The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • On the proposed federal government 2025 budget

    On the proposed federal government 2025 budget

     Sir: The Federal Executive Council has proposed a budget of N47.9 trillion for the 2025 fiscal year. The FEC pegged the price of crude oil at US$75 per barrel and proposed N1,400 as exchange rate to a dollar with oil production put at 2.06 million barrel per day.

    My concern borders on the menace of crude oil theft, insecurity in the oil producing area of Niger-Delta and illegal refining, all of which must be tackled in order to safeguard the nation’s resources and protect the environment. Obviously, these are serious issues that needed to be addressed in order to achieve the 2.06 million barrel per day projected by the budget.

    The other is that the International Energy Agency (IEA) has predicted that global oil supply may exceed demand in 2025 even if the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cuts remain in place. The Agency based its prediction on rising production from the United States of America and other producers which according to them would outpace sluggish demand.

    Noticeably, oil demand growth has been weaker than expected this year because of economic downturn and the shift towards Electric Vehicles which are tampering oil growth prospects in the world’s second largest consumer which is China.

    Moreover, the issue of climate change which has remained the most profound challenge facing humanity in the 21st century is also a concern. Most countries are now transitioning from non-renewable energy based economy to renewable energy based economy because of the impact which the former has on climate change.

    Read Also: Ex-England manager Southgate to be knighted in 2025

    Whereas the country has relied largely on crude oil revenue to finance its budget, the demand for fossil fuel will continue to decline in the near future. I am neither a prophet of doom nor a soothsayer, but what I know is that our crude oil will dry off one day. So, the earlier we start preparing for the future, the better.

    The question remains: How do we finance future budget? The answer is not far-fetched. Firstly, the federal government should co-ordinate and implement both the fiscal and monetary policies. Secondly, prioritize economic diversification away from crude oil dependency by boosting agriculture, mining, tourism, technology and manufacturing sectors. Thirdly, the use of tax revenue which is now the nation’s current highest source of income according to the Accountant General of the Federation. For instance, an analysis of 2023 Company Income Tax (CIT) data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) showed that collections of CIT increased by 73.14% to N4.9 trillion in 2023, up from N2.8 trillion recorded in the previous year. Fourthly, the federal government should put in place a transformative framework aimed at advancing Nigeria’s mining sector. The strategy will reduce reliance on oil, diversify the economy and attract both local and foreign investments.

    The federal government needs to put in place measures to curb corruption. Today, corruption can be considered as ‘normal’ aspect of the nation’s political culture and social norms than a vice. One of the major banes of corruption is that monies that are meant for public services such as provision of infrastructure like health facilities, education, roads and electricity supply end up in private pockets.

    Last but not the least is the security challenge mostly in the Niger-Delta area. The federal government needs to address this issue holistically in order to allow development to take place in the region.

    •Oladele Oladipupo,Agbara, Ogun State.               

  • Why Netanyahu is still on top

    Why Netanyahu is still on top

    By Yisrael Medad

    Over 14 months have passed since hordes of Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorists brutally invaded Israel’s Western Negev communities, killing 1,200, kidnapping 250, and committing other heinous crimes. It was like a throwback to 627 CE, when the Jewish tribe of Banu Qurayza surrendered to Muhammed’s forces. In that case, all the men and one woman were beheaded and the rest of the women and children were enslaved, except for a few converts. In Be’eri, Sderot and Nir Oz, no one was even given the choice to convert.

    The October 7 attacks resulted in enormous devastation, both physical and psychological, and monumental surprise. The public reverberations of anger, frustration, and shock at the failures of the military and the government were palpable. Yet Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has remained in power.

    US President Joe Biden is out of the political picture. There’s a new prime minister in England, and France’s president is tottering. Bashar Assad has fled Syria. Meanwhile, Israel’s prime minister continues to serve. He does so despite the attacks on October 7, despite the hostages still held in Gaza, and despite the cries from the parliamentary opposition and the anarchists who protest on Kaplan Street.

    How and why has he succeeded?

    A central complaint of the anti-Netanyahu crowd is that he “lacks a strategy and a plan” or that he “lacks a vision.” Those claims have been proven false. Although the Israeli military began its campaign slowly, it is now obvious that there was a plan from the beginning. The generals simply needed someone to force them put into practice a plan they had probably previously rejected as it ran against their mindset that Hamas had been deterred and was an ineffective military force.

