 billion) to the National Assembly. This figure underscores a stark paradox: Nigeria is a country both “rich” and “poor”—abundant in crude oil and natural resources, yet struggling to translate this wealth into meaningful development.

    With an estimated population of 234.9 million—making it the sixth most populous country in the world—a $28 billion budget is insufficient to address critical needs like food security, healthcare, education, and infrastructure. Notably, N4.91 trillion is allocated to defence and security, while N4.06 trillion, N2.48 trillion, and N3.52 trillion are earmarked for infrastructure, healthcare, and education, respectively.

    Despite its large and predominantly youthful population, coupled with vast untapped natural resources, Nigeria must urgently improve its earnings to remain competitive in today’s challenging global economy. The Tinubu administration has made strides by removing petroleum subsidies and floating the naira. While these measures have increased revenue for both the federal government and subnational entities, they have also had severe repercussions: reduced purchasing power for citizens, continued depreciation of the naira, rising commodity prices due to the country’s import dependency, and spiralling inflation.

    The key question remains: How can Nigeria build the resources needed to cater to its large population and effectively compete with major African economies?

    On paper, Nigeria holds the title of Africa’s largest economy, yet in practice, it faces serious challenges. For instance, South Africa, Africa’s most industrialized economy, boasts a GDP of approximately $373 billion, followed closely by Egypt with $347 billion. By contrast, Nigeria’s GDP has fallen to $199.7 billion, ranking it fourth among African economies.

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    To reverse this trend, Nigeria cannot rely solely on taxing its citizens or removing subsidies—short-term fixes that are ultimately unsustainable. Instead, policymakers must prioritize agriculture and human capital development. These two sectors alone hold the potential to generate billions of dollars and provide long-term, sustainable growth. While subsidy removal and currency floating may produce immediate gains, agriculture and human capital can continually fuel economic prosperity.

    A collaborative and benchmarking approach is essential. Nigeria should study and adopt the models of successful agricultural economies such as China, Brazil, Argentina, Indonesia, the United States, Russia, Australia, Denmark, India, Canada, and France—all of which generate billions annually from agriculture. Take Indonesia, for example: it is one of the world’s leading producers of palm oil, rice, rubber, cocoa, and coffee. Agriculture plays a central role in Indonesia’s economy, and Nigeria has the potential to elevate its own agricultural sector to even greater heights.

    Moreover, Nigeria’s human capital is one of the fastest-growing in the world. By harnessing its dynamic workforce both domestically and internationally, Nigeria can unlock significant economic value. For instance, in 2022 alone, Nigeria accounted for $21.9 billion in diaspora remittances, representing 64% of all remittances in West Africa.

    The truth is, a budget of N49.7 trillion is merely a drop in the ocean for a nation of nearly 250 million people, spanning a landmass of approximately 923,768 square kilometres.

    Nigeria must take bold and innovative steps to leverage its resources effectively. Strategic investments in agriculture and human capital development will not only boost national revenue but also secure Nigeria’s competitiveness on the global stage.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

     Abuja.

  • Abia Airport: Misplaced priority or strategic investment?

    Abia Airport: Misplaced priority or strategic investment?

    • By Chiechefulam Ikebuiro

    Sir: In 2023, during the build-up to the gubernatorial elections, I had commended then-candidate Alex Otti for his audacity and vision. There was this deep understanding of Abia State’s challenges and a clear plan to address them. Fast forward to today; recent developments leave me questioning that optimism.

    On Tuesday, December 17, there was a flag-off ceremony for a new airport project in Abia State. Described as a partnership between the state and federal government, it has been touted as a step towards “enhancing regional connectivity and economic growth”. While the federal government initially planned an airstrip, the state government proposed upgrading it to a full-fledged airport. On paper, it’s an ambitious venture, but is it what Abia State truly needs right now, especially after just one year in office?

    A critical evaluation of Abia’s infrastructure raises serious concerns. Does the state have the facilities to justify embarking on such a massive project? Before considering an airport, shouldn’t the government prioritize essential infrastructure like good roads, healthcare facilities, schools, and maybe rail systems? These are projects that directly impact the daily lives of the hoi polloi.

    The majority of Abia’s population comprises civil servants whose wages barely cover basic needs, let alone the luxury of air travel. This raises an important question: Who is this airport for? Is it intended to serve the general populace, or is it more for the convenience of the political elite, including the governor, to facilitate their movements?

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    Some states have embarked on these same ventures, and the track record across Nigeria isn’t encouraging. Many state owned airports have struggled to stay afloat, with the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) often stepping in to manage them. Can Abia avoid a similar fate? Airports are not only costly to construct but also expensive to maintain, with maintenance costs over five years often equalling the initial construction expenses. The risk of this project becoming another white elephant looms large.

