The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    • By Folorunso Fatai Adisa

    Sir: In The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (1968), Armah offers one of the sharpest moral metaphors in African literature. The chichidodo, he writes, hates excrement with all its soul, yet feeds only on maggots, which thrive best in filth. It despises corruption but survives on its proceeds. That contradiction is its tragedy. It is also ours. The spread of chichidodos has made accountability in Nigeria painfully difficult. Alleged looters are shielded not by evidence of innocence but by ethnic sentiment, religious loyalty, and partisan allegiance. Justice is stalled not because facts are absent, but because conscience has been outsourced to identity.

    Mark Twain captured this moral boundary succinctly when he observed that patriotism means supporting your country all the time, and your government only when it deserves it. He did not advocate blind loyalty. Defending public plunderers is not patriotism. It is parasitism. To praise looters is to feed off the decay they create. That is chichidodo logic.

    According to The Cable, the EFCC has traced 41 properties allegedly worth about N212 billion to Abubakar Malami, former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. The report states that these assets, hotels, residential buildings, land, schools, and a printing press, are spread across Kebbi State, Kano State, and the Federal Capital Territory. The figures cited are staggering: over N162 billion in Kebbi, about N16 billion in Kano, and nearly N35 billion in the FCT.

    These sums are not abstract. They represent hospitals not built, roads not repaired, classrooms not equipped, and lives diminished by neglect. Political economist Susan Rose-Ackerman, one of the world’s leading scholars on corruption, has long argued that corruption is not only a moral failing but a systemic tax on development, diverting public resources from productive use and eroding trust in institutions. Where corruption becomes normalised, she notes, inequality deepens and state capacity collapses.

    Earlier this month, Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, publicly alleged that a senior government official had sent four children to a Swiss secondary school at a reported cost of $5 million. The official he mentioned was Farouk Ahmed, chief executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority. These claims remain allegations, but they raise unavoidable questions. What lawful income sustains such expenditure? What private enterprise supports such opulence? Or are public resources being quietly converted into private luxury?

    These are not questions of envy but of arithmetic. Lavish spending on this scale cannot be reconciled with modest public-sector earnings. Economist Amartya Sen has consistently argued that development is not measured by elite consumption but by the expansion of collective capabilities. When public wealth is siphoned into private excess, the freedoms of the many are sacrificed for the comfort of the few.

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    Sadly, the most disheartening sight is not the allegations themselves but the reaction they provoke. Struggling Nigerians rush to defend those under investigation. Poverty argues on behalf of privilege. Hunger becomes a shield for power. This is the mob mentality Aesop warned about in The Frogs and the Sun, where short-term excitement blinds people to long-term ruin.

    Corruption in Nigeria is not confined to politicians alone. It seeps through institutions. Civil servants, regulators, and gatekeepers often form the hidden machinery that sustains the rot. As the World Bank has repeatedly observed, corruption thrives where accountability mechanisms are weak and where social tolerance allows abuse of office to go unpunished.

    If you wish to be an honoured guest in the house of equity, you cannot arrive as a chichidodo. Justice admits only those who come with clean hands, clean garments, and clean intentions. Around the world, nations that treat grand corruption lightly eventually pay heavily in instability, insecurity, and social collapse.

    Nigeria need not imitate extreme punitive models to confront corruption, but it must rediscover seriousness. Without firm and consistent accountability, the damage ahead will eclipse what we already endure. A society that habitually defends looters is not just corrupt; it is complicit. While countries like China impose the harshest penalties for grand corruption, Nigeria need only enforce asset forfeiture, restitution, and lifelong disqualification from public office. Looters should not stroll freely through our streets enjoying stolen comfort; they should lose both the funds and the fun that corruption affords.

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa,

    United Kingdom.

  • Heartlessness

    Heartlessness

    As the family of Bamise Ayanwola marked her birthday on November 30, seven months after her killer was sentenced to death, her sister, Damilola, was reported saying, “We only have judgment, and for justice to be served, they must at least compensate my family. Bamise was killed inside the government’s own property, and a government worker also did evil to her.”

     She argued that her parents “deserve compensation after everything they have suffered emotionally.”  They “cried almost every day,” she said, adding, “Two of my elder sisters now battle high blood pressure. I also had to undergo a brain scan after breaking down from stress.”

    “They only promised justice, and we appreciate that. But justice is not complete without compensation,” she lamented.