    The person who forced the military to adopt that plan was the prime minister. If former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant hadn’t been overly concerned with his own future (hiring his own lawyer to protect him from charges of war crimes), the partnership between the two would have been more successful in the field.

    Moreover, that criticism smacks of sour grapes. At the root of the criticism is that Netanyahu did not adopt the self-destructive strategy that the opposition wanted him to follow. An example of such a self-destructive strategy was Yair Lapid’s government surrendering Israeli territory to Lebanon under the threat of Hezbollah’s Hassan Nasrallah.

    Read Also; TARABA CHURCH CRISIS: Warring parties in fresh battle for control of headquarters

    As for the genuine problem of the Qatari money permitted into Gaza to prop up Hamas, Rafi DeMogge (the pseudonym of a researcher who writes on political demography) had an answer for that in a piece published in Mosaic on October 21. He acknowledged that Netanyahu went along with the popular conception that transfer of Qatari funds to Gaza would protect Israel’s security, but he also said that the prime minister had no real alternative. He noted that even the Bennett-Lapid government did not “make any meaningful change to Netanyahu’s decade-old Gaza policy.”

    To think that the prime minister could have nixed that financial flow prior to October 7 is naive. He would have faced the sloganeering of his opponents that he would be inviting a war. It was, as usual, Hamas that allowed him to finally unleash the Israeli military’s withheld power. The situation in Lebanon illustrates that success is often the result of political leadership overriding the politicization of the army chiefs.

    On the issue of the hostages, Netanyahu has benefited from most of the population realizing that Hamas, not Israel, has been the recalcitrant partner in possible release deals, something even American diplomats have admitted is the case.

    Another aspect that indicates his success is the economic situation.

    This past week, Globes reported record figures for mergers and acquisitions in the Israeli tech industry over the past year. A new report from Vintage Investment Partners indicates that merger and acquisition deals set a new peak of $10.5 billion, 22% higher than the previous peak of $8.6 billion in 2021. Even a cursory reading of business media sites indicates that all the bleak prophecies of Israel’s economy did not come to pass, even if the situation is not perfect.

    True, Israel will need to invest huge amounts in rebuilding the Western Negev and northern Israel, as well as in shoring up small businesses and industry. Nevertheless, the prime minister is still orchestrating a firm and reliable economic balance for the country. Financial suffering in Israel has been limited, and the people realize that.

    Netanyahu has also displayed diplomatic leadership and expertise in presenting the Israeli narrative, two skills that are appreciated by the electorate. It is quite possible that his performance since October 7 assisted Donald Trump’s showing in the election by providing his supporters with an additional reason to vote against the Democratic elite, which is perceived as weak and “woke.”

    Anti-Israel actions on college campuses and in the streets of American cities were seen as threatening to average Americans. When Americans saw the Israeli prime minister’s firm stand and considered his strong friendship with Trump, they were further convinced to lend Trump their support for Israel’s sake. No other Israeli politician could have achieved that.

    That same situation also convinced Netanyahu’s Israeli coalition partners not to rock the boat too much. Moreover, the onslaught of genocide and war crimes charges from the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court shored up his base and provided him with another layer of public support.

    His errors and the various court cases concerning his personal affairs have not outweighed his apparent brilliance in managing the affairs of state. Even the delay in releasing the hostages has not affected his political standing. His appearances both on the international stage and within Israel’s political and security spheres have been successful. And now, with the developing situation in Syria, few would wish him to leave office.

    Netanyahu has proven that Israel has a strong leader in the face of continuing terror, an increasingly anti-Zionist Europe, and the developing security situation. And that is what the people want.

    • This article was first published in www.themedialine.org

  • Osun 2026: Crossroads and consequences (2)

    Osun 2026: Crossroads and consequences (2)

    For those who care to know, the July 16, 2022 event marked a political Armageddon for some individuals in Osun APC. On that fateful day, their political obituaries were written; and for some, there’s no resurrection in sight. However, to honour their political memories, the party must rediscover its winning formula. This won’t be an easy task, but as the saying goes, “when there’s a will, there’s a way.” So, it is doable!

    At a time like this, APC must develop a comprehensive Programme of Hope, similar to the one that successfully displaced the PDP in several Southwest states. A programme will matter, for by 2026, most of the electorate will be very hard-pressed, making a charismatic candidate’s galvanizing effect unreliable.

