The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • The CBN’s new Monetary Policy Rate

    The CBN’s new Monetary Policy Rate

    The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), at the 298th meeting of the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) announced a significant yet nuanced rise in the Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) by 25 basis points, elevating it from 27.25% to 27.50%.
    At the heart of the MPC’s decision is a relentless and concerning rise in inflation. The headline inflation rate in Nigeria soared to an alarming 33.88% in October, rising from 32.70% in September. Food inflation, a particularly pressing issue, ascended even higher to 39.16%, while core inflation increased to 28.37%. These figures illustrate the severity of price pressures eroding purchasing power and exacerbating economic inequality across the nation.
    The MPC attributed the rising inflation to multiple factors, including escalating energy costs, notably the recent hike in Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) prices. This increase in fuel prices has elevated production and distribution costs, which are then passed down to consumers in the form of higher prices for goods and services.
    The decision to raise the MPR aims to tighten liquidity in the economy, curb excessive spending, and theoretically ease inflation.
    However, a pressing question remains: does this approach adequately address the structural roots of inflation, particularly those linked to supply-side constraints such as food production inefficiencies and rising energy costs?
    Amidst these inflationary challenges, Nigeria’s economy has shown remarkable resilience, reporting a 3.46% year-on-year GDP growth in the third quarter of 2024. The growth figures suggest that the economy is gradually bouncing back from the multiple shocks inflicted by the COVID-19 pandemic and prior recessions. Encouragingly, both the oil and non-oil sectors have contributed to this growth. The non-oil sector expanded by 3.37%, buoyed by increased agricultural productivity and a robust services sector. Meanwhile, the oil sector demonstrated growth of 5.17%, although this marks a deceleration compared to previous quarters.
    This economic growth offers a sense of reassurance, indicating that recovery is on the horizon. However, sustaining this momentum will require navigating numerous obstacles, such as exchange rate volatility, a tighter monetary environment, and the ongoing issues of insecurity that have plagued various regions of the country.

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    The decision to raise the MPR to 27.50% reiterates the CBN’s commitment to combating inflation. However, the ripple effects of such a move warrant careful consideration. Higher interest rates inherently translate to increased borrowing costs for businesses and individuals. For a private sector already grappling with high operational costs coupled with sluggish consumer demand, these elevated borrowing costs could stifle growth and worsen unemployment figures.
    On the other hand, a tighter monetary policy could attract foreign investors seeking higher yields, potentially boosting capital inflows and, in turn, supporting the naira. This scenario highlights the delicate balance the CBN must maintain: tightening monetary policy enough to anchor inflation expectations without suffocating economic growth is a significant challenge.
    While monetary policy serves as a crucial tool for managing economic challenges, it is essential to recognize that Nigeria’s economic problems are deeply rooted in structural issues that cannot be adequately addressed through monetary tightening alone. For example, the issue of food inflation exemplifies a challenge that is not solely a monetary phenomenon; rather, it relates to numerous systemic inefficiencies, including challenges in agricultural value chains, insufficient storage facilities, and inadequate infrastructure.
    Moreover, the recent increases in energy prices, though deemed necessary for deregulation, underscore the urgent need for comprehensive reforms within the energy sector. Addressing these structural challenges requires substantial investment in renewable energy sources, enhancing refining capacity, and developing efficient distribution systems. The transition to more sustainable energy options is crucial to reducing dependency on fossil fuels and mitigating the adverse effects that price hikes have on ordinary citizens.
    As Nigeria navigates its economic landscape, it is imperative that policymakers adopt a comprehensive strategy that goes beyond monetary measures. Addressing inflation and fostering growth will require coordinated efforts across various sectors. Structural reforms in agriculture, energy, and infrastructure must be prioritized to tackle the persistent challenges that lie ahead.
    Furthermore, enhancing public investment in key areas, such as education and healthcare, can foster human capital development, which is essential for long-term economic stability and growth. Engaging the private sector in these initiatives through public-private partnerships can also help mitigate financial constraints and stimulate economic activity.
    By balancing monetary policy with strategic investments and comprehensive reforms, Nigeria can work towards a sustainable and equitable economic future that benefits all its citizens.
    •Isah Aliyu Chiroma,aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com

  • Need for equality, equity and fairness in tax reforms

    Need for equality, equity and fairness in tax reforms

    Sir: The proposed tax reform, involving four tax bills introduced by the federal government has received significant criticism. Notably, it was rejected by the governors’ forum but was still forwarded to the National Assembly. Unlike the various bold economic decisions made by this government, concessions will likely need to be made on these tax reforms, which involve legislative amendments and therefore cannot be imposed by the executive.