    Justice Serifat Sonaike of the Lagos State High Court, Tafawa Balewa Square Annexe, on May 2, sentenced a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) driver, Andrew Ominikoron, to death by hanging for the murder of 22-year-old Ayanwola in February 2022. She was a fashion designer found dead “in a naked state” on Carter Bridge, Lagos Island, nine days after she was declared missing after she boarded a BRT vehicle.

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    Ayanwola was going to Oshodi from Ajah, and was said to have observed that she was the only passenger in the bus and the driver was not picking up other people on the route.  She was suspicious and fearful, and was said to have sent voice notes to her friend, describing her situation. Information she had provided helped in locating the bus and the driver after she was declared missing.

    Justice Sonaike said she “died from severe cerebral injury and blunt force trauma, and his actions and inactions led to her death.”

    On the question of compensation raised by Ayanwola’s family, the Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Gbenga Omotoso, was reported saying the Ministry of Justice would be consulted to determine if the court had ordered compensation.

    His words: “The unfortunate incident was a legal matter handled by the Ministry of Justice. I will need to talk to the ministry and get information about whether there was a pronouncement for compensation.

    “However, the state ensured that the criminal was brought to book, and he was given the sentence of death.”

    Is the commissioner suggesting that the state government is unwilling to   consider paying compensation based on empathy?

    Surely, there is a place for empathy in this matter. The killer was heartless. The government shouldn’t be.  

  • Why is opposition afraid of tax reforms?

    Why is opposition afraid of tax reforms?

    By Bode Opeseitan

    As they filed into the press hall at Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, the desperation was not just audible, it was visible. 

    From the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP) like Solomon Dalung, Kenneth Okonkwo and Chille Igbawua, who spoke for the group tagged Nigeria Opposition Movement, the gathering looked less like a united front and more like a wounded chorus.

     They were joined by others like activist Aisha Yesufu. 

    Their demand? That the federal government suspend the new tax laws set to take effect in January 2026. Their claim? That the reforms are exploitative. Their vow? Lawful resistance. Their appeal? That Nigerians join their petition against what they called a harmful policy.

     But harmful to whom?

    In a democracy where opposition voices have thinned to the point of near extinction, any moment of protest deserves scrutiny. Especially when it masquerades as concern for the masses but smells unmistakably of political mischief.

    Unlike the backdoor decrees of the past, this tax reform journey was one of the most consultative in Nigeria’s legislative history. Town hall meetings were held across all six geo-political zones. The policy was debated with the Governors’ Forum, Labour Congress, Manufacturers Association, and civil society. Media interviews were granted. National Assembly hearings were attended. Compromises were reached. The National Assembly passed the bills. The President signed them into law. Implementation was deferred until January 2026 to allow for public awareness and institutional readiness.

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    This is not how a government hides a harmful policy. This is how a responsible state builds consensus.

    Now to the substance. The 2026 tax reforms are not a punitive ambush but a structural correction. They exempt individuals earning below N800,000 annually from personal income tax. They shield small businesses with turnover below N100 million from Company Income Tax, VAT, and the new Development Levy. They consolidate four separate levies such as TETFund, NITDA, NASENI, and the Police Trust Fund into a single 4% Development Levy, making compliance simpler and more transparent. They introduce a 15% minimum tax on multinationals, aligning Nigeria with global standards and ending the era of corporate freeloading. And they modernize tax administration through a new Nigeria Revenue Service, digitizing processes and reducing corruption.

    The reforms are not just about revenue, they are about fairness. They are about shifting the burden from the poor to those who can afford to pay. They are about ending the chaos of multiple taxation and replacing it with clarity. They are about funding education, healthcare, and infrastructure not through loans and handouts, but through a fair, long-term agreement where citizens and businesses contribute their share via taxes, and the government delivers public goods transparently and efficiently.

    So why the outrage?

    The opposition says the reforms ignore ASUU and doctors’ strikes. But tax reform is not a labor negotiation, it is the foundation for funding those very sectors. They say the policy is harmful. But the facts show it protects the poor, empowers SMEs, and targets the top end of the economy. 

    They claim to speak for the people. But where were they when the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road was ridiculed, by the same opposition, only to become a national marvel in the making? Where were they when the student loan scheme was dismissed, only to become a lifeline for over 788,947 Nigerian students through NELFUND, with over N154.3 billion disbursed in just 19 months?

    This is not principled opposition. This is political rascalism.

    And it is not new. The same voices that now cry foul once fought against every reform that has since become a national asset. They have not evolved. They have not learned. They have not earned the right to be taken seriously.