    Right now, the people are looking for a programme to believe in, rather than “a great man”. Fortunately, APC has access to talented individuals within and outside the state who can help craft engaging programmes, reminiscent of the now-rested Unity Party of Nigeria, UPN’s Four Cardinal Programmes. Yes, a well-crafted manifesto is essential to unite the party, inspire a disillusioned electorate, and ultimately drive success.

    Just as a bank’s Internal Auditor identifies and addresses policy exceptions to mitigate risks, Osun APC must challenge prevailing political norms and obstacles. Of course, this requires a critical examination of its strategies, identifying areas for improvement, and implementing corrective actions to boost its chances in the 2026 governorship, and subsequent elections. Through a process of introspective renewal and strategic repositioning, APC can harmonize its internal dynamics, optimize its operational capacity and fortify its structural integrity, ultimately guaranteeing electoral victories in 2026 and beyond.

    Emeritus Professor of Philosophy, Tunde Bewaji’s astute observation that “Politicians are different animals who live in their own eco chambers” aptly captures the disconnect between politicians and the people they claim to serve. Talking seriously, this detachment can lead to a sense of disillusionment among the populace, who feel that their leaders are out of touch with their needs and concerns. To bridge this gap, APC leaders must recognize the grassroots as the ontological foundation of the party, and therefore prioritize their needs, concerns, and aspirations above the interests of elite factions or special interest groups.

    Read Also; TARABA CHURCH CRISIS: Warring parties in fresh battle for control of headquarters

    In a thriving democracy, the media serves as the omniscient watchdog, ever-vigilant and fiercely independent, barking loudly at the heels of power to prevent the metastasis of authoritarianism. As the Fourth Estate, it wields the sacred sword of truth, slicing through the veil of propaganda and deception to reveal the unvarnished reality.

    In its most sublime manifestation, the media embodies the Platonic ideal of the philosopher-king, guiding the ship of state through the choppy waters of partisan rancour and ideological extremism, ever-steering towards the shores of truth, justice and the democratic way. The opposition media, in particular, carries a bigger burden in promoting counter-hegemony, critical discourse and civic republicanism, ideals advocated by thinkers like Antonio Gramsci, Jürgen Habermas, and Hannah Arendt.

    Well, I have argued elsewhere that resorting to vitriolic abuse and profanity may bring momentary comfort, but it accomplishes nothing meaningful and can have devastating repercussions. I still stand by this assertion. Osun APC requires a clear focus, which can be achieved through a robust media strategy that effectively communicates its message. The current arrangement may be doing its best, but then, it needs to reevaluate and redefine its scope because, without a coherent programme and media focus, voters may be tempted to continue with the ‘devil we know.’

    For a successful media campaign going forward, the party’s Directorate of Media and Publicity, if there is any, must move beyond ‘gbas-gbos’ (noise and criticism) and focus on impressing the electorate with APC’s accomplishments while in power and outline its future goals. By doing so, it can – and will – win over more votes than relying solely on criticism-driven media campaigns.

    The road to 2026 presents Osun APC with a rare opportunity to reassess its rewards and acknowledgement system. Currently, there’s a disconnect between the party’s central leadership and grassroots development in Osun State. In contradistinction, APC successfully utilized its central connections in Edo State. The New Nigeria People’s Party’s surprise victory in Kano State also demonstrated the importance of strategic planning; and that’s a worthy feat!

    To regain its footing, the party must construct a big tent, move away from avoidable discord, and display tactical acumen. It must recalibrate its vision, reassess its values, and reclaim its relevance in the hearts and minds of the electorate. Seizing this moment, harnessing members’ energies and forging a united front will determine whether 2026 becomes a watershed year for the APC or just another footnote in history.

    As the great German philosopher, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, once said, “The only thing we learn from history is that we learn nothing from history.” To put it succinctly, the Year 2026 will come and go, leaving in its wake a trail of triumph or travesty, but one thing is certain – Osun APC’s existential fate hangs precariously in the balance, as the party’s leadership is confronted with a stark choice: redemption or perdition.

    In the intricate dance of Osun politics therefore, it’s time for APC leaders and elders to experience a transformative moment, akin to Saint Paul’s conversion on the road to Damascus. Otherwise, they risk facing the consequences of their actions or inactions. Time is running out, and many of those currently in leadership positions may not have another opportunity to make things right.

    The clock is ticking, and the future of Osun State hangs in the balance. Therefore, it’s time for them to sit up, shape up, prioritize the needs of the party with sniper-like precision, and dictate the terms of victory. Time wasters, who are not trained to do anything, but, in whose eyes any goose can cackle and any fly can find a sore place, should not be allowed to breathe in the envisaged arrangement.