    Governor Otti’s decision to prioritize an airport seems to contradict all the global developmental indices. Basic needs such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure should take precedence over such high capital ventures. An airport may offer glitz and glamour, but does it align with Abia’s immediate developmental goals? Is it a strategic investment for long-term growth or a symbolic move to enhance the administration’s profile as governments across the states are wont?

    A friend succinctly captured the sentiment: “Beyond the glitz and glamour of having an airport, we must thoughtfully consider whether it is a venture that can succeed in the long run or if it risks becoming a luxury acquisition that drains resources instead of contributing to the bottom line.”

    At this point, the project seems to be a done deal, leaving little room for reversal. However, it is imperative for Governor Otti to weigh the costs and benefits carefully, ensuring that pressing needs of Abians are not side-lined

    Focusing on the basics and building an Abia that serves all rather than just a privileged few cannot be overemphasized.

    Chiechefulam Ikebuiro,

    chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Humanity failed Gaza

    Humanity failed Gaza

    • By Labaran Yusuf

    Sir: As you read this, the last functional hospital in Northern Gaza lies in ruins, destroyed by Israeli forces amidst a deafening silence from the international community. It’s been over a year since Israel, backed by Western powers, unleashed a brutal extermination campaign on Gaza, following the October attacks. The numbers are depressingly staggering: over 46,000 Palestinians killed, including 1,000 healthcare workers, 200 journalists, and nearly 70% women and children, according to the United Nations.

    The devastation is catastrophic. Cities in Gaza have been reduced to rubble, with key infrastructure and necessities of life – schools, universities, hospitals, desalination plants, bakeries, and even mosques – systematically destroyed by Israeli forces. The indictment of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for genocide and war crimes by the International Criminal Court (ICC) has fallen on deaf ears. The United States and Western countries, self-proclaimed champions of human rights, and the rule-based order, continue to support and arm Israel.

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    The world has failed Gaza. We’ve witnessed children brutally killed, entire families erased from the civil registry, and yet, we’ve done nothing to stop it. The phrase “never again” has become a hollow promise, and the West’s claims of championing humanitarian and human rights have been exposed as false.

    It cannot be hidden or dismissed anymore; the international community must wake up to the reality of genocide in Gaza. Time is running out while Palestinians are still being killed en masse and starved. Governments around the world must stop arming Israel and hold its leaders accountable for their crimes. The people of Gaza deserve justice, and it’s our responsibility to ensure they receive it.

    As we stand by and watch the destruction of Gaza, we’re not only failing the Palestinians, but also undermining the very principles of humanity and justice that we claim to uphold. It’s time for us to take a stand and demand an end to the genocidal campaign in Gaza.

    •Labaran Yusuf,

    Jos, Plateau State.

  • Embracing Tax Reform: A call to action for Nigeria’s youth 

    Embracing Tax Reform: A call to action for Nigeria’s youth 

    By Dare Ojepe

    At this significant crossroads, the future prosperity of Nigeria heavily relies on visionary reforms and active civic participation. One such critical reform, currently being pursued by President Bola Tinubu,  involves the restructuring of our nation’s tax system—a move that promises to lay the foundation for sustainable economic growth and enhanced socio-economic equity.

    Let us begin with the essence of the reform. These changes are not just about numbers and policies; they represent a transformative vision for our country; one where resources are judiciously managed, and opportunities are equitably distributed among all Nigerians, especially the youth, who are the backbone of our nation.

    Driving economic growth

    The proposed tax reform is designed to foster an economic environment where businesses can thrive and innovation is encouraged. By broadening the tax base and ensuring efficiency in collection, the government aims to create a more stable economic foundation. 

    This stability is crucial for attracting domestic and international investments, which, in turn, translate to increased job opportunities, particularly for young Nigerians entering the workforce.

    Enhancing public service delivery

    The link between tax reform and effective public service delivery can not be overstated. With better compliance and fairer distribution, tax revenues can significantly boost funding for essential services such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Imagine schools with state-of-the-art facilities, hospitals with modern equipment, and roads that connect our nation seamlessly, all attainable with the right fiscal policies and when government can mobilise enough revenue to deliver on them. 

    As it currently stands, Nigerian government is unable to mobilise tax revenue to fund our development compared to our peers in Africa like South Africa, Kenya, Algeria, Egypt, Angola and Ethiopia where government tax to GDP ratio is well over 18%. 

    Empowering youth and entrepreneurs

    One of the exciting aspects of these reforms is the focus on creating a supportive environment for youth entrepreneurship. The reforms include some tax exemptions for businesses with annual turnover of less than fifty million naira, which significantly benefits budding entrepreneurs. 

    This measure encourages startups and small enterprises, enabling young Nigerians to transform their innovative ideas into flourishing businesses without the immediate pressure of financial burdens.

