The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

Farouk Ahmed: A challenge for EFCC
- By Ukasha Rabiu Magama
Sir: The recent allegations against Engineer Farouk Ahmed, accused of spending approximately N8 billion on his children’s education abroad, have reignited public debate about corruption and accountability in Nigeria’s public sector. While the figure is staggering, many Nigerians are not surprised by the accusation, as they have become accustomed to stories of public officials living far beyond their legitimate means.

In most countries, allegations of this magnitude would prompt swift investigations and sustained public scrutiny. However, in Nigeria, such cases often follow a predictable pattern: public outrage, brief media attention, and eventual silence.

Over the years, many public officials have been arrested or investigated for embezzling public funds, only to be released without facing meaningful consequences. The scale of corruption within Nigeria’s public system is so vast that many cases remain unquantified and undocumented.

Read Also: EFCC uncovers $3.43m, €280,000 fake currency, arrests five-man syndicate in Ibadan Zone

There are indications that law enforcement agencies, particularly the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), has begun to take action in this case. However, public confidence remains low. Past experiences suggest that, without sustained pressure, such investigations risk being quietly abandoned. Media organizations often fail to follow up, and anti-corruption agencies seem to lose momentum once public attention wanes.

This cycle has serious consequences. It reinforces a system in which the poor bear the brunt of economic hardship, while a privileged elite continues to divert public resources with little fear of accountability. The result is a deeply distorted society where integrity is punished, and impunity thrives.

If justice is genuinely pursued in the Ahmed case as we expect it should, it could mark an important turning point. A transparent investigation and appropriate sanctions, if it becomes necessary, would serve as a deterrent, signalling that public office is not a license for personal enrichment. Such an outcome would help restore public trust and protect public funds.

However, this case must not be treated as an isolated incident. The EFCC and other oversight institutions must go beyond individual prosecutions and address the broader structures that enable corruption to persist. Without systemic reforms and consistent law enforcement, the latest case, like many before it, risks becoming just another forgotten headline in Nigeria’s long history of unresolved corruption scandals.

•Ukasha Rabiu Magama,

Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.
December 18, 2025
Bauchi: Of awards without impact
- By Yasir Shehu Adam
Sir: The recent award presented to the Bauchi State governor by the Presidency for good governance has attracted wide applause in political circles. Awards of this nature are meant to celebrate leadership, accountability, and improved quality of life for citizens. However, beyond the ceremonies and official statements, a critical question remains: does the lived reality of Bauchi people truly reflect the ideals of good governance being celebrated?

In governance studies, good governance is measured by clear indicators — quality education, accessible healthcare, job creation, timely payment of salaries, social welfare, and human development. Infrastructure is important, but it is only one part of development. When these broader indicators are examined in Bauchi State, the picture becomes mixed and deeply concerning.

Take education, for instance. Across many public schools, learning conditions remain poor. Classrooms are overcrowded, roofs leak during the rainy season, and basic teaching materials are lacking. Teachers work under difficult conditions with little motivation. More worrying is the absence of a strong scholarship policy that enables Bauchi youths to study within or outside Nigeria and return to contribute to the state’s development. A society that neglects education is silently postponing its future.

The health sector reflects similar challenges. Many health facilities lack essential drugs, modern equipment, and adequate personnel. Reports of delayed salaries and poor welfare for health workers continue to surface. In such an environment, quality healthcare becomes a privilege rather than a right. Governance that improves lives must first protect life itself.

Read Also: Kano NLC backs Tinubu’s security measures, leads peaceful rally

The issue of workers’ welfare also deserves attention. Civil servants experience irregular salary payments and weak welfare systems. Economic theory and public administration agree that a demoralized workforce cannot deliver effective public service. Timely payment of salaries is not generosity; it is a basic responsibility of government.

On youth development and employment, the situation is equally troubling. Bauchi has a large youth population, yet structured job creation programmes, skills development initiatives, and innovation hubs remain limited. Human development — investment in people — is the true engine of sustainable growth. Sadly, many young people feel excluded from the state’s development story.

To be fair, the Bauchi State government has made visible efforts in road construction and flyover projects. These projects have improved urban movement and aesthetics. However, development experts consistently warn against placing infrastructure above human needs. Roads should serve people; people should not be sacrificed for roads. At this moment in Bauchi’s history, education, health, employment, and welfare demand greater urgency.