    Let me conclude by stating that effective governance and leadership are crucial for the development of any society. The story of David and Obed-Edom illustrates this point. When David attempted to transport the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem, he faced a setback due to Uzzah’s untimely death. This incident prompted David to reevaluate his approach and store the Ark in Obed-Edom’s house. As it turned out, Obed-Edom’s reverence and care for the Ark earned him God’s blessings. Surely certainly, it demonstrated the importance of responsible leadership and adherence to principles.

    The iconic partnerships between leaders like Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass, Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu, and Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Keng Swee also showcased the transformative power of collaborative leadership. By pooling their strengths and resources, these leaders achieved remarkable outcomes, from ending apartheid to modernizing Singapore. Their successes demonstrate that effective collaboration can bridge divides, challenge entrenched power structures, and drive meaningful social change.

    With the 2026 election on the horizon, David’s corrected approach and Obed-Edom’s humility offer valuable lessons for any political party, including Osun APC, as it strives for power and development in 2026. By embracing these values, the party can increase its chances of success and positively impact the people it serves.

    For Osun APC, will the Year 2026 be a repeat of past mistakes, or will it mark a new beginning? Only time will tell!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Osun State!

  • Between defamation and freedom of speech

    Between defamation and freedom of speech

    • By Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun

    Sir: In a country like Nigeria, where free speech is a fundamental right, the line between what constitutes defamation and what is protected under freedom of expression has become increasingly blurred. Legal cases like that of legal giant Afe Babalola (SAN), who sued rights activist Dele Farotimi for allegations in Farotimi’s book, highlight the complexity of distinguishing between defamation and freedom of expression.

    Babalola felt that the claims made in Farotimi’s book unjustly tarnished his long-standing legal reputation.

    Defamation laws, both civil and criminal under Nigerian law aim to prevent reputations from being damaged by false information. But the challenge lies in ensuring these laws are not misused to suppress legitimate criticism or stifle free speech. As digital platforms amplify both truth and misinformation, it is crucial to understand where the line between free speech and defamation should be drawn.

    For Babalola, the key principle was clear: while free speech is protected, it should not come at the expense of truthfulness or reputation. His assertion that “the law allows free speech but not one calculated to injure the good reputation of another” reflects the delicate balance that must be struck in such cases.

    Read Also: How to sustain local carriers, by VP Shettima

    The involvement of Nigerian police in defamation disputes has sparked significant debate. Regular critics argue that the police are sometimes used by powerful figures to intimidate or silence critics. This raises concerns about fairness and due process, especially when actions typically handled in civil courts are criminalised, leading to potential abuse of power.

    Over-reliance on police intervention risks creating a chilling effect on free speech, particularly in a country where law enforcement is often seen as vulnerable to influence. This could undermine the fairness of the legal process, turning what should be a civil matter into a criminal issue.

    Now, the ongoing struggle to balance free speech and defamation underlines the complexities of modern discourse, particularly in a society where public opinion is shaped by rapid information flow and digital platforms. Cases like those of Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi highlight the fine line between protecting one’s reputation and stifling dissent. Defamation laws are crucial in safeguarding individuals from false and damaging statements, but their application raises valid concerns about misuse, especially when powerful figures use them to suppress legitimate criticism.

    In the end, it is up to the courts, lawmakers, and society to ensure a fair and just balance, where freedom of expression is respected while personal integrity is upheld.

    •Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,

    Lagos.

  • Syria: The impermanence of power

    Syria: The impermanence of power

    • By Kene Obiezu

    Sir: On the night of December 6, Syrians slept in chains and woke up the next day on the cloud, specifically on cloud 9. As rebels encircled Damascus, the country’s capital, a decades-long dynasty disintegrated.

    Who was it that had to scamper down from the high horse of power in Damascus and scurry like a terrified rat, tail between his legs to Moscow? It was Bashar al-Assad, the former strong man of Syria, suddenly reduced to its fleeing scoundrel.

    How Syrians wished they could have laid their bare, burning fingers on the spoiled scion of a family complicit in the ruin of one of the world’s most iconic countries, very much like Libyans did with Gaddafi in 2011.

    As the volcano of freedom vaporized the barriers of the infamous Saydnaya prison, which a ruthless dictionary had turned into his personal holding pen, the prisoners, some of whom were broken by their incarceration, suddenly felt the air of freedom waft in, something they had considered impossible.