    Furthermore, the reform proposes some tax exemptions for employees whose annual income is less than ten million naira. This initiative directly impacts young professionals entering the workforce, allowing them to save more and invest in their future, thereby enhancing their economic stability.

    Ensuring transparency and accountability

    At the heart of any effective reform is transparency. The proposed changes include measures to enhance accountability in tax administration, ensuring that every naira collected is directed towards meaningful development projects. This approach aims to build public trust and foster a civic culture where contributing to national growth is seen as a collective responsibility.

    A call to action

    To the vibrant youth of our nation, your role in this transformation is indispensable. We urge you to engage in this dialogue, to understand the nuances of these policy shifts, and to advocate for transparent and equitable reforms. Your voices, your ideas, and your actions are essential in driving this change and securing a prosperous future for all.

    Let us unite with purpose and determination, embracing these reforms not as mere policy adjustments but as the stepping stones to a brighter Nigeria. Together, we can create an enduring legacy of prosperity and equity for generations to come.

    – Ojepe is the senior special assistant to the president on youth engagement

  • South Sudan’s delayed peace: Can 2025 deliver hope and stability?

    South Sudan’s delayed peace: Can 2025 deliver hope and stability?

    By Malual Bol Kiir

    As South Sudan nears the end of 2024, the hopes of millions for a peaceful Christmas have been overshadowed by the adjournment of the Tumaini peace process. For a nation that has endured decades of war, political instability, and economic hardship, this setback raises pressing questions: Can South Sudan achieve lasting peace in 2025, or will unresolved issues continue to undermine the country’s progress?

    The stalemate and its implications

    The Tumaini process was intended to be a platform to resolve critical political and security challenges in South Sudan. However, key issues such as the unification of armed forces, constitutional reforms, and the establishment of a framework for equitable governance remain unresolved. The adjournment of the process reflects entrenched political divisions and growing mistrust between leaders, which continues to hinder the implementation of meaningful solutions.

    While previous agreements, including the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS), showed initial signs of progress, delays in implementation have eroded public confidence. This most recent impasse has left citizens disillusioned and increasingly concerned about the future trajectory of their country.

    The human cost of delayed peace

    The ongoing absence of peace in South Sudan is taking a devastating toll on ordinary citizens. According to recent reports, over 9 million South Sudanese—nearly 75 percent of the population—are reliant on humanitarian aid to survive. Prolonged insecurity has exacerbated displacement, poverty, and the collapse of essential services.

    In rural areas, violence fueled by cattle raiding, communal conflicts, and armed skirmishes continues to destabilize communities. For refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), the dream of returning home remains distant, as many spend yet another year separated from their families and livelihoods.

    The adjournment of the Tumaini process has further diminished hope, leaving many to question whether 2025 will bring tangible progress or simply prolong the cycle of political stagnation and suffering.

    Is there still hope for peace in 2025?

    Despite the setbacks, there are still opportunities for meaningful progress in the coming year. Achieving sustainable peace will require bold leadership and a renewed commitment to dialogue, compromise, and action. South Sudan’s leaders must rise above personal political agendas and prioritize the collective interests of their people.

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    Civil society, youth groups, and women’s organizations continue to play an essential role in advocating for peace, justice, and accountability. Their efforts highlight the urgent need for inclusive decision-making and grassroots involvement in the peace process.

    Equally critical is the role of regional and international partners, including the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the African Union (AU), and the United Nations. These organizations must continue to exert consistent pressure on South Sudan’s leaders to ensure that their commitments are honored and that tangible progress is made toward peace.

    A call for leadership and accountability

    Although the adjournment of Tumaini may have delayed immediate solutions, the resilience of South Sudan’s people remains a source of hope. For the country to move forward, leaders must demonstrate political will and moral courage. Delivering peace is not just a political imperative—it is a moral responsibility to future generations who deserve to grow up in a nation defined by stability, opportunity, and unity.

    As South Sudan enters 2025, the call for peace grows louder. The time for delays and excuses has passed. Now is the moment for decisive action, cooperation, and a shared vision for a peaceful South Sudan.

    Conclusion

    While the challenges ahead are significant, the prospect of peace is still within reach. South Sudan’s leaders, with the support of citizens and international partners, have the power to make 2025 a turning point in the nation’s history.

    Peace remains the most precious gift South Sudan can offer its people—a gift that must be realized through trust, compromise, and collective action.

    • This article was first published in www.radiotamazuj.org

  • Nigeria’s Civil Service Commissions, the “Katsina declaration” and its reform implications

    Nigeria’s Civil Service Commissions, the “Katsina declaration” and its reform implications

    From November 25 to 28, 2024, the Katsina State government hosted the annual conference of the National Council for Civil Service Commissions (NCCSC). This is coming on the heel of a hiatus of over ten years. This fact in itself immediately speaks to a significant issue in the ineffectiveness of the gatekeeping function of the civil service commissions in Nigeria. If the body in charge of the gatekeepers has failed for over ten years to adjudicate on their effectiveness or otherwise, it raises a cause for concern. However, the conference theme—“The Role of the Civil Service Commissions in Driving the Renewed Hope Agenda”—signals a readiness of the NCCSC to regain its constitutional function in regulating the affairs of the civil service commissions in Nigeria as a means of getting the public service to function effectively as a mechanism for democratic governance and development effectiveness.