This is not a rejection of recognition or an attack on leadership. Rather, it is a call for honest reflection. Awards should align with measurable improvements in citizens’ lives. When recognition comes before widespread impact, it risks losing meaning.

True good governance is not proven in Abuja halls or award plaques. It is proven in functional classrooms, well-equipped hospitals, paid workers, empowered youths, and communities that feel seen and valued.

Bauchi State has the potential to rise. But that rise must be built on people, not just projects. Until then, the conversation about good governance must remain open, critical, and people-focused.

•Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

Bauchi.
December 18, 2025
As Ogun model schools turn miscreants’ hideouts
- By Kayode Awojobi
Sir: Quality education is the foundation of a quality future. This must have been the guiding vision of Senator Ibikunle Amosun, the former governor of Ogun State, when he initiated the Ogun Model School project in 2012 during his first tenure under the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria. The initiative, which was greeted with widespread excitement and hope by citizens, promised a new era of educational excellence in the state. Sadly, more than a decade later, that promise has failed to materialize, and what remains is a painful reminder of abandoned ambition and wasted public resources.

At inception, the cost of each model school was reportedly pegged at ₦750 million by the Amosun administration, while the then Commissioner for Education, late Barrister John Odubela, stated that the fully completed and equipped cost of each school stood at ₦1.3 billion. These figures reflected the seriousness of the project and the magnitude of public investment involved. Yet, despite the enormous sums expended, the schools have never lived up to their purpose. Instead of becoming models of excellence, they have become monuments of neglect.

Since their completion, most of the model schools either completed or not spread across the state has not functioned as intended. They have neither served students nor inspired educational reform. Rather, they have remained largely unused, abandoned, and left to decay. This neglect represents not just infrastructural failure but a profound disservice to the people whose taxes funded these projects.

One of the 26 model schools, named after a distinguished son of Ago-Iwoye and renowned biologist, Professor Sanya Onabamiro, exemplifies this tragedy. Located near the Ago-Iwoye Stadium, the multi-million-naira facility now lies deserted. What was once envisioned as a centre of academic excellence has been overtaken by weeds, reptiles, and decay. Equipment that was once installed has either been vandalized or completely carted away, further underscoring the waste of public funds.

Ironically, Amosun had assured citizens that these schools would boast exceptional facilities in science, technical education, agriculture, humanities, enterprise, and sports, complete with full boarding facilities to serve students from across the state. Today, those promises ring hollow when weighed against the reality on ground.

Although the Ago-Iwoye model school was reportedly completed in record time, years of abandonment have stripped it of its beauty and purpose. From a distance, the structure still hints at the thoughtful planning and substantial investment that went into its construction. Inside, however, chairs and desks are scattered haphazardly, while two adjoining structures believed to be hostels remain unused. The entire environment has been reclaimed by thick vegetation, making access difficult and turning the premises into a haven for criminals and miscreants. This situation now poses a serious security threat to residents living in the surrounding community.

Read Also: EFCC uncovers $3.43m, €280,000 fake currency, arrests five-man syndicate in Ibadan Zone

While it is unfortunate that the administration of Amosun failed to operationalize the model schools, it is even more disheartening that the current administration under Prince Dapo Abiodun has openly stated that the project is not a priority even though attention was given to a few of them. Regardless of political differences, it must be remembered that public funds were used to execute these projects. Allowing them to rot away is an affront to the citizens of Ogun State and a stain on successive administrations.

The present government still has an opportunity to right the wrongs of the past. These model schools can be revived and repurposed into functional educational institutions or transformed into vocational and technical centres that equip young people with practical skills. At a time when unemployment and youth restiveness are major challenges, such facilities could provide meaningful solutions and restore hope to countless families.

This is a call to action to the Ogun State government, the Ministry of Education, and all relevant stakeholders. The time has come to move beyond excuses and political blame games. These abandoned structures must either be rehabilitated, repurposed, or responsibly managed. Ogun State cannot continue to afford the luxury of wasted investments while its citizens struggle for access to quality education and skills.

Model schools should not be monuments of failure or hideouts for miscreants. They should be centres of learning, innovation, and hope. The authorities must act now, not only to reclaim these facilities but to restore public confidence and reaffirm their commitment to the future of education in Ogun State.

•‘Kayode Awojobi,

Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.
December 18, 2025
Bago’s honesty

How many first-term state governors in Nigeria are focused on governing, and are undistracted by their ambition to secure a second term in office? There are 18 first-term governors currently in office.