    One of the major purposes of taxation is to generate revenue for the government to finance its activities. A good tax system should raise sufficient revenue for the government to fund its operations, and support economic and infrastructural development. For any country to achieve meaningful progress, its tax-to-GDP ratio should be at least 15%. Currently, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio is less than 11%. The proposed tax reforms aim to increase this ratio to 18% within the next three years.

    A good tax system should also promote income redistribution and equality by implementing progressive tax policies. In line with this, the proposed tax reforms favour low-income earners. For example, individuals earning less than one million naira annually are exempted from personal income tax. Additionally, essential goods and services such as food, accommodation, and transportation, which constitute a significant portion of household consumption for low- and middle-income groups, are to be exempted from VAT.

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    In addition to equality, a good tax system should ensure equity and fairness, a key area of contention surrounding the proposed reforms. If implemented, the amendments to the Value Added Tax could lead to a significant reduction in the federal allocation for some states; impairing their ability to finance government operations and development projects. The VAT amendments should be holistically revisited to promote fairness and national unity.

    The establishment of a single agency to collect government taxes, the Nigeria Revenue Service, could reduce loopholes that have previously resulted in revenue losses, provided proper controls are put in place. It is logically easier to monitor revenue collection by one agency than by multiple agencies. However, this is not a magical solution. With automation, revenue collection can be seamless whether it is managed by one agency or several, as long as monitoring and accountability measures are implemented effectively.

    The proposed tax reforms by the federal government are well-intentioned. However, all concerns raised by Nigerians should be looked into, and concessions be made where necessary. Policies are more effective when they are adapted to suit the unique characteristics of a nation, rather than adopted wholesale. A good tax system should aim to raise sufficient revenue, ensure equitable income distribution, and promote equality, equity, and fairness.

    •Kenechukwu Aguolu,Kenerek1@gmail.com

  • EFCC and ‘753 duplexes’

    EFCC and ‘753 duplexes’

    Described as the largest single-asset recovery in the history of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which was created in 2003, the recovered vast estate in Abuja comprising 753 duplexes and other apartments raised serious questions about the anti-corruption agency’s methods following its failure to name the owner of the estate. 

    It is located on Plot 109 Cadastral Zone C09, Lokogoma District, Abuja. A court in Abuja issued an order of final forfeiture concerning the estate on December 2. The agency described it as a “record-breaking recovery” and “a landmark forfeiture.”

    Notably, activist and former presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) Omoyele Sowore accused the EFCC of double standards. “If it is Yahoo boys, they will line laptops and Nokia phones in front of them and send their photos globally even before their trial is commenced,” he posted on social media, adding that the agency “is now afraid of big thieves.”

    The EFCC’s response to “Sowore and co-travellers’ tantrums” didn’t help matters. It argued in a statement: “The allegation of a cover up of the identity of the promoters of the Estate stands logic on the head.”  The agency explained that “the proceedings for the forfeiture of the Estate were in line with Section 17 of the Advance Fee Fraud Act which is a civil proceeding that allows… legal actions against a property and not an individual, especially in a situation of an unclaimed property.” 

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     It said: “The company flagged by our investigations denied ownership of the Estate following publications made in leading national newspapers. On the basis of this, the Commission approached the court for an order of final forfeiture.”

    However, it emphasised that “the substantive criminal investigation on the matter still continues,” adding, “It will be unprofessional of the EFCC to go to town by mentioning names of individuals whose identities were not directly linked to any title document of the properties.  The EFCC is unwavering in its no-sacred-cow approach to every matter…”

     It’s easy to claim a “no-sacred-cow approach.” In this case, the public wants to see whether that is the case. The agency’s effort to give the impression that identifying the owner of the estate is difficult and will take some time calls into question its investigative methods.

     When will the agency name the owner of the estate and follow up with prosecution? That’s when this unprecedented single-asset recovery will look like or be seen as an anti-corruption achievement.