    Apart from my keynote as the chairman of the federal civil service commission (FCSC), three significant technical sessions were also facilitated by distinguished resource persons who are well-versed in the signifiers of the defining challenges that the public service faces from their different vantage points of expertise. Professor Adeola Adenikinju is the president of the Nigerian Economic Society and had been involved in national planning designs, macro-economic policy change management and advisories for decades; Mr Soji Apampa, the founder of the Convention on Business Integrity, had contributed to conversations and praxis in the building of national integrity systems as systemic bulwark in the anti-corruption campaign, and as essential pillar in the values reorientation dimension to national cultural adjustment dynamic; and Prof. Abdullahi Shehu, a professor of criminology, is the former Nigerian ambassador to the Russian Federation, has core expertise in capacity building on anti-corruption policies and mechanisms; promoting integrity as vital component of governance and institutional reforms, and anti-money laundering and terrorism financing. Between the three of them, they highlighted several fundamental issues. First, there is the critical role that the civil servants must play in deploying transparency, accountability, professionalism and innovation in facilitating the efficient and effective implementation of the key priority areas of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration.  

    In my keynote, I laid a fundamental emphasis on the transformation of the CSCs as the ultimate game changing agent that is committed to a renewed governance partnership with the government through the institutional reform of the public service. And the objective of this reform is to achieve the re-institution of a professionalized, competency-based, meritocratic, and efficient value institution in Nigeria through the effective monitoring of the constitutional gatekeeping mandate. This demand that the CSCs be capacitated sufficiently to facilitate, in the shortest possible time, the emergence of a new generation of public managers who are patriotically committed to the reconstitution of the public service for effective and efficient service delivery in Nigeria. This will demand, within the framework of the renewed governance partnership, the establishment of performance contract with the employees of the MDAs, and a service compact with the communities of service and practice of public administration in Nigeria, as well as with the Nigerian citizenry. This compact will instigate the generation of flagship reform and service initiatives, change programmes, peer review platforms and learning events that will likely keep the various CSCs of the federation engaged all year round.

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    A brief historical excursion will throw into broad relief the emergence of the civil service commission as the handmaiden of the British government in ensuring the institutional sanitation of the British civil service as the fulcrum of meritocratic efficiency. It will also firmly ground the significant relevance of the Katsina Declaration as a critical watershed in getting the CSCs to gatekeep the vocational significance of the civil service in making the Renewed Hope Agenda crucial for the betterment of Nigerians. Through its evolution from the ancient pharaonic Egyptian society to the monarchy in Britain, it had been difficult for public administration, or the appointment of public servants, to be divorced from the whims of the king or the emperor. Indeed, the Crown deployed the civil service as a system of patronage that is, of course, determined by political consideration and ridden by corruption. It is a system that flouts the politics-administration distinction which is meant to separate between politics and administrative matter for a meritocratic administrative efficiency. However, by the time the Magna Carta had been crafted in the 13th century, there was already a growing need to separate politics and administration, and orient the status of the civil servants on the state and not the Crown.

    Much later, and specifically in 1782, some series of economic reform programmes were initiated to effectively deal with the system of royal patronage and decrease the influence of the King on the legislature. Even though this reform had a political motive, its unintended consequence on administration was the emergence of an efficient and non-political civil service. In other words, as the officials who were gradually removed from political activities became more non-political, they also increasingly became more permanent. It then became increasingly impossible for any of these administrators to lose their positions on political grounds. The early eighteenth-century Britain therefore began to see the gradual rise of non-party officials who remain in place when government changes. This led to the second reason that facilitated the separation between politics and administration. As administration was consolidating its autonomy, politics was equally becoming more complex for a minister to ever think of combining it with administrative activities.

    It was at this period that the term “civil servants”, as opposed to the military servants deployed by the East India Company, was first used in India. By this time, it was already settled that a permanent civil service could only be secured by the establishment of a security of tenure for public servants. On the other side of the Atlantic in the United States, the Pendelton Act of 1883 was promulgated to undermine the spoil system which made political patronage the basis of recruitment into the service. The Act recognized the significance of competitive examinations as the basis for ensuring merit in the recruitment of civil servants. It was founded on three specific objectives: (a) the use of competitive examinations for admission into public service; (b) provided job security for public employees; (c) prohibited political activity by the civil service; and (d) encouraged a non-partisan approach to an employee selection

    However, by 1854 two very significant reform reports were submitted that would transform the administrative efficiency of the British civil service and redeem its status as a noble vocation. The Report on the Indian Civil Service and the Northcote-Trevelyan Report were both meant to safeguard the system against recruitment practices that will undermine the relevance and utility of the civil service for the British government. The Report on the Indian Civil Service was meant to institute specific intellectual tests which will constitute the moral standard for cultivating unique qualities—“industry, self-denial, a taste for pleasure, not sensual, a laudable desire for honorable distinction, a still more laudable desire to obtain the approbation of friends and relations”—that will stand the civil servants out as public spirited and professional. 