This is a critical question. On December 12, during a mass swearing-in of 30 commissioners and 25 local government chairmen, Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago made remarks that highlighted a tension between governance and political survival.

It was a rare moment of political transparency. Bago said: “There are some steps I ought to have taken to move the state forward but I dare not because of fear that taking such decisions would affect my victory in 2027. For example, some people who failed examinations and should have been sanctioned one way or the other could not be punished because of second term ambition.”

Because of this internal conflict, Bago became a vocal advocate for a single-term limit for governors, arguing that it would allow a leader to be “more focused from the beginning to the end.”

“I am an advocate of a single term for governors,” he stated, adding, “Everything in Niger State is being politicised and because of this, more decisive actions cannot be taken. There are some people I want to sack but I cannot. As the governor, I am preoccupied with the search for a second term in office and as a result, governance is suffering and this is why one term is better to serve because you will be more focused from the beginning to the end of your one term tenure.”

Read Also: Kano NLC backs Tinubu’s security measures, leads peaceful rally

Based on Bago’s own logic—that the system itself forces distraction—the number of “undistracted” governors is likely very small. Whatever the first-term governors might achieve, how much more could they have done if they weren’t pursuing re-election?

Is a single term the solution? Interestingly, Bago didn’t elaborate on the specifics of his proposal, leaving the ideal tenure for such a single term undefined.

Analysts estimate that if governors weren’t pursuing re-election, they could be 30 to 40 percent more effective in their first term. The drive for a second term tends to skew decisions, appointments, and even the budget, they argue.

The ultimate casualties are the people; they are shortchanged because a first-term governor pursuing re-election is often forced to sacrifice the public interest at the altar of political survival.

Governor Bago’s honesty exposed the reality that second-term ambition may well be the single greatest distraction to effective governance in the country.

December 18, 2025
Nnamdi Kanu’s incarceration and the Igbo blame game

Sir: Many Igbo believe that the incarceration of Nnamdi Kanu is a confirmation of the implacable hatred for the Igbo by the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba. They want people to believe that his sentence to life imprisonment by a Yoruba High Court judge, Kolawale Omotosho, is a betrayal of the Igbo by yet another Yoruba. In some write-ups, some Igbo have likened it to an earlier betrayal of Emeka Ojukwu and the Igbo by a Yoruba: Obafemi Awolowo.

Awolowo did not betray Ojukwu. Ojukwu did not release him from prison, and thus, had no agreement or understanding with him. It was Yakubu Gowon that released Awolowo from jail. Gowon came to power on August 1, 1966. The next day, August 2, 1966, he released political prisoners, including Awolowo, Tony Enahoro, Joseph Tarka and Lateef Jakande.

Saro Wiwo and the ethnic minorities of Eastern Region/Biafra were not saboteurs; they did not betray the Igbo. How can you betray a cause you had, from the outset, refused to be part of?

Due to their fear of domination by a dominant ethnic group, ethnic minorities across Nigeria are ardent proponents of one Nigeria. In their fear of Hausa/Fulani domination, the minorities in northern Nigeria are fervent aficionados of one Nigeria. The one time Nigerian Defence Minister, Domkat Bali, once succinctly expressed this fear of Hausa/Fulani domination and his commitment to Nigerian unity. “I am from a small tribe, the Tarok tribe in Langtang. If the North secures its independence from Nigeria, the Hausa/Fulani will be so dominant that they will lord it over us whether we like it or not. A bigger Nigeria will check such excesses. So, the bigger Nigeria is, the freer my tribe and I will be.”

In their fear of Yoruba domination, the minorities of Western Region, Igbo, Edo, Ishan, Urhobo, etc., agitated for, and got, their own region, the Midwestern Region. In their fear of Igbo domination, those in Eastern Region, Efik, Ogoja, Ijaw, etc, for long, demanded their own region/state from Eastern Region.

In his book, Sunset in Biafra, Elechi Amadi wrote about being a member of the Rivers people delegation that met with Ojukwu in Enugu on September 2, 1966. In the meeting, they made it clear that, “The only lasting solution would be the creation of a Rivers State”. In other words, they stated their desire to remain in Nigeria and have a state of their own, Rivers State. Unequivocally, they stated their refusal to be part of Biafra. Ojukwu ignored their stance and forced them into his Biafra.

Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

As the war raged, the absurdity and futility of Biafra became even more glaring. Thus, scapegoats were needed to bear the blame for Ojukwu’s reckless choices, blunders and failures in leadership. As the generality of them had made it clear that they did not want to be part of Biafra, the minorities became ready targets for alleged saboteurs. The Biafran authorities encouraged or, at least, acquiesced to their mass-murder by Igbo soldiers and villagers for alleged perfidy and sabotage. This inspired deep anti-Igbo sentiments amongst them. Not surprisingly, at the end of the war, they seized Igbo property in Port Harcourt and refused the return of the Igbo to the city.

Amazingly, there was no saboteur in Biafra; it was merely a propaganda spoof that, in addition to the minorities, targeted educated and independent-minded Igbo that disagreed with Ojukwu’s policies and methods, like Emmanuel Ifeajuna. In their individual books, the Chief of Staff of the Biafran Army, Alexander Madiebo; the 2nd in command in the Banjo-led Midwest Expeditionary Force, Wale Ademoyega; the Chief of Biafran Military Intelligence, Bernard Odogwu; and Ojukwu’s chief apologist and master propagandist, Frederick Forsyth, attested that there was no saboteur in Biafra; and that Emmanuel Ifeajuna was not a saboteur.

The imprisonment of Nnamddi Kanu is not a betrayal of the Igbo by the Yoruba. It does not evince Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba hatred for Ndigbo. Nnamdi Kanu is a trouble maker that was to inevitably get into trouble. He is a delusional messiah and pseudo-freedom fighter. In his confused and twisted form of freedom fighting, he directs his guns and terror not against the enemy, but against his own people. Thus, he brought death, dread and disorder to the once placid Igbo land.

The perplexing question is how can the terrorizing of Ndigbo and the devastation of Alaigbo by Kanu’s private armies and their criminal shoot-offs translate to the realization of Biafra?

•Tochukwu Ezukanma,Lagos.

December 17, 2025
Insurgency: Lessons from Russian-Ukraine war

Sir: Kremlin, Moscow: September 30, 2022. The President of Russia, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin unilaterally announces the annexation and absorption of the Donbas, East Ukraine into the Russian federation.

He orders the Russian military high command led by the Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu and the military chief of staff, General Valery Gerasimov to immediately take the land by force!

Ever since that order, the war of the Donbas or the special military operation has raged-on in eastern Ukraine.

The Donbas, a large swath of land located in the eastern part of Ukraine is a resource- rich region on the border with Russia. It is the industrial heartland of Ukraine consisting of a large number of factories and mines.

The Russian leader, having failed in his initial goal of militarily seizing Kyiv and the Ukrainian government in three days” re-defined his objective to the liberation of the Donbas from Ukraine, a region inhabited by majority ethnic-Russian speaking people, but internationally recognized as part of Ukraine ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991.

The Russian Army’s quest to seize the Donbas, composed of major cities such as Avdivka, Donetsk, Makiivka, Luhansk, Pokrovsk etc has been met with stiff resistance by the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

Vicious bloody battles fought in some of its cites have made them household names globally. For example, the battle of Bakhmut.

Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

Bakhmut, a city in the Donetsk Oblast witnessed bloody street and artillery battles. The city stood strong for several months before eventually falling to the Russian assault led by Yevgeny Prighozin’s Wagner army which relentlessly employed the artillery bombardment tactic to take the Ukrainian stronghold.

Subsequent battles in Avdiivka, Lysychansk and Pokrovsk, have defined the new methods in modern warfare.

Nigeria, the giant of Africa is currently facing vicious enemies. ISIS, ISWAP, Boko Haram and ethic militias.

These forces, although often underestimated as rag–tag armies, are in contrast well-armed and are highly trained in battle tactics.

Only recently, during a routine military operation in the northeast, a senior military officer with several of his troops paid the ultimate price for Nigeria, as they were ambushed by ISIS fighters.

This brings to the fore the need to stop the current underestimation of the insurgents. These forces deserve the military-force attention they deserve!

A major tactic employed by the Ukrainian Army and subsequently the Russians, is drone warfare and precise artillery attacks. These battle methods achieved huge results for both armies in offence and defensive attacks.

Today, drones have become the new order in modern warfare. They serve as eyes in the sky, revealing enemy troop location on the field. This prevents ambushes of the type commonly seen in the northeast and northwest of Nigeria.

Drones provide real-time location information for artillery units .