    The world has also borne witness to how terminal tyranny is.

    Together with his family, al-Assad has been granted asylum in Russia, a country that seems to be a magnet for all manner of illegalities and fugitives at the moment  thanks to extremely ill-informed decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022.

    For long-suffering Syrians who have somehow managed albeit painfully to keep their faith through a slow disintegration of their country at the hands of a ruthless dictator who succeeded his father in infamy to serve as Russia’s pawn in the proxy war in his country, it is freedom at last.

    There are definitely lessons out of Syria for the world at this time. Territorial sovereignty may be a key cog of international law and relations but in the interest of the most vulnerable of humanity, it must become impossible for dictators that have neither respect for their people nor regard for any principles to hold people to ransom in the name of dubious leadership.

    Democracy has many devils driven into its details. For the impatient and impious, democracy may seem a lot of drivel, especially when there is the temptation to hasten things up.

     In the history of the world, the most enduring lessons of democracy is that the patience to build institutions, put rules in place and hold people accountable which democracy does expertly have its merits after all.

    Read Also: INEC to seek amendment to Electoral Act 2022 over election results transmission

     Without the languid but luminous lines which democracy recites to leaders and the led, haste by dictators masquerading as pragmatists would make waste of society. History is replete with such scoundrels exporting their execrable expediencies and exigencies.

    For years, Syrians had watched their country’s fragile institutions come under heavy attack by al-Assad and his supporters

    Now that the dynasty that destroyed everything they held dear for years has been dismantled, they have to pick the pieces and rebuild their country.

    They must be determined to move on from the debris of dictatorship and rebuild their beloved country, which had the terrible misfortune of falling into the hands of a debauched leader.

    The rebuild will be slow, painful and tasking, but it is necessary for the memory of Syrians killed by the regime, for the present generation of Syrians who have survived everything thrown at them and the unborn to whose magisterial promise Syria will be entrusted to.

    Crucially, Syrians must remember that vigilance is the price for freedom and must be ready to pay this price. Their unflinching vigilance will protect their country and ensure that its future will become their past.

    Now that Satan has finally fled Syria to Russia, another country where devils are in charge, may the long-suffering people of Syria and their many homesick exiles hit the long but luminous path to discovery and recovery.

    •Kene Obiezu,

    keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Elitism and Nigeria’s out-of-school children

    Elitism and Nigeria’s out-of-school children

    • By Ike Willie-Nwobu

    Sir: The Sultan of Sokoto has exonerated northern elites from the spectral out of school children crisis haunting Nigeria, especially the North. At a ceremony in Bauchi, the Sultan was quick to blame poverty and ignorance for flooding the streets of the North with countless confused and impressionable children, who have unwittingly become an army of conscripts for the ruthless terrorists trying to overrun Nigeria from the North.

    For Nigeria, which has a very young population, out-of-school children are in their millions, these children who should be in school but aren’t as a result of various factors are an ominous sign that Nigeria’s immediate future long rendered bleak by colossal corruption is at best blighted.

    When children who should be in school beg for a living, starting out their daily lives as mendicants and begging past the time when school children who have returned from school have been fed, rested and put through their school work, a soothsayer is not needed to discern that trouble is brewing on the horizon.

    It should worry the North that it is the region which has the highest number of out-of-school children in the country. This massive problem should give every leader in the country sleepless nights. If the North is today light years behind the rest of Nigeria in many indices that indicate development, it is because it has failed over the years to send its children — boys and girls — to school.

    Read Also: How to sustain local carriers, by VP Shettima

    It is no coincidence that terrorism, which has emerged as Nigeria’s biggest problem recently has found such a sure foothold in the North. The conditions are there to support it – multifaceted and multigenerational poverty, plus ignorance and religious fanaticism.

    The Sultan may have gone on record to absolve the northern elites of blame in the region’s shocking education levels. He may have blamed ignorance and poverty. But to attempt to divorce poverty and ignorance from lack of education is to fail to see the problem.

    Poverty and ignorance may have come about in the beginning as a result not lack of education, but since the advent of education, it is its lack that waters the ground for poverty and ignorance. A well-educated population is one better equipped to resist the pernicious effects of poverty and ignorance. In fact, it is education more than any other resource the gives the educated the tools to combat poverty and ignorance, successfully.