    On the other hand, the Northcote-Trevelyan Report is even more revealing. In specific terms, the Report was based on four basic premises:

    ›            Recruitment into the Civil Service should be by open competitive examination, the examinations would be conducted by an independent Civil Service Board who would ensure that entry into the service would be entirely on the basis of merit.

    • Entrants should not be recruited for life into a specific department but would enter a Home Civil Service that would facilitate inter-departmental staff transfers. Civil servants, therefore, would need to have had a general education and to be generalist rather than specialist in their knowledge and experience.

    • Recruits would be segregated at entry into a hierarchical structure of grades, ranging from the lowest (mechanical) level of clerical officers, only capable of simple routine task, up to the most elevated (intellectual) administrative level which would provide the ranks of senior civil servants who exist to assist and guide ministers in the formulation and administration of policy.

    • Promotion ought only to be on the basis of merit and should not be on the ground of preferment, patronage, purchase or simple length of service (Pilkington, 1999: 19).

    These two reports inaugurated the emergence of the civil service commission in Britain. There are two implications for the civil service system in the Commonwealth that inherited the British administrative system. The first is the understanding of the politics-administration dynamics that specifies the relationship between the minister and the civil servants. In other words, the CSC becomes the institutional mechanism that would ensure that the civil service system retain its objective of producing intelligent, efficient and effective public servants that would be able to help implement government policies. The second implication is the emergence of the cadre system which ensures that entry into the civil service is gained through competitive examinations. This served as the basis for the establishment of a generalist class—administrative, executive and clerical—as the administrative echelon of the civil service system in a descending hierarchical order of responsibilities and qualifications.

    If, as it has become clear from the bureau-pathology of the civil service in Nigeria (and the various technical sessions at the Conference), that we have not kept faith with the founding mandate that inaugurated the CSC as the gatekeeping mechanism for constantly reinventing the civil service as a noble calling, how do we then commence that reform? What are the fundamental next steps to be taken in pushing the CSCs in the right reform directions? The ultimate objective is the restoration of the CSC as the efficient gatekeeper for professionalism and service integrity enabled by a constitutional mandate to serve as the defender and protector of a merit system grounded on a competency-based human resource management practices in the civil service.

    Six fundamental steps are possible to get the CSCs in Nigeria to this ultimate objective. One: there is the need to professionalize the CSC secretariat so as to capacitate it as the core change space for resolving all human resource and other related issues concerning the public administration profession in Nigeria. Two: there is the correlated urgency to modernize the processes and services of the secretariat through continuing digitization that will enable it to eliminate barriers to creativity and innovation in the service delivery mandate of the public service. Three: the various CSCs need to review and upgrade the guidelines for appointment, promotion and discipline in the civil services, as well as reinforce the standard operating procedures across the various CSCs as a mean of guiding against the incidences of sharp practices, the politicization of staff career management, and the enforcement of strict compliance with the rules of law and the constitutional order in all operations. With regard to promotion, there is the need, for instance, to institute a performance-based promotion system rooted in competency and project-based assessments.

    Four: it is also imperative to undertake a comprehensive review of the CSC’s delegated powers to the MDAs in terms of operational guidelines with a view to strengthening oversight, compliance and enforcement. Five: it becomes imperative that all CSCs must strategically collaborate with their respective heads of service to undertake and facilitate the value audit of the civil service that will achieve the objective of enforcing discipline in terms of the code of conduct and code of ethics of the civil service.

    This will be to articulate a cultural adjustment programme and value reorientation of the civil service as a noble calling. Six: the CSCs must embark on studies to profile changes and transformations in the emerging new public service, especially in terms of the new normal demanded by COVID-19 transformation of the workplace, the increasing changes enforced in the nature of administrative processes due to new digital technologies and artificial intelligences, and the peculiar sociological imperatives of emergence of the Gen Z and Gen Alpha and their impact on the nature of work. This new normal articulates urgent administrative measures that are demanded for situating the public service within the urgency of relevance for the fourth and fifth industrial revolutions. Seventh and finally: each CSC must align these new reform directions and imperatives with their implications for industrial relations. The plan must be to shift the focus away from the adversarial to developmental labour activism and relations that make possible sustainable change agenda in the public sector.         