  • Jibrin Ibrahim and the shaping of Nigeria’s discursive space

    Jibrin Ibrahim and the shaping of Nigeria’s discursive space

    There is something really intriguing and fascinating about having a wonderful friend of yours grow into the septuagenarian circle. And this is even more crucial when that colleague has a history of stubborn ideological inclination that has kept him in shape as a scholar of note within Nigeria’s combustible intellectual firmament. From our mutual commitment to the political science scholarship and different approaches to the understanding of the Nigerian nation-building project, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim—Jibo to all of us—and I have become intellectual partners in progress. Both of us keep investing our intellectual and scholarly resources in the ongoing commitment to the understanding of the task of making the Nigerian state, on the one hand, more meaningful from the perspective of scholarship, and on the other hand, more citizen-friendly in terms of its capacity to leverage advocacy and discourse to achieve good governance.

    Jibo is one academic that one can really say has kept up a coherent ideological trajectory since he emerged in the heydays of the radical Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement as a key figure in the Nigerian Marxist circle. And yet it would seem that Jibo has made a critical shift away from the Marxist ideological framework that enabled his intellectual stature in the 1970s and 1980s. This shift says a lot about the current ideological state of the postcolonial Nigerian society. Professor Ibrahim was educated at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and in the virile Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at a time when the university campuses in Nigeria constituted the hotbeds of ideological theorizing and mobilization; when scholars from Bala Usman to Mokwugo Okoye and Eskor Toyo to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie to Patrick Wilmot to Bala Takaya, and from Claude Ake to Edwin Madunagu to Bade Onimode to Akin Oyebode rallied round Marxism as the pathway to radical intellectual traditions. For these intellectuals, Marxism provided the ideological commitments to reflect on the possibility of a progressive framework through which Nigeria could be re-visioned as a postcolonial state.

    I do not know whether there is still any coherence to the concept of the Nigerian Left—a body of progressives that are connected by the collective Marxian ideological framework for rethinking the dynamics of the Nigerian developmental and national manifestations. And my reason is not far-fetched. It would seem that the depth and extent of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament, the reach and strength of the neoliberal capitalist hegemony, and the fluctuating fortunes of Marxism have outstripped the capacity of the Nigerian Left to keep up their intellectual mapping of the relationship between ideology and reality. Indeed, it would seem that the Nigerian Left has become so fragmented as to be incapable of mustering the coherence required to push a progressive front. And this could also be because the fortunes of Marxism keep shifting conservative Marxism to Antonio Gramsci, and from the neo-Marxism of Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School to the post-Marxism of Chantal Mouse and Ernesto Laclau, and from Samir Amin to Immanuel Wallerstein.

    Maybe the fundamental issue in keeping Marxism relevant to the Nigerian postcolonial predicament would be how theoretically congruent Marxism and postcolonialism are. How, for instance, is Marxism’s Eurocentric foundation to be squared with the anti-Eurocentric stance in that animate postcolonial scholarship? Maybe this significant tension to get the utmost from an ideological position without any intellectual baggage is what led to the subtle shift of Jibo away from Marxism—or specifically activist Marxism—towards a more resilient and contextually malleable paradigm that enables the facilitation of radical politics within a space like Nigeria. For Jibo, the political end should justify the ideological means. He believes there must be a better way than doctrinaire Marxism to achieve radical politics that will reorient democracy and democratic governance on behalf of Nigerians.

    This is where Jibo and I share many seminal platforms. The first critical platform is the political science scholarship in Nigeria. While I was the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Communication Technology in 2015, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim was asked to deliver the keynote paper at the 60th anniversary celebration lecture of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. I was to be the chairman of the occasion. Jibo regrettably could not make the occasion. And the Department prevailed on me to take his place as the guest lecturer. In that lecture, titled “The Legitimacy of Political Science Scholarship in Nigeria,” I made the pungent argument that Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments since independence have thrown series of debilitating unresolved challenges to query the relevance of political science scholarship in the country. Insurgency, corruption, youth unemployment, insecurity, dysfunctional federalism cum constitutional order, misgovernance, bad leadership—the list is endless—raise the critical question of the role of the Nigerian political scientists in the articulation of frameworks or paradigms of understanding and resolutions for redressing the Nigerian state and redesigning democratic governance.