    Seeing Kenneth Okonkwo there gave pause. He has, at times, shown flashes of rational thinking. Was this a moment of misjudgment, or a perfidy he walked into, doing the bidding of others?

     This is not how opposition should behave. To be credible, they must raise issues that reflect the lived realities of Nigerians, not hide behind the fig leaf of public interest while shielding the privileges of their moneyed patrons. Nigerians are smarter than that. They know when politicians are clowning, which they do often. They know when they are genuinely fighting for the common good, which unfortunately they rarely do.

    This protest failed the test of scrutiny. And history will remember it as such.

    • Opeseitan, a commentator, wrote from Lagos

  • Death penalty for terrorists: A note to the Senate

    Death penalty for terrorists: A note to the Senate

    Sir: The recent decision by the Senate to classify kidnapping and banditry as acts of terrorism along with the approval of the death penalty for offenders is a bold and commendable step toward restoring security across our nation. Nigerians have endured years of pain, fear and uncertainty. Families have been shattered, businesses crippled and communities displaced by the persistent surge of kidnapping and violent crimes. While the Senate’s resolution is timely and necessary, it is only the beginning. Without complementary reforms to strengthen the judicial process, the impact of this new legislation may fall short of the expectations of citizens who are yearning for true justice.

    Nigeria has long had severe penalties on paper, yet weak enforcement continues to undermine their effectiveness. The missing link is the creation of a judicial mechanism dedicated specifically to the growing menace of kidnapping and related violent crimes.

    For these reasons, I urge the Senate to establish a special court for kidnapping and violent crimes through federal legislation. This should not be an optional addition to our justice system but an urgent necessity to give real meaning to the Senate’s recent declaration. The special court must be empowered to conduct speedy trials because kidnapping cases often drag on for years, creating delays that embolden criminals and frustrate victims. Fast tracked hearings and judgments will cut through the bureaucracy that currently slows justice. The certainty and swiftness of punishment are far more effective deterrents than punishment alone.

    The court must also ensure clear and firm sentencing. It should differentiate between cases where the victim survives and those where the victim is killed. When lives are taken, the death penalty already approved by the Senate must apply. When victims survive, life imprisonment should be the minimum sentence. This distinction ensures proportional justice while maintaining a zero tolerance approach to violent crime.

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    Another major challenge is enforcement. One significant reason why death sentences in Nigeria rarely reach execution is the constitutional requirement for governors to sign death warrants. Over the years, many governors have declined to do so for political, religious or personal reasons. As a result, convicted murderers and kidnappers often remain on death row indefinitely or eventually secure reprieves. This loophole weakens the justice system and emboldens criminals who believe the law can be circumvented.

    A special court must therefore be empowered to enforce its judgments without reliance on gubernatorial approval. Justice should not depend on political will or personal philosophy. The laws of the republic should be enforced uniformly and consistently. The court should also oversee the full implementation of its judgments, whether death penalty or life imprisonment, to ensure that justice is not merely pronounced but fully carried out. Nigeria cannot continue with a system where convictions are delivered but never enforced.

    To the Senate, I say the time to act decisively is now. You have already taken the courageous step of labelling kidnapping as terrorism and approving the death penalty. The next step, which is the establishment of a special court and the removal of the enforcement bottleneck caused by governors’ refusal to sign death warrants, will transform this legislation from theory into meaningful impact. If Nigeria must curb the scourge of kidnapping, justice must be sure, swift and complete. Only then will criminals understand that our nation will no longer tolerate this reign of terror. Establishing this special court is the surest path to restoring peace, strengthening the rule of law and protecting the lives of citizens.

    I urge the Senate to act with the urgency this crisis demands.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka,Asaba, Delta State.

  • Tinted glass permit: Is the police above the law?

    Tinted glass permit: Is the police above the law?

    Sir: The controversies surrounding the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy are far from over. What should have been a straightforward regulatory issue has now grown into a public debate touching on the rule of law, institutional accountability, and the limits of police powers in a constitutional democracy. At the centre of this debate is the Nigeria Police Force and the office of the Inspector General of Police (IGP), whose insistence on enforcement has raised serious legal and ethical questions.

    The renewed tension follows a back-and-forth exchange between the Nigeria Police and the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) over a court order reportedly halting the enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy. The NBA maintains that a competent court has issued an order restraining the police from enforcing the policy pending the determination of the substantive suit. This position, coming from the umbrella body of legal practitioners, has understandably drawn public attention and concern.