    Setting out on these reform directions requires specific reform strategies and focus of implementation. It demands, in other words, change management requirements that are specific for getting the CSCs up to speed in its intent of achieving its constitutional role as the powerhouse for the enforcement of merit-based competency in the civil service. The NCCSC Conference threw up lots of strategic reconsiderations that promise significant reform rewards—in terms of facilitating the “Katsina Declaration”—for advancing the effectiveness and efficiency of the civil service in Nigeria as a world class institution for backstopping democratic governance and the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Tinubu administration. 

    One fundamental and pressing business the Conference threw up which has an overarching impact on not only firming the rearticulation of the public service as a new institutional brand—as a vocational calling—is the urgency of promulgating a Public Service Act as a legal tool for codifying the instrumental efficiency of civil service governance and operations. The need for the Act derives from the argument that the inherited administrative codes such as public service rules, financial regulation, guideline on administrative procedures, etc., which have their deep roots in the British unwritten constitution tradition, have become outdated, especially in the light of contemporary postcolonial realities in Nigeria. This is also more so that the British that bequeathed this administrative tradition has evolved beyond it to enact numerous legislations for the governance of the public service.

    This Public Service Act also has deep implication for strategically revisiting the staffing requirements of the civil service, but specifically that of the CSCs. This speaks, for instance, first to the generalist framework that constitutes the CSC secretariats’ skills set. This framework grossly limits the CSCs and their problem-solving capacity to resolve various career management issues involving staff. This is further complicated by the high turnover rate and other challenges associated with staffing the CSC from the civil service common pool. The next strategic consideration derives from the urgency of digitization and automation that must be the basis of modernizing the CSCs’ critical operations. Recruitment, for example, requires online application portals that are back-ended by effective databases. Promotion also demands online recalibration in terms of accreditation and CBT assessments. Discipline and appeals can be fast tracked through the deployment of software that tracks reports, cases and processes.

    Civil service commissions will need to capacitated to be much more effective and efficient within the context of available funds and resourcing frameworks. The FCSC and the state CSC will therefore need to become creative in sourcing for a range of technical supports to raise funds that will enable critical studies.

    •First, there is the need to reinvent the CSC founding mandate to deepen guidelines that undergird merit in entry-level assessment and to infuse better contents and standards to, for instance, review quality of the syllabi and questions in the computer-based tests at promotion exams.

    •Second, the CSCs need to deepen the guidelines for grounding the application of the federal character policy on merit and meritocratic parameters in the recruitment process.

    •Third, the CSCs need to initiate diagnostic studies to unravel the structural bottlenecks hindering career progression of officers as mean by which to reinvent manpower planning, manpower forecasting and succession planning that articulate a better framework for monitoring the size and growth of service through internal management controls.

    Lastly, the Katsina Declaration emphasized the need to keep the modernizing imperative in sight through the constant organization of seminar events, both virtual and physical, that keep the attention of the CSCs firmly on new and emerging trends and global practices in human resource practices that keep the Commissions on their toes in terms of their constitutional mandate in the new administrative normal.

    The Katsina Declaration constitutes another turning point, and a crucial one at that, in facilitating the reawakening of the CSCs to their constitutional mandate. And this is even more fundamental at this period when the Tinubu administration really demands that the civil service regain its effectiveness to be able to translate the policies of government into dividends of democratic governance. 

  • Self-inflicted marginalisation

    Self-inflicted marginalisation

    By Nnaji Jekwu Onovo

    The most abused word in the political lexicon of Nigeria is “MARGINALISATION”; as even people who wittingly alienate their constituencies from federal projects, turn around to shout “marginalization”. The major culprits are states governed by opposition political parties whose stock in trade is sabotaging of federal programs and projects meant for their states. The state administrations under the control of opposition political parties are unsettled by the presence of federal projects in their states, and therefore work to thwart and derail the programs and projects. They view the federal projects as ploy by the Federal administration to coax the citizens of their states; and feel better off denying the state its share of federal programs and projects. A classic example is playing out in Enugu State. 

    The two highest ranking political leaders in Enugu State are both indigenes of Nkanu land, Chief Uche Nnaji (Honourable Minister of Innovation Science and Technology) and Peter Mbah (Executive Governor of Enugu State). The governor’s programs and projects are specifically for Enugu State; while the Minister’s programs and projects covers the entire country including Enugu State. In that vein, the Honourable Minister have attracted and still attracts Federal projects to his home state. Some of the Federal projects are domiciled in Nkanu land. However, some misguided and myopic indigenes of Nkanu land including the chairmen of Nkanu East and Nkanu West LGAs are attacking the Minister and sabotaging the Federal projects, claiming the Federal projects are ploys to grab lands in Nkanu — kobo wise, Naira foolish! It is disheartening that elected local government chairmen who should be excited with the attraction of the federal project into Nkanu land, are working against the project and, therefore against the yearnings of Nkanu people for job creation and economic growth. This is self-inflicted marginalization.