    Nigeria is undoubtedly one of the most difficult countries in which to be a child. Children face all manner of challenges in a country that continues to grapple with poverty as well as unemployment and underdevelopment. In 2003, Nigeria passed the Child Rights Act, which was a watershed legislation in guaranteeing and protecting the rights of children. It is simply scandalous that more than two decades later, a couple of states are yet to domesticate the law in their states. Worse still, many states, especially in the North, continue to refuse to enforce the salient provisions of the Act citing religion and traditions.

    More than any part of the country, the elites in the North hold a strong influence on their people. This is as much a way of life as it is a reality. This means that if the elites in the North recognize that education can transform the fortunes of the largest region in Nigeria and advocate and invest in it accordingly, children will be taken off the streets and prepared for a future unlike anything they are living now.

    Until the elites in the North do this, they are very much responsible for the region’s absolutely alarming number of out-of-school children. More than anything, it is one of the more egregious effects of elitism.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • ASUU agonistes

    ASUU agonistes

    In the average Nigerian consciousness, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) is synonymous with struggle: struggle for better standards in the university system and, more engagingly, the welfare of its members. You may not agree with its methods, but there’s no denying that is what it does.

    The union lately opened another flank of its crusading, and it is the growing number of first class graduates produced by Nigerian private universities. ASUU National President, Professor Emmanuel Osodeke, said the “increasing numbers of first class graduates” turned out by private universities gave cause for concern and could result in a decline in genuine academic pursuits, especially if public universities followed suit without proper oversight.

    The ASUU boss spoke at an event organised by the union in celebration of Professor Andy Egwunyenga’s tenure as Vice-Chancellor of Delta State University (DELSU). The event took place penultimate Thursday at DELSU campus in Abraka, Ethiope East council area of Delta. He cited the instance of primary and secondary schools that these days produce pupils with high grades, but with inadequate knowledge, adding that the incidence of building collapse in the country signpost significant issues within the nation’s institutions.

    Read Also: How to sustain local carriers, by VP Shettima

    Osodeke was on point in flagging the soaring number of ace students being turned out by universities without commensurate developmental strides and touches of ingenuity in the market place. First class degree used to be considered an exclusive club of exceptional students who are naturally potentiated to be scholar themselves, and many of whom used to get retained by their respective school as graduate assistants – an entry point into the academy career from which they take on acquiring further degrees and progress in scholarly cadres up to professorship, if they get that lucky. Only that things aren’t like that anymore, and that is largely because of the unwieldy number of first class graduates being produced. Now we hear of cases like that of a first class graduate of the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua University who was found hawking pure water to support his family until Katsina State Governor Dikko Umaru Radda moved in recently to offer him government employment. 

    But then, Osodeke short-shrifted on identifying the facilitators of the trend he frowned on, namely himself and his fellow academics who function as internal and external examiners of the outputted ace students. One would his observation calls for hard industry introspection and diligent peer review, more than it is a matter of public alarm. In other words, ASUU should call a roundtable of its members, and indeed non-members but who are career academics, and talk through how to tighten professional ethics in promotion of practice standards that would make their best products impact the marketplace and boost Nigeria’s development strides. It is in enlightened self-interest of career educationists to make education relevant in national development.

  • Poverty reduction through economic empowerment in states’ 2025 budgets

    Poverty reduction through economic empowerment in states’ 2025 budgets

    By Judith-Ann Walker

    Official surveys of household income and expenditure in Nigeria point to a rising tide of poverty and privation, especially for women.  The recently released Nigeria General Household Survey-Panel (Wave 5, launched on 21st November 2024) by the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS) finds that “price increases on major food items were the most prevalent shock reported by households, affecting 71.0 percent of surveyed households”. The Survey also found that the Northwest is the geopolitical zone with greatest increase in households, unable to eat a healthy and nutritious/ preferred food, an increase of 33% in 2023 above 2022.  The Survey shows, further, an overall 48.8% reduction in household food consumption in 2023 and that only “43.5 percent of women of reproductive age (ages 15 to 49) reported consuming diets that meet standards for minimum dietary diversity”.

    The Survey of the Bureau of Statistics had a lot more to say about the poverty of households where women had a leading income earning role, these were called – female headed households.  The Survey found that 72.2% female headed households could not afford healthy or preferred foods while the figure was only 55.4% for male headed households. Additionally, 55.2% of female headed households said they ran out of food because of lack of money while only 41.3% of male headed households reported the same.