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    These are not strange questions for me to ask as I have been a theorist and practitioner of public administration scholarship since I became a public servant many years ago. On resuming at the Presidency first in 1988, and much later in 1992, I was nudged by mentors to take on the additional task of studying the civil service as a means of understanding the dynamics of its dysfunction and the possible paths towards its institutional redemption. It was not too long for me to determine that the (mis)fortunes of the civil service system are tied in with those of the Nigerian state. My search for paradigms of institutional reform in Nigeria inevitably took me to expressing concerns for all forms of institutional reformative transformation, including those that affects political science scholarship. In that same lecture, I lamented not just the invisibility of Nigerian political scientists in the critical matters of the state, but also the ailing of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), a reality that has since significantly improved.

    However, one political scientist that constitutes the exception in my lamentation is Professor Ibrahim. He is not just the political scientist par excellence since he completed his doctoral dissertation at the University of Bordeaux in 1990. He has become the lone ranger in the fight to deepen democracy through civil society activism. Civil society for him was the continuation of the struggles for progressive politics by another mean. It was simply the other side of the same coin in the fight to entrench radical politics that put people on the front burner of government’s policy decisions. I would say, on his behalf, that civil society engagement is closer to realizing the objective of democratic reforms than academic Marxism that leans more on the theoretical than the practical. But that is not to say, as most scholars believe, tragically, that theory and practice are disjointed. As a development expert, civil service engagement allows for a cogent involvement with the public policy processes in ways that pushes the boundaries of policy participation and ideological influence. Civil society allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to keep democratic and policy discourses at the level of ideological fundamental, without the baggage of Marxism.

    And this brings me to the second seminal platform that connect me with Jibo. When I had to also make the critical decision to continue my reform advocacy by other means; at the point when I had to painfully exit the civil service as a critical insider, the establishment of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016 was a most viable institutional platform that permits the articulation of my insider’s perspectives from the outside. And that “outside” allows me to deploy the critical significance of kindred intellectual, activist and advocate spirits in the task of making Nigeria work better for democracy and development. One of such is Jibo, of course! At the inauguration of ISGPP and in one defining piece in his celebrated column in the Premium Times, Jibo was enthusiastic about the determination of the School to return the discourse on government back to the table. According to him, “I welcome the idea, after twenty-seven years of discourse on that elusive and nebulous World Bank concept of GOVERNANCE, let’s get back to the essentials and start studying what ‘government’ actually does when it governs.”

    This fundamental discursive element connects with, say, Jibo’s presence in journalism. The fight to raise the bar of fundamental issues that impacts the issues of political emancipation and democratic liberation cannot be limited to the pages of books and monographs. It must be delivered in digestible soundbites that an average Nigerian can understand and relate with. Indeed, the journalistic space further allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to bring the challenges of fixing the Nigerian state right into the context of the Nigerian masses and the need for them to also weigh into the determination of their destiny. And this speaks critically to the emergence of the post-truth social media. If democracy must be deepened through civil society vigilance, then Nigerian scholars, intellectuals and advocates need to mediate the tight rope between traditional journalism and the new media, plus the dangers of challenging social facts.

    Professor Jibrin Ibrahim is a critical septuagenarian, the type of intellectual who never stops fighting, who is never slowed down by age, who keeps pushing the boundaries of what they believe. We can only pray that your dream for the Nigerian masses may be realize just in time.       

  • Beyond CRUD: Building scalable, maintainable full-stack apps in 2025

    Beyond CRUD: Building scalable, maintainable full-stack apps in 2025

    By Onyenaucheya Onyinyechi Precious

    When I first started coding, a working endpoint felt like the pinnacle of achievement. Yet today, “getting the data” is rarely enough. Our apps must evolve, sometimes dramatically, to meet new feature requests, handle increased user volume, and withstand the next major architectural shift. In 2025, developers who treat CRUD as the endgame will find themselves trapped in a maze of tangled code and mounting technical debt.

    The alternative? A set of principles and patterns, clean architecture, thoughtful reuse, robust API contracts, and unified state management that keep code maintainable and teams productive, no matter how fast requirements shift.
    Clean architecture begins with a simple idea: your business logic belongs in its own layer, insulated from frameworks, databases, and user interfaces. In practice, that means organizing code so that your core rules and workflows sit at the heart of the project, free of external dependencies. If someone asks, “Can we swap React for Vue?” or “Should we move from PostgreSQL to DynamoDB?” the answer should be “Yes, with minimal fuss.”
    By defining clear interfaces and respecting boundaries, you enable each part of your system to be swapped out without requiring a complete rewrite. The result is a codebase that adapts rather than crumbles under pressure.