    The police, however, have taken a different stance. They argue that although such an order may exist, they have not been formally served and therefore are not bound by it. On this basis, the police insist that enforcement will commence on January 2, 2026. This position raises a troubling question: Does the mere absence of service justify proceeding with an action that is already under judicial consideration?

    In defending their position, the police have repeatedly argued that criminals and terrorists use vehicles with tinted glass to perpetrate heinous crimes, including armed robbery, kidnapping, and terrorism. According to the police, enforcing the tinted glass permit is a necessary security measure aimed at curbing criminal activities and improving public safety. On the surface, this argument appears reasonable and appeals to widespread fears about insecurity.

    However, this justification becomes weak when examined against the reality of Nigeria’s security challenges. It is a well-known fact that much of the insecurity currently facing the country is driven by banditry and kidnappings. These crimes are predominantly carried out by armed groups operating on motorcycles and within forested areas, not by individuals driving tinted glass vehicles through urban roads.

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    Moreover, the assumption that a tinted glass permit can prevent crime is fundamentally flawed. Criminals do not typically use vehicles registered in their own names to commit crimes, nor do they rely on official permits to shield themselves from law enforcement. A permit regime may inconvenience law-abiding citizens, but it offers little deterrence to organised criminal networks operating outside the law.

    The real issue, therefore, is not the effectiveness of the tinted glass permit, but the insistence of the Nigeria Police on proceeding with enforcement in the face of a pending court order. In a constitutional democracy, once a matter is before a court, all parties are expected to exercise restraint until the court has fully determined the issue. Anything short of this undermines the authority of the judiciary.

    This situation inevitably raises a disturbing question: does the conduct of the Nigeria Police and the IGP suggest that they consider themselves above the law? If the police, as the primary enforcers of law and order, appear unwilling to subject themselves to judicial processes, the implications for democratic governance and public trust are grave.

    There is no convincing reason why the police cannot allow the court process to be exhausted. Compliance with judicial orders, whether served or not, reflects respect for the rule of law and institutional maturity. Rather than intimidating the NBA and harassing road users over the tinted glass permit, the Nigeria Police should pause enforcement, obey the law, and allow the courts to have the final word. Only then can they legitimately claim to be protectors, not violators, of the law.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra state.

  • Dangerous embrace

    Dangerous embrace

    Sir: The security crisis engulfing Nigeria, particularly in the North, is a multifaceted tragedy. Yet, one policy stands out as a profound institutional failure and a clear roadblock to peace: the program to integrate so-called “repentant” Boko-Haram and bandit elements into the national fold, sometimes even into the military.

    The policy hinges on the precarious notion that a declaration of remorse constitutes genuine repentance. But the heart of the matter is simple: true, heartfelt repentance is not something a human government can ascertain. When a terrorist or a bandit steps forward and claims to repent, we must remember that only God can truly judge the sincerity of their heart. For a man, this declaration can be a calculated tactical move—a ploy for survival, information gathering, or a path to rehabilitation and resources before returning to crime. To base a critical national security policy on such an unverified, easily faked declaration is to build our future on sand.

    This policy is a corrosive agent of demoralization that undermines the fighting spirit of our men and women in uniform, for how can a loyal soldier, who has spent years on the front lines watching colleagues fall to the enemy, be expected to serve alongside that same enemy in a shared uniform?

    Furthermore, the pain of the victims—the bereaved families, the orphaned children, the survivors of massacres and abductions—is compounded by this policy, as their tormentors are not being punished but are being rewarded with rehabilitation, potential stipends, and a path back to society, while the state struggles to compensate the victims, constituting a profound betrayal of justice.

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    Integrating individuals who have committed atrocities into the very forces meant to protect the nation is a structural flaw. True reconciliation is a necessary goal for any society recovering from conflict, but it cannot come at the cost of the security forces’ integrity. The policy sends a dangerous signal that rewards terrorism and betrayal, with the state effectively managing the crisis through an appeal to mercy for the perpetrators, rather than governing through the rule of law and the decisive protection of its citizens.

    The reluctance to use that decisive force, often masked by the rhetoric of ‘rehabilitation’, has only prolonged the agony. Security in the North, and indeed across Nigeria, will not be restored until this fundamentally counter-productive policy is abandoned. The Nigerian state must reassert its moral authority. It must honour its loyal defenders, secure justice for its victims, and make it unequivocally clear that there is no reward for treason, only the full weight of the law. Until then, the dangerous embrace of the ‘repentant’ will only continue to undermine our national resolve and guarantee the persistence of the violence.