Once enemy location is uncovered with precise geographic information data, the artillery units unleash artillery bombs to the location in order to destroy enemy camps, fortifications, equipment and operating positions.

Artillery guns such as the Cesars are capable of firing 155mm shells precisely on enemy locations; once fed with the precise geographic location, a 155mm shell has a kill zone the size of a football field. Artillery bombardment with precise prior reconnaissance is a battle tactic which if well implemented will destroy enemy forces, ambush points and hardware. The bombs are less costly compared to the bombs the air force jets drop on enemy locations.

With adequate precise reconnaissance and follow-up, precise artillery bombardment of enemy staging points in the forests, Nigerian forces can rapidly advance and clear out enemy strongholds with minimal loss of personnel life.

Nigeria’s war against insurgency must advance to the latest advancement in modern warfare in order to achieve the desired result.

•Emmanuel Olawale Ogunsakin, Abuja.

December 17, 2025
Tackling the challenges of agricultural input distribution

Sir: One of the critical setbacks in Nigeria’s agricultural landscape is the late and often insufficient supply of essential inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides. These delays not only disrupt planting schedules but also reduce crop yields and farmers’ income. According to recent studies, over 60% of Nigerian smallholder farmers report challenges in accessing inputs on time, directly affecting their productivity and market competitiveness.

Timely availability of agricultural inputs is vital for optimizing crop cycles and ensuring bountiful harvests. Inputs delivered late or in inadequate quantities lead to poor crop establishment, increased pest attacks, and ultimately food insecurity. Countries that have excelled in this area—such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Vietnam—demonstrate significant improvements in agricultural productivity by prioritizing efficient input distribution systems.

For example, Kenya’s government-backed input subsidy programs coupled with private sector partnerships have increased fertilizer usage by 25% in the last five years, leading to a 30% rise in maize production. Similarly, Vietnam’s investment in rural infrastructure and supply chain management has helped reduce input delivery times by 40%, boosting rice yields substantially.

For 2026 and beyond, the following are recommended:

Streamline input distribution: Establish efficient logistics networks and public-private partnerships to ensure timely delivery of seeds, fertilizers, and agrochemicals.

Invest in post-harvest technology: Support the adoption of modern storage, drying, and processing facilities to reduce losses.

Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

Strengthen extension services: Enhance farmer training and access to information on best agricultural practices.

Promote political accountability: Governments at all levels must prioritize agriculture in budget allocations and policy frameworks.

Learn from success stories: Emulate strategies from countries like Kenya and Vietnam, adapting them to Nigeria’s unique context.

Enhancing Nigeria’s agricultural sector requires strong political commitment and clear policies aimed at developing value chains and modernizing farming practices. Political will must translate into investments in infrastructure, extension services, and market access to empower peasant farmers.

Post-harvest losses remain a major hurdle. It is estimated that Nigeria loses up to 30% of its agricultural produce annually due to poor storage and processing technologies. Addressing these challenges call for government-led initiatives to promote affordable post-harvest technologies and farmer education programs.

Nigeria’s agricultural potential is vast, but unlocking it demands coordinated efforts across political, technical, and social spheres. The upcoming years present an opportunity to build resilient agricultural systems that support peasant farmers, enhance food security, and stimulate economic growth. Timely input distribution is just one piece of this puzzle—but it is a critical one that, if addressed, can transform the future of Nigerian agriculture.

•Michael Adedotun Oke,Garki, Abuja.

December 17, 2025
Economy: More gains in 2026

By Kunle Oyatomi

Nigerians are gearing up for 2026, and by current projections, next year is shaping up to be much more favourable.

This is thanks to the solid foundation that President Bola Tinubu laid in 2023, which has put the country on an incredible growth trajectory, as being brought to light by some of the country’s brightest economists.

In November, two distinguished Nigerians spoke about the unprecedented economic reset happening under President Bola Tinubu. First was Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who declared that the country’s economy has gained a level of stability.

Second was Nigerian-born global investor, Mr Bayo Ogunlesi, who said Nigeria, having undergone a series of crucial reforms, including phasing out fuel subsidies, liberalising the foreign exchange market and overhauling its tax laws, is on a solid economic footing.

Even though both remarks elicited negative reactions from those who appear to have made a covenant with sadness never to acknowledge anything good from Tinubu, the projections for 2026 are even bigger and better.

For those who care to know, Tinubu’s economic blueprint, built on tough but necessary measures, is likely to achieve unimaginable gains in the coming year.