    The conception of the basis of Nigerian nation-state and of its democratic system, codified in the Constitution, is strengthened by the provision of the Land Use Act, entrenched by section 315 of the Constitution, which vests the ownership of all land in the Federal Republic of Nigeria in the people of Nigeria, as a whole, and not in any ethnic, or, religious community. It allows every Nigerian citizen, who collectively shares in the ownership of all land in Nigeria with all other Nigerian citizens, to individually acquire rights of occupancy in any part of the country, irrespective of any ethnic, regional, or, religious, origins and affinities. Is anything wrong with Federal Government acquiring land for projects and infrastructural development at Enugu State?

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    The Honourable Minister of Innovation Science and Technology signed MoU with Foreign Investors for the establishment of Bio-mass Methanol plant, Natural Gas based Methanol plant, and Cassava based Ethanol plant; and received the Presidential approval for the projects. All the projects will be run as BDO model of Public Private Partnership (PPP). The Natural Gas Methanol plant will be located at Imo State, the Bio-mass Methanol plant at Enugu State and the cassava-based Ethanol plant will be at Ekiti State according to the Presidential approval. The Minister sites the Bio-mass Methanol in the agrarian community of Nkanu land, for ease of sourcing the feedstock. However, the project unsettled the spirited defenders of the state government, who forced works to be stopped at the project site. The unfortunate thing is that Enugu State is part of the South-East geo-political zone which has been screaming “MARGINALISATION”, lamenting the dearth of federal projects in the zone. Is this not the case of somebody alienating oneself from a system but accuses the establishment of ostracizing him/her? What is wrong with the black man? Are we black within and without?

    The phrase of “we are marginalised” began creeping in after the annulment of the June 12,1993 election, won by MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man. But no sooner than President Obasanjo, another Yoruba man taken the mantle of leadership did the remaining two major ethnic groups (Hausa-Fulani and the Igbo) began to shout “blue murder” at perceived marginalisation of their ethnic group in the share of the national cake. Later, the Niger Delta rebels took to militancy and armed struggle to protest their own. Here we are, sabotaging federal projects meant for Igbo land! Are we naught?

    In the Nigerian national polity, governors are the chief executives of their state and the chief security and law officer. The extent that each governor succeeds in performing his role depends on the quality of programs articulated, the dedicated professional team available to the governor beyond the existing bureaucracy, and the integrity and drive behind the total leadership. A governor’s actions must be anchored on the delivery of good governance, and must be built on the rule of law.

    There is a certain amount of arrogance in governance that makes a political office holder feel larger than life, even when the power he has is transient. Power and wealth can bring out the best in an individual, but they can also bring out the worst. An ordinary person becomes a local government chairman and all of a sudden, he is translated from a demeanour of accessible humility to royal seclusion that changes him so much that his friends and colleagues become “former”. He has moved up in the world and can no longer be seen with a certain group of people. His “level” has changed! Why would His majesty, a local government Chairman, speak with “ordinary” people? In Nigeria, local government chairmen live in a world of their own, completely detached from reality. Most of them have full retinues of bodyguards and are driven around in convoys of bullet-proofed SUVs, with police orderlies to open and close doors for them. So, the chairmen of Nkanu East and Nkanu West LGAs are being true to form.

    It is instructive to state that the local government areas were created to generate development at the grassroots levels. We are quick to notice awful decisions by the federal government, but in reality, our state and local governments are actually worse.

    Maybe we should fix Nigeria from the bottom up. We can all start from our local governments. If you ask me, this is the easiest of ways to fix Nigeria. If each local government can start by being self-sustaining, then we will begin to get somewhere. If local governments can start working together to get results, then we might just be on the way to fixing our country.  

  • Of tariff scam, segregation in power privatisation

    Of tariff scam, segregation in power privatisation

    By Fidelis Soriwei

    Last Week, a former Governor of Edo State, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, raised the alarm about the suffocating exploitation of Nigerians by electricity distribution companies. Oshiomhole, leaned on his background as a former President of the Nigerian Labour Congress to interrogate an issue that is perhaps one of the most discussed on WhatsApp platforms in communities and households facing gripping electricity frustrations.

    While Oshiomhole brought some new perspectives to the putrid abnormality of the electricity privatization and the daylight robbery endorsed against Nigerians by the electricity firms, what he did is not particularly different from a chief who calls attention to the stench oozing from the King’s dead  cow at the village square.

    In Abuja the AEDC wields the powers of a raging man menacingly holding a cutlass over the necks of helpless men  whose hands are tied behind them in besieged communities. The AEDC holds all the aces in the electricity issue and could deploy them in most tormenting manner that shares a boundary with the unimaginable.