    •Obadiya John,obadiyajohn@yahoo.com

  • Kaduna State’s 2026 Budget: A vision of renewal, resilience and inclusive growth

    Kaduna State’s 2026 Budget: A vision of renewal, resilience and inclusive growth

    By Mukhtar Maikudi

    On December 1, 2025, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State unveiled a transformative N985.9 billion budget for 2026 before the State House of Assembly. Dubbed a “people-centred financial plan,” this appropriation bill represents more than a fiscal blueprint; it embodies a commitment to consolidating reforms in critical areas such as security, infrastructure, education, and rural development.

    In his address, Governor Uba Sani emphasized that the budget transcends mere constitutional duty, framing it as a “solemn civic engagement” rooted in transparency, equity, and the welfare of Kaduna’s citizens. This approach signals a shift toward governance that prioritizes the voices of the marginalized, ensuring that development is not imposed from above but co-created with the people.

    The genesis of the 2026 budget lies in one of the most extensive consultation processes in Kaduna’s history. Governor Uba Sani highlighted how inputs were gathered from a diverse array of stakeholders, including traditional rulers, civil society organizations (CSOs), women’s groups, youth associations, academia, business leaders, and vulnerable populations across all local governments. Farmers, traders, teachers, artisans, persons with disabilities, and widows played pivotal roles in shaping the document. This participatory model strengthens accountability and ensures that the budget addresses real-world needs, fostering a sense of ownership among citizens. By integrating these grassroots perspectives, the administration has elevated budgeting from an elite exercise to a democratic tool for empowerment.

    Reflecting on the outgoing 2025 fiscal year, Governor Uba Sani painted a picture of “remarkable achievements and resilient advancement” amid formidable challenges. Economic pressures, volatile federal allocations, and persistent security threats tested the state’s resolve, yet Kaduna emerged stronger. This resilience forms the foundation for the 2026 projections, which build on ongoing initiatives to propel the state toward sustainable progress. The governor’s review underscores a narrative of perseverance, where setbacks in areas like security were met with innovative responses, ultimately yielding tangible gains for residents.

    At its core, the N985.9 billion budget is structured to prioritize development, with N734.2 billion allocated to recurrent revenue and N251.6 billion to capital receipts. Notably, capital expenditure accounts for a commanding 71% of the total, underscoring the administration’s focus on long-term investments over operational costs.

    This allocation strategy aligns with Kaduna’s broader transformation agenda, channeling resources into sectors that drive economic growth and human capital development. Education and infrastructure each receive 25% of the budget, health 15%, agriculture 11%, security 6%, social development 5%, governance 5%, and environment and climate action 4%. Such a balanced distribution reflects a holistic vision, where no single area dominates, but all contribute to a cohesive strategy for state-wide advancement.

    A standout feature of the budget is the continuation of the Ward Development Committees(WDC) initiative, which allocates N100 million to each of Kaduna’s 255 wards for community-identified projects. Governor Uba Sani described this as one of Nigeria’s largest grassroots budgeting models, empowering local populations to address their unique priorities. This decentralized approach not only democratizes resource allocation but also ensures that development reaches the farthest corners of the state, bridging the urban-rural divide and promoting equity.

    Security remains a cornerstone of Governor Uba Sani’s agenda, given Kaduna’s history of banditry, kidnappings, and communal conflicts. The 2026 budget dedicates 6% to bolstering defenses, building on the successes of the Kaduna Peace Model. This framework has facilitated reconciliation in conflict-torn communities, reopened farmlands, and restored schools previously shuttered due to insecurity. Enhanced collaboration with federal security agencies has improved operational efficiency, restoring confidence and enabling economic activities to resume in affected areas. By addressing root causes through community engagement and targeted interventions, the administration aims to create a safer environment that supports broader development goals.

    Notably, infrastructure development receives equal prominence with 25% of the budget earmarked for projects that enhance connectivity and economic vitality. Governor Uba Sani, while presenting the budget, reported ongoing execution of 140 road projects spanning 1,335 kilometers of which 64 have already been completed. These roads have unlocked new economic corridors, linking isolated communities to markets and services.

    The introduction of the Kaduna Bus Rapid Transit (KBRT) system marks a milestone as the first of its kind in Northern Nigeria, featuring compressed natural gas (CNG)-powered buses, digital ticketing, and a 24-kilometer dedicated corridor. Complementing this is the Interstate Bus Terminal in Kakuri, now 75% complete, which promises to streamline intercity travel and reduce congestion.