One of the country’s leading economists, Bismarck Rewane, recently shared this outlook. In his forecast for 2026, Rewane said Nigeria could enter the year on its strongest economic footing in over a decade.

He forecasts that a combination of easing inflation, rising investment, major corporate listings and stabilising monetary conditions will propel the country into a new and more durable cycle of growth.

Read Also: NGF names Yobe best performing state in primary health care delivery

The managing director of Financial Derivatives Company further described 2026 as a defining year in which structural reforms, private-sector expansion and improved policy coordination will converge to reposition the country’s economy, to the dismay of his critics.

He argues that after years of unstable inflation, caused by the roguish Peoples Democratic Party, PDP’s, economic blunders, exchange-rate distortions and suppressed investment, Nigeria is finally approaching an economic juncture where fundamentals and reform momentum can reinforce each other rather than work in conflict.

But a notable point in his forecast is that the Nigerian Exchange’s total market capitalisation could experience a 191 per cent jump from N90 trillion in 2025 to N262 trillion in 2026.

Nigeria’s economy is expected to maintain a moderately positive growth trajectory in 2026, with GDP expansion of 4.1 per cent, slightly above the 3.86 per cent forecast for 2025, he stated.

Like him, an investment bank, Cowry Asset Management Limited, also anticipates growth in the country’s economy in 2026.

The company said after many years of policy inconsistencies, Nigeria under Tinubu is primed for another level of growth in the coming year, supported by a combination of improved domestic oil production, ongoing policy reforms, and steady expansion in key non-oil industries such as telecommunications, financial services, construction and trade.

Cowry Research pointed out that the oil sector, despite recent volatility, is anticipated to make a positive contribution to overall GDP, driven by rising domestic production and ongoing investments in upstream operations, which are gradually enhancing capacity and output.

Regarding the new tax laws that have sparked concern among some Nigerians, particularly the lower class, provider of tax administration and data security technologies, Taxaide Technologies Limited, Taxtech, has also assured that the reforms are actually favourable to low-income earners and are designed to boost purchasing power.

Taxtech’s Executive Director/Partner, Data Security Services, Mr Oyeyemi Oke, said the reforms ensure that those on minimum wage would pay minimal or no income taxes, while high-income earners would contribute more to government revenue.

He said: “I think it is a good law for individuals, especially low-income earners. What we see under the law is that low-income earners will pay lower taxes. In fact, those who earn the minimum wage will actually not pay any taxes. If an individual is earning between N70,000 and up to N2.1 million, that individual wouldn’t pay higher taxes, some will not even pay taxes at all.

“That changes once an individual earns beyond N2.1 million. Once an individual goes above that threshold, such a person will be paying higher taxes.

“The impact is that people within the low-income band will have more money to spend, which will increase purchasing power. Essentially, it is a progressive tax regime.”

Like I said few weeks ago, President Tinubu may not be one to talk much, but his quiet, steady approach to governance is showing real results, whether troublemakers choose to see it or not.

The evidence of his strategic reforms are beginning to bear incredible fruits in a manner never witnessed before, not even under the butcher of our economy, the PDP, which mismanaged finances and plunged Nigerians into difficult times.

Former First Lady of the United States, Rosalynn Carter, once said: “A leader takes people where they want to go. A great leader takes people where they don’t necessarily want to go, but ought to be.”

President Tinubu, who is a great leader by all ramifications, will take Nigerians where they don’t necessarily want to go, but ought to be in the coming year and for as long as he remains in power.

•Oyatomi, Former Editor, (Sunday Vanguard), Author (FINGERPRINTS 2008) and a Lawyer, is a member of the Board of Independent Media and Policy Initiative (IMPI), a Think Tank based in Abuja.

December 17, 2025
Brazen arrogance and dangerous assault on democracy in Benue

By Prof. Iyorwuese Hagher

On 13th December 2025, the Tiv nation celebrated Tiv Day, a day of joy and festivities for all Tiv people worldwide. President Ahmed Bola Tinubu instructed his trusted friend and political ally of many decades, Senator George Akume, CON, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), to represent him at the celebration. The President’s message of solidarity with the Tiv people was clear, passionate, and deeply resonant.