    Unknown to him, Adams Oshiomhole did not speak for himself or the people of Edo North that he represents as Senator. The labour leader in him only released his prominent voice on loan to millions of angry frustrated Nigerians who do not have the platform at his disposal – the Senate Chambers.

    The community I share with angry, bitter electricity users with no protective line and succour whatsoever is a classic example.

    In 2011, we started the process of converting a bush into a livable estate of 650 houses in Karsana area of Abuja. Each household was made to cough out the sum of N2 million for infrastructure development because the developers and aspiring homeowners knew that Karsana was lost and not traceable on the government’s map of priority. The determined inhabitants pulled the resources together in batches and bought all the transformers, procured all the cables, all the electricity polls. Of course, it is given that each household in Nigeria must pay for a meter. I can say with a certainty above the realm of contestation that all households paid for their meters in spite of the national deceit that customers are not supposed to pay for meters. Those behind the enforcement of this clause in the nation’s electricity house of horrors have turned a blind eye on its enforcement because they are either powerless or in cahoots with this regime of terror and horror against the Nigerian user of electricity.

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    In addition, when the transformers go bad, we replace them. We bear the cost of installation and pay for minor repair work. Our transformers, bought with our sweat, maintained with our hard earned resources, become property of a private company courtesy of a law scripted against the citizens of Nigeria, with no benefits!

    Like vultures waiting in the ‘shadows of their talons’ to reap where did they not sow, the AEDC dangles its conditions for putting extorted transformers to work. To install them, the community would be required to write the firm to donate the transformer as a precondition to install and energize it.

    My community in Abuja is a metaphor for electricity misery and agony. The inhabitants adopt a resilience that borders on a stoic resignation to electricity deprivation occasioned by ruthlessly harrowing exploitation by the AEDC for years.

    For years, we remained a community in the custody of darkness foisted on us by the AEDC. One thing about darkness is that the absence of electricity bites harder with the reality of other estates within the same city having regular power supply. We became beggars of electricity to the AEDC with strings of promises not meant for fulfillment.

    Then this year, our story witnessed a slight change. After completing a major electricity infrastructure, the AEDC started giving us power supply from its 33 Kva line. This, we thought was a reassuring experience until the operators of the nation’s electricity empire unleashed their joker of power supply based on the heinous electricity tariff segregated into band A and others.

    The cruel scam threw the community into turmoil. Many cried out that as they simply could not afford the tariff which thru ragged only yahoo yahoo that was sanctioned by law in Nigeria! The electricity tariff band A or B is a scam scripted against Nigerians by a clan of untouchable private investors whose equipment are provided by the a virulently exploited public.

    The community members besieged the WhatsApp platform  in search of an elusive  solution. Pushed to the wall by despair, the residents cried out to the executive to plead with management to return the community to the affordable Band B. Two hundred homeowners led by a serving general and deputy director opted to be remigrated to Band b. They embraced the capitalist contention that existence precedes essence. Band A was a threat to their existence as the tariff was clearly spiking blood pressure and contributing to many deaths at the twilight of the receding year. But another group of homeowners reminded them of the lethal regime of darkness and its consequences foisted on the estate by the same AEDC. This group believes that applying to be moved to band B would mean an invitation to the ire of the almighty AEDC which might wield the sledge hammer of darkness against them.  They reasoned that the estate should wait till the peak of the dry season when power supply drops to take an informed decision. This estate is the metaphor for all the estates cringing before the electricity regime of impunity by the DISCO.

    Without contestation, Senator Adam’s Oshiomhole is a mighty man. He represents the exclusive class of the wealthy and powerful in our society. He called attention to the huge investment of the Federal Government in the electricity sector with no governing board to moderate their activities. This brand of privatization is a curious mix of the absurd with the ludicrous unknown to normal business principle anywhere outside Nigeria. Oshiomhole’s cry or clarion call on the hallowed chamber of the Senate shows that the rich had started crying also. Truly, the tears are also at the door steps of the rich. While it is normal for the poor to lament and cry, the tears of the wealthy is a taboo which the king and the palace cannot ignore for too long.

    A privatization process that empowers a business venture to swindle communities of transformers, cables, cost of installation casts a slur on the nation’s legal system and its preparedness to defend the weak.

    Although, Oshiomhole left Abuja to dwell on the Benin Disco, the AEDC which provides electricity for his household in Abuja and the National Assembly which serves as his office is a bull that has gone berserk in a market of helpless women. The Senate and indeed the National Assembly should take a look at this policy that has done no good to average households in this country.

    A law that resides ownership of electricity equipment bought by individuals on business owners, that protects private companies against helpless Nigerians is an aberration in need of national  condemnation. Senator Adams Oshiomhole and all other legislators of good conscience should dwell on this particular issue of concern to Nigerians of all communities.