    Further innovations in transportation include the Kaduna Light Rail Project, with Phase I focusing on the Rigachikun–Sabon Tasha corridor and Phase II extending to Millennium City and Rigasa. Major bus parks are under construction statewide, while a subsidized transport scheme has already delivered over N500 million in savings through free and discounted rides. These initiatives not only improve mobility but also stimulate commerce, job creation, and urban efficiency, positioning Kaduna as a modern hub in the region.

    Rural revitalization is another key pillar, with efforts to reclaim over 500,000 hectares of abandoned farmlands through improved feeder roads, markets, and extension services. This focus aims to boost food production and empower agrarian communities, which form the backbone of Kaduna’s economy. By restoring these vital assets, the budget seeks to enhance agricultural productivity and reduce dependency on urban centers, fostering self-sufficiency and resilience against economic shocks.

    Education, allocated 25% of the budget, is positioned as the “cornerstone” of Kaduna’s development. In 2025, the administration reopened 535 schools, bringing over 300,000 out-of-school children back to classrooms, and reduced tertiary fees by 40% to improve access. Investments include the construction of 736 new classrooms, renovation of 1,220 existing ones, provision of boreholes, toilets, and furniture, and training for more than 33,000 teachers. The establishment of bilingual schools and vocational hubs further enriches the educational landscape, equipping students with skills for a global economy. These measures address long-standing gaps, ensuring that education serves as a ladder for social mobility and economic empowerment.

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    Health sector reforms backed by 15% of the budget, demonstrate a commitment to comprehensive healthcare. All 255 Primary Healthcare Centres have been upgraded to Level 2 status, while 15 General Hospitals have been renovated, five completed, and the 300-bed Bola Ahmed Tinubu Specialist Hospital commissioned. The implementation of the Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS) and Consolidated Health Salary Structure (CONHESS) has boosted the morale of health workers. Additional enhancements include strengthened emergency services, an oxygen plant, an improved medical warehouse, and N1 billion allocated for insuring vulnerable households. These upgrades aim to make healthcare more accessible, efficient, and responsive, particularly, for underserved populations.

    Vocational training and skills development receive targeted support, with the new Institute of Vocational Training and Skills Development in Rigachikun and its satellite campuses. Partnerships with tech giants like Microsoft and Google are expanding digital literacy, while the remodeling of Panteka Market supports over 38,000 artisans.

    In agriculture, investments have surged from N1.4 billion in 2023 to N74.2 billion in 2025, enabling the distribution of over 900 trucks of free fertilizer, alongside advancements in irrigation, mechanization, livestock vaccines, and seed improvement. The $510 million African Development Bank-supported Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone is poised to transform Kaduna into an agro-industrial powerhouse, complemented by the African Quality Assurance Centre to facilitate exports.

    The presentation was concluded by Governor Uba Sani by urging lawmakers to expedite the budget’s consideration, framing it as a symbol of “renewal, resilience, and a far-reaching vision” to touch every home, ward, and local government.

    In response, Speaker Hon. Yusuf Liman praised the proposal as “ambitious, comprehensive, and aligned with the state’s development priorities.” He highlighted its emphasis on rural infrastructure, human capital, and balanced growth, commending the governor for involving legislators in constituency projects—a first in Kaduna’s history—and respecting legislative independence. Liman assured a thorough, transparent review and close collaboration for swift passage, underscoring the synergy between branches of government.

    Already, the public hearing on the budget has been done and the defense by all ministries and agencies concluded around mid-Decembber, 2025 and waiting for the governor’s assent. The 2026 budget for Kaduna State under Governor Uba Sani, in essence, can be described as a bold manifesto for inclusive progress. By weaving together participatory governance, strategic investments, and a focus on human-centered development, it charts a path toward a more secured, prosperous, and equitable state. Hopefully, as implementation of the budget begins after the signing into law by Governor Uba Sani, the true measure of success will lie in translating these allocations into lived improvements for Kaduna residents, ensuring that the promise of renewal becomes a reality for all.

    •Maikudi, an economic and financial analyst, writes from Kaduna

  • Dangote’s next battle!

    Dangote’s next battle!

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 does not prohibit the importation of petroleum products into the country. There is no outright ban; rather, what the law supports a deregulated market with regulatory oversight governing imports.