    The Nigerian government, has not been unmindful of the new economic reality captured in the NBS Survey. Government, at national and state levels has working tirelessly to mitigate the poverty impact of the current dual economic policy shocks on households and on vulnerable populations such as rural populations and women in particular.

    A recent study on poverty dynamics and social assistance in Nigeria anchored by the development Research and Projects Center (dRPC) under Chronic Poverty Advisory Network (CPAN) of IDS, and funded by FCDO, documented over 50 targeted interventions at the national level to mitigate the poverty conjuncture of the monetary policy shock of exchange rate harmonization and the fiscal policy shock of fuel subsidy removal.

    Read Also: Nigerians needs special Yuletide palliative, says George

    At sub-national levels, in the CPAN/BASIC study the dRPC’s  budget analyses of specific lines covering – social protection/humanitarian and poverty alleviation/social welfare of  states in Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones also found significant mitigation efforts. The analysis of 2023 budgets for Akwa Ibom; Anambra; Benue; Borno; Ekiti; and Jigawa States found noteworthy allocation of funds to specific lines for – social protection/humanitarian and poverty alleviation. Allocated sums ranged from as high as 8.5% of the total budget of 2023 for social protection and poverty alleviation in Borno state; to ranges to 4.33% and 5.16% in states such as Benue and Anambra states respectively. States such as Akwa Ibom; Ekiti; Jigawa; fall in the middle with allocations of 6.45%; 6.91%; and 7.71% respectively.

    The dRPC’s budget analysis also found that while the majority of these budget lines were designed to fund classic social transfers interventions such as food distribution; many sub-lines also include economic empowerment components, especially for women to catalyze sustainable poverty reduction.

    This pattern of findings from the six focal states in the CPAN/BASIC study can be generalized across multiple states of the federation where states are experimenting with transfer payments coupled with economic empowerment programs, projects and initiatives to mitigate the impact of the current poverty conjuncture on youth, the rural poor, displaced persons, women, and other vulnerable populations. As states allocate funding and design innovative programs, projects and initiatives into their 2025 budgets, the dRPC’s analysis shows that while almost all states propose social transfer interventions in line with some variant of social protection policies only one state is aligning allocations for economic empowerment programs which benefit women to a Women Economic Empowerment Policy. This state is Kaduna State.

    While many states in Nigeria are reluctant to domesticate yet another national policy, oftentimes with no implementation plan; Kaduna and Kano States have hastened to domesticate the National WEE Policy and Implementation Framework of 2022, in a manner that is practical; inclusive; and workable. With the technical support of the dRPC, the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), and other partners, over 40 stakeholders from Kaduna state worked together to develop a uniquely Kaduna WEE policy. This policy brought together all existing and medium-term projected livelihood initiatives for women under one coordinated mechanism and  hub. Not only was this policy development approach practical, it was also cost effective and expeditious, as it chose not to reinvent the wheel but rather brought together, under one roof, strategic women’s livelihood interventions already being implement. But perhaps more importantly, the Kaduna WEE Policy also identified women survivors of gender-based violence and chronic poverty as key beneficiaries to be targeted. This was an intentional strategy of applying an economic policy instrument to address broader social challenges of displacement; violence; and barriers to inclusion faced by many women of the state. At the launch of the Kaduna State WEE Policy on 19th November 2024, the Executive Governor Senator Uba Sani, spoke of the policy as a game changer and put on record his unwaning commitment to supporting its full implementation. This was later follow up with a pledge of a N5billion naira addition to WEE lines in the 2025 budget.

    The Kano State WEE Policy which is set to be launched in the coming weeks, has also adopted an integrated, harmonized and innovative approach. The validation workshop of the Kano WEE Policy which took place in Kaduna State, on 4-5th December 2024 brought together 60 Kano stakeholders under the guidance of the Hajiya Aisha Lawal Saji, the Honorable Commissioner of the Ministry of Women, Children and the Disabled to finalize a uniquely Kano WEE wrap-around policy. The 4-5th workshop, with technical facilitation by the dRPC and NIPSS, Africa Challenge Funds and other partners,  brought together women’s cooperatives, traditional and religious leaders, private sector representatives along with MDAs to review and finalize the policy.