    Equally important is resisting the urge to copy‑paste. When two services share validation logic or report formatting, that logic deserves its own home, a small library or microservice that both can consume. Not only does this adhere to the old “Don’t Repeat Yourself” wisdom, it also means bugs get fixed once and roll out everywhere at once. Our local meetup group recently refactored a set of helper functions into a shared package. What used to require changes in three different repos now took a single pull request.

    That’s hours reclaimed every time we ship.
    APIs are the glue between front‑end components and back‑end services, and unclear contracts are like poorly maintained bridges: they might stand for a while, but they always collapse at the worst time. A consistent URI structure, nouns for resources, hierarchical paths for nested collections, and an early commitment to versioning keep clients and servers in harmony. Documentation generated from an OpenAPI spec becomes your single source of truth, powering everything from mock servers to SDKs. When a mobile developer pulls down the latest spec, they know exactly which fields exist and what errors to expect, avoiding the frustration of “it works on my machine” disagreements.

    State management is also a topic that often goes unnoticed, but it’s what keeps your app feeling smooth and consistent. For small features, tracking state inside a component or using a simple context may work just fine. As your app grows, though, you’ll need something more robust, think Redux, MobX, or one of the newer libraries. These tools help you predictably handle changes, debug more easily, and keep your code organized. Behind the scenes, you can mirror this approach by storing sessions or cart data in a shared store like Redis, so every server instance knows precisely what’s going on.

    Putting these pieces together isn’t just theory, it leads to real gains in speed and reliability. I recall a recent hackathon where our team utilised a shared component library and a clear API contract so effectively that we built a polished prototype in a single weekend, something that previously took weeks. That kind of efficiency doesn’t happen by accident; it’s the payoff of thoughtful architecture.

    Of course, moving an older project to this model takes effort. Refactoring means planning, testing, and maybe a few late nights. Setting up automated publishing and API docs takes time up front. But each hour you invest in organizing your code saves you days of headaches later on.

    When we gather at local meetups or pair up for code reviews, let’s share stories of the clean, maintainable code we’re proud of, not just tales of last‑minute bug fixes. Showing someone how you turned a messy module into a simple, reusable function does more than teach a technique; it inspires better habits across our teams.

    In 2025, success won’t be about cranking out more endpoints. It will be about building systems that can change without breaking, that let your team move quickly without fear. By focusing on clear layers, reusable code, well‑defined APIs, and reliable state management, we’ll create software that stands the test of time and truly serves both developers and users.

  • Nigerian brand soilers

    Nigerian brand soilers

    If you were looking for people who give Nigeria a bad name before the world, you had them in four Nigerian students who were recently jailed in the United Kingdom over a violent street brawl in Leicester City centre.

    Destiny Ojo, Joshua Davies-Ero, Ridwanulahi Raheem and Habib Lawal, all aged 21, used knives, a baseball bat and a crutch as weapons during the fight that took place at about 03:00 GMT on November 4, 2021. They were found guilty of sundry offences associated with their conduct and sentenced to jail terms by the Leicester Crown court penultimate Thursday after a six-week trial.

    The court sentenced Ojo of Plumstead, London to seven years in prison for violent disorder, attempted grievous bodily harm and grievous bodily harm with intent. Lawal of Bexley, London was sentenced to five years for violent disorder, attempted grievous bodily harm and grievous bodily harm with intent. Raheem of Lambeth, London got three years jail sentence for violent disorder and possession of a bladed article; and Davies-Ero of Bexley, London was sentenced to two years for violent disorder. A fifth defendant, Justin Asamoah (22) of Merton, earlier pleaded guilty to possession of a bladed article and was to be sentenced a couple of days later.

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    The Leicestershire police said in a statement on its website that a man aged 18 at the time of the incident suffered stab injuries that required hospital treatment. “After the suspects left the scene, police enquiries carried out over the following few months included CCTV analysis, phone work and public appeals, which led to identifications being made,” the statement read. The police said CCTV footage showed that the men were spotted with several weapons: “Davies-Ero was seen carrying a crutch, Ojo a baseball bat, while Lawal was seen with what was believed to be a large knife. Raheem carried a large knife.”