    Aliko Dangote’s grievance with the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) under Engr. Farouk Ahmed centres on the continued issuance of import licences to petroleum marketers. And the failure to impose heavy levies and taxes on imported petroleum products. According to the NMDPRA, Nigeria’s petrol imports increased to an average of 52.1 million litres per day in November. NMDPRA further disclosed that the Nigerian National Petroleum Limited NNPCL imported the bulk of Nigeria’s petrol requirements in November, with total imports by all marketers amounting to 1.563 billion litres during the month.

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    In the first round of this battle, Dangote appears to have “won,” as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has replaced Engr. Farouk Ahmed of the NMDPRA and Gbenga Komolafe of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). They have been succeeded by Oritsemeyiwa Amanorisewo Eyesan as Chief Executive Officer of the NUPRC and Engr. Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as Chief Executive Officer of the NMDPRA, subject to senate’s approval.

    The bottom line is that the battle is not about to end anytime soon.  The new chief executives cannot ban the importation of petroleum products by the NNPC or other marketers, because there is no law to back them. However, they are likely to engage Dangote cautiously to avoid the fate that befell Farouk Ahmed and Gbenga Komolafe – which is not a good thing for any industry regulator.

    If Dangote truly seeks full market patronage, pricing is key. His products must match or beat the cost of imported petroleum products. Marketers operate on a simple philosophy: buy good, sell good. If Dangote Refinery’s prices and processes are competitive or superior to imported products, no marketer would endure the challenges of sourcing foreign exchange, freight costs, and time delays when a cheaper and readily available alternative exists at their doorstep.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

    Abuja.

  • The transience of power

    The transience of power

    • By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

    Sir: History, both Nigerian and global, teaches the same unforgiving lesson: power is transient. The Roman emperors, medieval monarchs, African strongmen, and postcolonial leaders all learned it the hard way. Thrones crack, offices expire, and legacies outlive incumbency. What survives is not the number of convoys or loyalists but the record clean or stained left behind. In Nigeria’s current season of reckonings, that truth is resurfacing with unusual force.

    The shockwaves were unmistakable when Chris Ngige, former Labour Minister and ex-governor of Anambra State, was arrested and hauled in for questioning. A man once seated at the heart of federal power was reportedly taken from his Asokoro residence in the quiet vulnerability of early morning. For his community, it was humiliation; for the political class, it was a warning that age, pedigree, and past relevance no longer guarantee insulation.

    Even more symbolic was the sight of a former Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, standing in the dock. Once the nation’s chief legal custodian, he now answers allegations tied to the abuse of office. Few images better capture the shift in Nigeria’s political weather than a former enforcer of the law now confronting it from the other side.

    Beyond the courtroom drama, a longer list of former power brokers now lives in various states of disgrace and uncertainty. Diezani Alison-Madueke, once among Africa’s most influential women, battles corruption cases from abroad, her name now shorthand for excess. Sadiya Umar Farouq and Betta Edu, both former ministers, saw promising public careers collapse under allegations of financial impropriety. Their stories read like cautionary chapters—warnings to those still drunk on authority.

    Then there is Yahaya Bello, the former Kogi governor who once projected invincibility. Youthful, audacious, and fiercely defended by loyalists, he moved like a political conqueror. Today, his public presence has shrunk to legal statements and whispered sightings as the EFCC circles. Popularity, it turns out, is seasonal; accountability is not.

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    Bukola Saraki’s fall remains another defining lesson. Once a dominant Senate President and national power broker, he lost his Senate seat, his political base in Kwara, and the aura of inevitability that once surrounded him. His defeat redrew political maps and reminded Nigeria that even the most sophisticated machinery can stall.

    Perhaps the most haunting image of all is that of Godwin Emefiele, former Central Bank Governor. A man who once controlled trillions and shaped national economic destiny now moves between courtrooms and custody. Prison sandals where polished shoes once stood have sent a message louder than any sermon: no office in Nigeria is above disgrace.

    Even death has joined the conversation. The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari, once hailed as “Mai Gaskiya,” underscores the ultimate certainty awaiting all leaders. Applause fades, criticism lingers, and history deliberates long after burial. Likewise, the sudden death of Bayelsa’s Deputy Governor, Lawrence Ewhrudjakpor, jolted the political class with a reminder of life’s fragility and power’s impermanence.

    This season is both mirror and warning. It reflects what Nigeria has tolerated for decades and signals what may come next. Those now in office governors, ministers, legislators, agency heads—should feel uneasy. Every individual now facing prosecution once stood where they stand today, shielded by authority and cheered by crowds.