I was a member of this presidential delegation alongside the Honourable serving cabinet minister, Professor Joseph Utsev, Minister of Water Resources, and a distinguished Tiv elder, my fellow Second Republic Senator Jack Tilley-Gyado; serving members of the National Assembly, Hon. Asema Achado and Hon. Terseer Ugbor; as well as Dr Pius Akuta and Dr Matthias Byuan, and Christopher Tarka Tiv sons holding high offices in the administration. We departed Abuja on a presidential flight that landed in Makurdi. We were all dressed in various styles and shades, highlighting Tiv culture. We looked forward to a joyful celebration and warm welcome among our brothers and sisters, as well as to relishing the honours conferred by the Tiv Traditional Council through traditional titles with diverse appellations.

However, as soon as we landed at Makurdi airport, the Benue State Government and the Tiv Traditional Councils’ welcome party and festivities for the President’s envoy and delegation were absent. Instead, we faced a chilling and shocking display of arrogance, lawlessness, and violent intolerance in our state. What I saw on Saturday remains one of the most disturbing episodes in Nigeria’s recent political history.

Apart from representing the President, Senator George Akume is not only the highest-ranking federal officer from Benue and a founding member of the party, but also a two-term Governor of Benue State, a three-term Senator, and a former minister. His current position is the highest any Benue person has ever held in any Nigerian Government. Moreover, he is a longstanding political benefactor to the succeeding governors of the state and to many within its political structure, including being at the forefront of the platform that elected Governor Hyacinth Alia.

By every standard of civility, culture, and political hierarchy, the SGF deserved a respectful and dignified reception. All members of the delegation, both individually and collectively, are the very pinnacle of Tiv society and form part of the national and global elite. What we received was not a welcome but a humiliation.

From the moment of arrival, it was clear that the Governor of Benue State, Reverend Father Dr Chief Hyacinth Alia, either failed or refused to offer the basic courtesy expected of his office. Based on his past actions, it was apparent that the Governor orchestrated the humiliation of the presidential delegation through a bold display of unwarranted political arrogance.

Instead of a warm welcome, the Governor’s reception party was hostile, verbally abusive, and contemptuous. They sang derisive chants of “No Alia, No Benue,” a slogan weaponised to insult and diminish the SGF in full public view. It was an act of arrogance so brazen that it stunned members of the delegation. The SGF and his delegation, along with supporters, moved into their waiting vehicles to avoid escalation of chaos.

We were compelled to flee from the hostile mob and make our way to Gboko, the venue of the Tiv Day celebration, in the hope that the cultural setting would restore calm. However, the situation worsened. A much larger, more aggressive crowd surged towards the area where the SGF was seated. Meanwhile, his delegation, the Honourable Minister, and Members of the National Assembly either shared seats, sat precariously on armrests, or stood, gazing at the rapidly unfolding, volatile, and frightening atmosphere.

In the chaos, I saw a horrifying act. A member of the Governor’s mob, shouting “No Alia No Benue”, drew a knife and stabbed a youth who was begging for calm. The young man fell to the ground, wounded, as panic spread. The celebration ground turned into what could only be described as a battlefield — noisy, hostile, and completely out of control.

Even the reading of the Presidential address was not spared from this disgrace. As the SGF attempted to deliver the message of Mr President, the mob surged forward onto the stage, drowning his voice with aggressive drumming, hissing, and animalistic howling. It was a deliberate attempt to silence not only the SGF but also President Tinubu himself.

In this tense and perilous environment, members of the delegation were targeted individually. I was personally pursued by some miscreants chanting their maddening refrain, “No Alia No Benue.” Fearing for my life, I escaped into a parked bus as I watched the SGF and other members being evacuated from the arena to safety by the military. In the chaos, I missed the Presidential convoy, which managed to break free and return to the airport in Makurdi for an emergency departure back to Abuja.

Stranded and shaken, I had to spend the night in Makurdi under tense circumstances and could only return to Abuja by road the following day, 14th December.

This incident I witnessed is not merely an embarrassing moment for Benue State; it is a matter of national concern. It signifies a grave insult to the office of the Secretary of the Government of the Federation and the Presidency. It reflects a troubling tolerance and a disturbing admiration by the Benue Government for political intimidation, mob violence, and abuse of power within Benue State.

Governor Alia alone should accept responsibility and acknowledge the hostile environment that allowed this disgrace. Leadership requires restraint, respect for institutions, and safeguarding guests, regardless of political differences. The incidents in Makurdi and Gboko were failures of leadership and tarnish Benue State’s reputation.