    A detective in the Leicestershire police, Constable Sean Downey, was cited saying: “This incident highlights the serious danger of violent disorder. It is extremely fortunate that further injury was not caused to the people involved or to other members of the public who witnessed the incident. This could have been a very different investigation.” He thanked community residents for assisting the police’s investigation and providing information, adding: “As a force, our priority is to keep the public safe. We will not tolerate violent disorder in our communities and will take action against those who are responsible for it.”

    Only heaven knows how much of connectedness these convicts presently have with Nigeria, but their ancestry can’t be denied. When the United Arab Emirates (UAE) slammed a travel ban on Nigerians some years back, it was on account of some Nigerian residents who took to a violent demonstration in that country. But these are not who we are, they’re only rouge elements who tarnish the Nigerian brand.

  • Asset forfeiture: Kudos to EFCC and judiciary

    Asset forfeiture: Kudos to EFCC and judiciary

     Sir: The Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership, CACOL commends the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for its relentless efforts in the fight against corruption, as evidenced by its recent success in securing the forfeiture of assets tied to illicit activities.

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had on Monday announced its largest asset recovery since its establishment. The recovered asset, said to be owned by a former top brass of the government, located in the Federal Capital Territory, is an estate spanning 150,500 square meters and comprising 753 units of duplexes and other apartments. The estate is situated on Plot 109, Cadastral Zone C09, Lokogoma District, Abuja. The recovery followed a ruling delivered on December 2, by Justice Jude Onwuegbuzie. On November 1, , the judge had given an order of interim forfeiture on the property.

    The confiscation of assets acquired through illegal means serves as a powerful deterrent to corrupt practices and reaffirms our collective commitment to combating financial crimes. This decision demonstrates the effectiveness of collaboration between law enforcement and the judiciary in safeguarding public resources and ensuring that no one benefits from the proceeds of corruption.

    The fact is that there are several of such estates or properties scattered around different parts of Nigeria, especially in Abuja and Lagos that ought to have been investigated through the powers conferred on the agency. We expect the agency to be more proactive, so that people will not get away with such atrocities.

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    As much as we applaud the EFCC for its professionalism and determination in investigating and pursuing cases of economic and financial crimes, we still find it difficult to understand the reason behind shielding the name of the culprit. His or her name should be exposed to members of the public whose money he has diverted to acquire the property.

    Such victories serve as a reminder that our institutions can and will act decisively in addressing corruption and recovering public funds for the benefit of all citizens.

    We also commend the judiciary for its unbiased and timely decision, which reflects its pivotal role as a bastion of justice in Nigeria. This ruling sends a strong message that the law is supreme and that anyone who engages in financial malfeasance will face the consequences.

    We stand in solidarity with the EFCC and other anti-corruption agencies as they continue to work toward a Nigeria free from corruption. We call on all Nigerians to support these efforts by promoting transparency, reporting suspicious activities, and ensuring accountability in both public and private sectors.

    Together, we can build a nation where integrity thrives, public resources are safeguarded, and justice is upheld.

    •Debo Adeniran,CACOL, Lagos.

  • ‘Mortgage’ on the Lagos streets: The menace of Omo Onile

    ‘Mortgage’ on the Lagos streets: The menace of Omo Onile

    Sir: In Lagos, owning property isn’t actually a dream fulfilled. It’s a battle fought daily. Here, a deed or receipt isn’t the end of the road but the beginning of an unending saga. Welcome to the jumbled world of Omo Onile (children of landowners), where owning land feels more like an eternal dance with extortion. Your hard-earned property isn’t truly yours, it’s theirs, indefinitely, and they’re not going anywhere.

    Imagine this; you’ve worked for years to save up for a home. The joy of ownership fills your heart as you clutch the documents in your hands. But in Lagos, your joy comes with a twist. Enter Omo Onile, the self-proclaimed “children of the landowners.” These opportunists rewrite the meaning of ownership, demanding payment for everything, construction, renovation, even celebrations, as if your property were still on loan. And in a cruel irony, this isn’t the kind of mortgage you pay off over time. No, this is a debt that regenerates with every project, leaving you perpetually beholden.

    Today, even without concrete data, one can confidently assert that over 70% of landowners in Lagos have been extorted by Omo Onile at least once during construction or renovation. The economic toll is staggering; just ask the Lagos State government how much it loses annually to illegal land-related activities. This financial burden not only stalls projects but also inflates property costs across the state, pushing homeownership further out of reach for the average citizen.