    As states experiment with new models of poverty mitigation in their 2025 budgets to address the reality captured in the NBS, Survey, Kaduna and Kano States lead the way in demonstrating that coordination of current and medium-term initiatives under one policy umbrella is an effective mechanism for supporting vulnerable women. At the WEE Policy Domestication Project launch at the Abuja Continental on the 16th of April 2024, Commissioners and their representatives from Akwa Ibom, Borno, Enugu Kwara, Lagos, Plateau,  States, all present at the kick off meeting, heard from dRPC subject experts and the NIPSS Directorate staff about the advantages of inclusive domestication and the effectiveness of practical wrap-around policies for impact. Kaduna and Kano states, whose Commissioners were also present at the project launch must be commended for leveraging lessons from the launch to improve the lives of women in their states, lifting them out of poverty.

    •Dr Walker is the Executive Director of the dRPC, and can be reached at j.walker@drpcngr.org

  • Enugu agog as minister, Mba inaugurates Christmas Village

    Enugu agog as minister, Mba inaugurates Christmas Village

    Minister of Arts, Tourism, Culture, and the Creative Economy, Hanatu Musawa and Governor Peter Mba of Enugu State have commissioned a Christmas Village in the state.

    The Christmas Village is one of the events of the Enugu Christmas Festival.

    Running from Saturday, December 7th to December 31st, 2024, the 25-day Christmas extraveganza is expected to be attended by residents of the state, neighbours, guests and people from all works of life.

    The Christmas Village boasts of an array of attractions, including a waterpark, roller skating, archery, amusement rides, and much more.

    The pièce de résistance of the village is the stunning display of 500,000 Christmas lights, which is sure to leave visitors in awe.

    Facilitated by Omu Resort, a prominent organization known for promoting tourism initiatives in Africa, the Christmas Festival promises to be an unforgettable experience.

    Read Also: UNILAG don Ibraheem to deliver inaugural lecture

    Beyond a celebration of the holiday season, the Enugu Christmas Festival offers exciting events such as the “Afrobeat Concert”, “Praise Night”, Highlife Concert”, a “Street Carnival”, a “Cultural Parade”, and a grand “Fireworks Show”.

    Other specials of the festival include the highly anticipated “Santa Street Storm”‘ where over 100 Santa Claus figures on tricycles will parade through the state, bearing gifts for orphanages and the less privileged among others.

    Beyond the holiday season celebration, the festival is also a testament to Enugu State’s rich cultural heritage and its potential as a top tourist destination, while providing a perfect opportunity to unwind with family and friends.

  • Scapegoats from Togo and Benin Republic

    Scapegoats from Togo and Benin Republic

    Sir: Following an inquiry launched by former Minister of Education Tahir Mamman, the federal government has reportedly sacked some workers who were employed based on degrees from Togo and Republic of Benin.

    Yet, they appear to be no more than scapegoats for a system that has roundly failed. In a country where judges forge documents to extend their stay in office, anything is possible.

    The recent history of education in Nigeria is one of shambles and more shambles. It has not at all been a tale of a gradual slide. Rather, it has been frightening, painfully so. Like a train hurtling out of control, it has been screeching and chaotic.

    It started from the bottom, the roots, the foundation.  In many parts of the country, primary schools lie in ruins. The dilapidated buildings are a signage to the state of primary education itself.

    With windows torn open, building on the brink of collapse and pupils forced to sit on the floor because there are no chairs; children from a very young age are introduced to the chaos that underpins public education in Nigeria.

    The story continues through secondary school weaving its way to tertiary institutions where years upon years of government dereliction and neglect of the education sector have deprived a country of its lifeline and life-wire. The effect has been a slow but extremely painful death.

    Read Also: WHO raises the alarm over global genital herpes infections 

    As the education sector in Nigeria has crumbled under the eyes of the generation that benefited from free, quality and public education, Nigerians have sought alternatives. Private universities have stepped in to fill the gap and have been mostly excellent at least by Nigerian standards. But their extortionate fees mean they remain the preserve of the exclusive few that can afford them in a country where soaring costs of living has left many on the brink.

    Also, many Nigerians, in their haste to escape a system that spells doom and death here, have sought degrees from foreign universities in countries that border Nigeria. Benin and Togo have been favourite destinations and as it stands, fraudulent destinations, too.

    It is also entire possible that they sneaked into the employment of the federal government in the basis of the bias Nigerian employers show towards degrees obtained from foreign universities over local ones.

    Were the system here not such a resounding failure, Nigerians would not be flocking to Benin Republic and Togo, two countries whose citizens used to drool over the prospects of schooling in Nigeria, to purchase fake degrees.

    •Kene Obiezu,keneobiezu@gmail.com