Benue State and Nigeria cannot afford to normalise such dangerous intolerance. I have decided to speak out because all lovers of democracy must condemn the treatment meted out to the SGF and the Presidential delegation in the strongest terms in the interest of democracy, unity, and national stability.

Finally, as one of Nigeria’s longest-serving and most senior politicians, intellectuals, and diplomats from 1977 to 2025, I have paid my dues and earned the right to state the following:

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a.         To His Excellency Rev. Fr. Dr. Chief Hyacinth Alia (whom I have never met in person), I have nonetheless observed your administration with deep concern: the firm grip on the State House of Assembly, the political contagion and manipulation of traditional institutions, and your involvement in conduct you should be ashamed of, such as failing to control your fiercely violent supporters and threatening to use witchcraft on people. However, nothing in your playbook of toxic leadership surpasses your ongoing, unwarranted cruelty towards the SGF, in an attempt to establish dominance. Everyone knows that the SGF’s unforgivable sin in your eyes was aiding your rise to become governor of Benue State when you were a complete outsider to the APC platform.

b.         IF THIS DESPERATION, WHICH I HAVE SEEN YOU DISPLAY AGAINST THE BENUE STATE POLITICAL LEADERS AND PEOPLE, IS AIMED AT BECOMING A ONE-TERM GOVERNOR, THEN YOU HAVE JUST ACHIEVED YOUR GOAL AND EARNED THE PASS MARK.

c.         To His Royal Highness the Tor Tiv, I would like to let you know that you hold a royal, revered and prestigious stool of our ancestor Takuruku Anyam Azenga. Please do not desecrate it with political partisanship. It is deeply troubling. Please redress, Your Majesty.

d.         To the SGF, I implore you to listen to yourself in the Bible’s parable of the Sower you gave in your Tiv Day speech. You are the Sower who sowed on hard ground, the stony ground and the thorny ground. But the next seed you will sow will be in the good and fertile ground. Do not despair, the best is yet to come.

A word is enough for the wise.

•Prof. Hagher was former Minister of State for Power and Steel

December 17, 2025
The death of local government
- By Dorayi, Kano
Sir: Long before insecurity tightened its grip on our highways, long before poverty colonised the villages, and long before our cities became swollen refugee camps of the economically displaced, a quiet tragedy had already eaten deep into the nation’s foundation. It is the silent collapse of the local government system.

Across the world, nations that work do so because governance begins from the bottom. In Nigeria, governance begins from the top — and too often dies there. The original intention behind creating 774 local government areas was noble: to take government to the people, to deliver water, roads, healthcare, schools, markets, records, and security at the grassroots. Today, that vision has become a shadow, wandering through empty secretariats and overgrown council premises.

But a surprising twist has recently emerged in this long-standing decay — a twist that should have marked a rebirth, yet has instead exposed an even deeper problem.

Autonomy granted – but the crisis persists

For decades, local government suffocation was blamed on the iron grip of governors who held their finances through the State Joint Allocation Account (JAAC). Then came what many hailed as liberation: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu supported, and the Supreme Court granted, full financial autonomy to the 774 local government councils.

It should have been the dawn of a new era. It should have breathed life into Nigeria’s most abandoned tier of government. It should have restored accountability, development, and people-focused governance.

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But autonomy has not resurrected the system — because the collapse is not only financial. It is structural. It is administrative. It is moral. It is political. And it is deeply entrenched.

The autonomy ruling has exposed a painful truth: A system can be rescued on paper yet remain dead in practice.

Even after autonomy, many local governments are still not receiving funds directly. Technical bottlenecks, bureaucratic manoeuvres, political resistance, and state-level interference continue to weaken the spirit of the ruling. In several states, caretaker committees still reign where elected officials should be. Contracts are awarded without scrutiny. Expenditures are shrouded in secrecy. And the councils still function like distant outposts of state governments rather than independent units of governance.

Autonomy gave them lungs, but the body remains weak; the arteries blocked; the heartbeat faint.

The fallout: poverty, collapse, insecurity

It is fashionable to blame Abuja. It is politically convenient to blame the states. But the true foundation of governance lies in the 774 local governments. Autonomy has now revealed the national contradiction: We fixed the pipe supplying water, but the tank and taps are corroded.

If local governments were functional, Nigerians would feel governance every day — not as distant speeches in Abuja, but as clean boreholes, working markets, safe communities, and responsive ward-level administration.

•Aliyu Abubakar Bello,

Dorayi, Kano.
December 16, 2025