    For some, the trauma doesn’t end with extortion. Homeowners recount tales of vandalism, violence, and financial ruin. One property owner shared how Omo Onile disrupted his son’s wedding preparations, demanding “celebration dues.” When refused, they destroyed tents and decorations, turning what should have been a joyous occasion into a nightmare. In Ikorodu, a developer had the site invaded repeatedly by armed thugs demanding a “peace levy.” Months of stalled work and endless fear were the price of defiance.

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    But why does this system persist? To understand the Omo Onile phenomenon, one must look beyond joblessness and greed to Lagos’s complex socio-cultural history. Historically, land ownership in Lagos was governed by customary practices, with families or clans holding communal rights to land. The sale of land to private individuals often left residual claims for these families, who continued to see themselves as custodians rather than sellers. Over time, this cultural notion of “shared ownership” has been exploited, morphing into an organized system of extortion.

    Now, this cultural context complicates solutions. For many Omo Onile, the practice is not just a livelihood but a perceived right rooted in their ancestral ties to the land. Attempts to enforce formal property laws often clash with these deeply entrenched beliefs, creating a grey area where legal ownership and customary claims battle.

    The Omo Onile menace thrives on loud intimidation, illegality, and systemic complicity. Their boldest move – trespassing on land they’ve sold years prior.

    For middle-class homeowners and small-scale developers, the burden is unbearable. Without deep pockets or political connections, they’re left vulnerable to Omo Onile’s demands. Meanwhile, the justice system moves at a snail’s pace, marred by corruption and inefficiency. Many victims abandon legal battles, resigned to their losses, while others hire private security or Police, escalating the cost of property ownership in Lagos.

    Today, it is unnecessary to allege; it can be stated categorically that the Omo Onile web is deeply entangled with power. Allegations of ties to political actors deepen their reach. Fathers pass the practice to sons, ensuring a generational cycle of exploitation. Even laws like the Lagos State Properties Protection Law of 2016 fall short in breaking this cycle, as enforcement remains weak and sporadic.

    Ending this scourge requires a stern, united front. The government must treat Omo Onile as organized criminals or terrorists, launching targeted crackdowns with zero tolerance for their antics. Publicized arrests and prosecutions would send a clear message. Communities need legal aid and resources to fight back without fear, while the judiciary must fast-track land-related cases, ensuring timely justice for victims.

    But beyond enforcement, we need a cultural shift, a collective stand against the normalization of exploitation. Homeowners, developers, and citizens must unite in resistance, refusing to yield to intimidation. Only then can Lagos reclaim its land and restore dignity to property ownership.

    The battle against Omo Onile is not just a fight for property; it’s a fight for justice, growth, and the right to truly call one’s land “home.”

    •Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,Lagos.

  • The trial of Farotimi

    The trial of Farotimi

    Sir: Human Rights Lawyer, author and activist, Dele Farotimi was on Wednesday arraigned before an Ekiti Chief Magistrates Court over a charge of alleged defamation of character. He was subsequently remanded by the presiding Magistrate, Abayomi Adeosun, pending the hearing of Farotimi’s bail application.

    In the recent past, Farotimi has honoured not less than two police invitations in Lagos over allegations of criminal libel and has been released on bail on self-recognizance. Now, what could be the justification for the abduction of Farotimi on Tuesday by Policemen from Ekiti State Command?

    Considering that the disputed book was published and launched in Lagos and Farotimi is resident in Lagos, why should he be arrested and whisked to face trial in Ekiti State?

    Now, assuming without conceding that the Police from Ekiti State Command could effect Farotimi’s arrest in Lagos so that he can rightly have his day before an Ekiti court, can the mode of his arrest be justified?

    As far as I know, Farotimi is a public figure and a widely respected intellectual. A simple formal invitation to him would have saved the police from all the embarrassment it has caused.

    Should there have been an arrest in the first place over an alleged case of defamation? I do not think so. Defamation is a private affair that should be settled in civil court between parties. I do not believe state resources should be expended on prosecuting a case of libel against the person of another.