    The lesson is stark and unavoidable: the office you hold today will not protect you tomorrow. Immunity expires. Applause evaporates. Records remain. Misuse power, and humiliation will trail you long after the keys are returned. Steal public funds, and the shame will outlive your influence.

    Tomorrow, the name in the headlines could be yours—or that of your ally, mentor, or hero. Unless a different path is chosen now. For legacy. For dignity. For family. And for a nation that is watching closely, learning once again how every king, eventually, must fall.

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun,

     Exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    Nigeria needs an equal employment opportunity commission

    • By Samuel Jekeli

    Sir: Nigeria’s labour space is evolving rapidly, yet its institutional framework for protecting fairness at work remains largely reactive. Employment disputes are increasing in volume and complexity, driven by economic pressure, workforce diversity, globalization, and rising awareness of rights.

    Despite this reality, Nigeria still relies heavily on litigation and fragmented oversight to address discrimination, harassment, unfair labour practices, and systemic inequality. This gap points clearly to the need for a specialized Equal Employment Opportunity Commission designed for Nigeria’s unique context.

    At present, workplace justice in Nigeria is pursued mainly through the courts. While the National Industrial Court plays a critical role, it intervenes only after harm has occurred. Litigation is costly, slow, and intimidating, particularly for junior workers, vulnerable groups, and employees in informal or weakly structured organizations. Many valid complaints never reach the courtroom, not because they lack merit, but because the process itself is inaccessible. An employment equality commission would shift the system from reaction to prevention, addressing issues early before they escalate into full-blown disputes.

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    One of the deepest problems in Nigeria’s labour space is the absence of a centralized body focused solely on employment equality. Discrimination issues are scattered across institutions with overlapping mandates. As a result, enforcement is inconsistent and guidance is unclear. Employers are often uncertain about standards, while employees are unsure where to turn. A Nigeria EEOC would provide a single, recognizable authority responsible for receiving complaints, investigating workplace practices, issuing guidance, and promoting compliance across sectors.

    Another pressing issue is the imbalance of power in the employment relationship. In many workplaces, especially in the private sector, employees fear retaliation if they speak up. Job insecurity, high unemployment, and weak internal grievance systems discourage reporting. A neutral commission with investigative powers would provide a safer entry point for complaints, protecting whistle-blowers and ensuring that concerns are examined objectively rather than suppressed internally or ignored entirely.

    The Nigerian labour market also struggles with systemic inequities that are difficult to resolve through individual court cases. Gender-based discrimination, exclusion of persons with disabilities, religious bias, ethnic favouritism, and age discrimination are often embedded in recruitment, promotion, and pay structures. Courts typically address isolated cases, but they are not structured to identify patterns across industries or regions. An EEOC-type institution could analyse trends, conduct sector-wide investigations, and recommend corrective actions that go beyond individual remedies.

    Small and medium-sized organizations face a different but equally serious challenge. Many lack the HR capacity to design compliant policies or manage sensitive workplace issues effectively. Without guidance, mistakes are made not always out of malice, but out of ignorance. A national employment equality body could issue practical guidelines, advisory opinions, and compliance support, helping organizations align with the law while improving their people management practices.

    There is also the issue of court congestion. Employment-related cases add to an already stretched judicial system. Many disputes involve matters that could be resolved through mediation or corrective directives rather than full trials. An EEOC would act as a filter, resolving appropriate cases through conciliation and escalating only the most serious or unresolved matters to the courts. This would preserve judicial resources and reduce the emotional and financial toll on all parties involved.

    Beyond enforcement, a Nigeria EEOC would play a critical educational role. Workplace fairness is not achieved by punishment alone. It requires awareness, training, and cultural change. Through outreach programs, employer engagement, and public reporting, such a body could raise national standards and normalize fair employment practices as a core element of organizational success rather than a legal burden.

    From an economic standpoint, the benefits are significant. High turnover, disengagement, and workplace conflict are costly. Organizations that operate in environments perceived as unfair struggle to retain talent and maintain productivity. A credible employment equality framework would improve workforce stability, enhance Nigeria’s labour reputation, and align the country more closely with international labour expectations, an increasingly important factor for investors and development partners.

    In the end, the need for a Nigeria EEOC is not about creating another institution for its own sake. It is about closing a critical gap in labour governance, protecting dignity at work, and building a system where fairness is enforced consistently, not accidentally. A labour market that works for everyone requires more than laws on paper; it requires institutions designed to make those laws real in everyday working life.

    •Samuel Jekeli,

    FCT Abuja.