    Chief Afe Babalola, SAN in an article titled “When False Publication May Amount to Criminal Libel” once stated as follows: “As noted, personal squabbles between individuals should not find their way into the criminal docket of any court. Thus, the police should not lend themselves to an abuse of the judicial system…”

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    Chief Babalola further argued that the proper step that whosoever feels defamed should take is “to put forward its own narrative regarding the subject of the publication”. Chief Babalola cannot be more correct. It is, therefore, quite interesting to note that the chief is the nominal complainant in Farotimi’s libel trial at a criminal court.

    Moving to the issue of arraignment and remand, I am honestly afraid like many other Nigerians that Farotimi may not be afforded fair trial. I read in the papers that Adeniran Akinwale, Ekiti State Commissioner of Police, stated that the allegations were “fully established”, at a time when Farotimi had not arrived in Ekiti? To my mind, the Police had taken a stand with the accuser prior to Farotimi’s arrest and did not bother to conduct any thorough investigation upon the arrest of the accused.

    Upon arriving at Ekiti, the police filed a charge at Ado Ekiti Chief Magistrates’ Court on Wednesday morning. Almost immediately, the charge was assigned to a magistrate and arraignment commenced pronto. Farotimi pleaded not guilty to the charges. Curiously, his oral bail application was refused by the trial magistrate. The magistrate insisted on a formal (written) bail application, against regular and conventional procedure at magistrates’ court.

    I am tempted to ask, what is the legal justification for the learned magistrate’s insistence on a formal bail application?

    For the avoidance of doubts, the charges levelled against Farotimi are bail-able under the law and magistrates court are courts of summary jurisdiction; a court that operates with little or no formality. It is not the practice and law for formal bail application to be filed in a case before a court of summary jurisdiction. Why was this required in Farotimi’s case? Even if Farotimi did not orally apply for bail or where Farotimi is not represented by a legal counsel, the magistrate court is bound to suo motu grant him bail.

    The refusal of an oral bail application for Farotimi under very debatable circumstances may support the position of those who feel that he is unlikely to get a fair trial in Ekiti.

    •Festus Ogun Esq, Lagos.

  • In Nigeria, it’s still ‘African time’

    In Nigeria, it’s still ‘African time’

    Sir: How many times have you heard that phrase “No African time” and maybe if you naively wondered: What is African time? It is a colloquialism that refers to the cultural tendency in some African countries, including Nigeria, to have a more relaxed attitude towards time and punctuality.

    Keep in mind that “African time” is a stereotype, and not all Nigerians (or Africans) adhere to this cultural phenomenon. Indeed, many individuals and organizations prioritize punctuality and respect for other people’s time, but they are few in comparison.

    The term “African time” is believed to have originated from the colonial era, when Western colonizers imposed their own time-keeping systems on African societies. This disruption of traditional time-keeping practices led to a more flexible attitude towards time.

    Painfully, this attitude strays and influences not just various aspects of daily life in Nigeria but very important aspects. Imagine where start times may be delayed, and punctuality is not always expected at a doctor’s appointment, scheduled for 9:00 am, but the doctor might not see patients until 10:30 am. A business meeting might start 30 minutes late, but the attendees might spend the first 15 minutes chatting and laughing together.

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    In Nigeria, “African time” has significant implications for politics and governance. Government meetings, events, and even court proceedings often start late, with attendees trickling in at their own pace. The relaxed attitude towards time can make it challenging to hold officials accountable for their actions and decisions. In some cases, “African time” is seen as a cultural expectation, where punctuality is not always valued.

    How many times have you seem a top government official, a governor or minister arrive early, or on time for a meeting, an even whether business or social? In fact, it is seen as demeaning for the official or dignitary to be at the venue early or on time.

    As Nigeria continues to modernize and integrate into the global economy, there is a growing recognition of the importance of punctuality and time management. I have seen the widespread use of digital technologies increasing awareness of time and promoting more efficient time management.

     To address the challenges posed by African time, it is essential to promote a culture of punctuality and respect for other people’s time. This can be achieved by implementing efficient systems and processes, fostering accountability, and encouraging citizens to prioritize punctuality.

    “African time” is a complex and multi-faceted phenomenon that reflects Nigeria’s cultural heritage and historical context. While it presents challenges, it also painfully promotes flexibility, adaptability, and strong social relationships. By understanding and addressing the challenges posed by “African time,” Nigeria can promote a more efficient and effective governance system, ultimately benefiting its citizens and promoting economic growth and development.

    •Prince Charles Dickson, PhD<pcdbooks@gmail.com>