Category: Commentaries

  • Museveni’s chokehold

    Museveni’s chokehold

    No fewer than 2,000 opposition actors were officially confirmed detained following the 15th January election in Uganda that President Yoweri Museveni won by a landslide. Thirty other opposition elements were confirmed killed by government’s own narrative on the disputed poll.

    Museveni won his seventh term in a poll held amid internet shutdown and characteristic claims of irregularities by opposition players. At 81 years of age, he has ruled his country for 40 years, making him the third-longest-serving non-royal national leader in the world. Since taking power in 1986 at the head of a military insurgency, he has changed the Ugandan constitution twice to remove age and term limits and pull state institutions under presidential control.

    Official results showed Museveni winning with 72 percent of the vote, but the poll was faulted by election observers and rights groups owing to heavy repression of the opposition and the internet blackout. In its wake, the whereabouts of opposition leader Bobi Wine – real name Robert Kyagulanyi, and who won 25 percent of the vote – were uncertain after he said he had escaped a police raid on his home and was in hiding. Police denied the raid and said the opposition leader was still at home, but they blocked journalists from accessing the residence. Wine resurfaced in public when, on 26th January, he visited his mother’s gravesite in Gomba District.

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    Uganda is categorised “not free” by rights monitor, Freedom House, which noted that while the country holds regular elections, they are not considered credible. African election observers, including a team from the African Union, said following the January poll that “reports of intimidation, arrest and abductions…instilled fear and eroded public trust in the electoral process.” Analysts described the election as a formality, given Museveni’s total control of state and security institutions, though many Ugandans praise him for bringing relative peace and prosperity to the country.

    In his victory speech after the poll, Museveni described members of Wine’s party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), as terrorists. He accused them of having planned to attack polling stations in areas where they were losing. “Some of the opposition are wrong and also terrorists,” he said, adding: “They are working with some foreigners and some homosexual groups. All the traitors – this is free advice from me – stop everything, because we know what you are doing and you will not do it.”

    Uganda’s military chief and Museveni’s son, Lieutenant-General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, confirmed that authorities had detained 2,000 opposition supporters, killed 30 and were hunting for more following the election. In social media post, Kainerugaba described NUP supporters as hooligans and terrorists, saying: “So far, we have killed 30 NUP terrorists” without explaining the circumstances of the deaths. “Most NUP terrorist leaders are in hiding. We shall get them all,” he said in another post on X.

    You may need to visit Museveni’s Uganda to understand how being in opposition equates to terrorism.

  • On delayed passage of electoral bill

    On delayed passage of electoral bill

    By Austin Aigbe

    Sir: The delayed passage of the Electoral Bill is a crisis that must be addressed now. Such delays force INEC, parties, the judiciary, and civil society to scramble under impossible time constraints, heightening confusion and undermining legitimacy.

    The impact on institutions is stark. INEC, responsible for elections, needs time, clarity, and resources for effective reform. Late passage of the Electoral Act constrains planning, training, procurement, and voter education. Even sound reforms—such as new election technology—can cause controversy if not implemented early. Rushed changes risk failures and disputes, further undermining trust.

    Parties also suffer from delayed reform. Weak enforcement of party democracy and campaign finance rules enables elite capture. Candidate selection remains opaque and costly, side-lining women, youth, and reformers. When party regulatory reforms stall, parties lack accountability, which fuels pre-election litigation and internal crises.

    The judiciary is increasingly central to electoral politics. Ambiguous or outdated laws spur litigation, forcing courts to fill legislative gaps and making elections judicial rather than electoral contests. While courts are vital for dispute resolution, excessive litigation harms electoral legitimacy and pressures judges, exposing them to political attack and suspicion.

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    These delays have devastating consequences for Nigeria’s democratic future. Without prompt reform, democratic norms disintegrate, and anti-democratic practices become entrenched. Only immediate, credible reforms can restore hope, trust, and progress. Delay is not just costly—it is dangerous.

    The issue is not just technical. The delayed passage of the Electoral Bill stems from political economy challenges. Reforms threaten power networks and patronage, making change contentious rather than consensual. Without sustained pressure from citizens, civil society, media, and partners, momentum for reform fades once electoral crises subside.

    There are reasons for cautious optimism. Recent reforms show progress when broad coalitions back change. Civil society advocacy, court decisions, media scrutiny, and international inputs further reform. Debates on electronic results and early voting have entered public discourse, raising standards and expectations.

    Nigeria cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of delayed reform. Immediate, forward-looking action on electoral law-making is essential. Reforms must be completed before election cycles to allow institutions and voters to adapt. The National Assembly must act now, as a matter of national urgency, to rebuild trust through timely, transparent reform.

    Equally important is strengthening enforcement. Effective implementation and enforcement are essential to transforming legislative reforms into credible electoral practices and to building lasting public trust.

    The lesson is clear and cannot be ignored: democracy cannot survive on last-minute fixes. Action is imperative—and it is needed now. The National Assembly, particularly the Senate, must pass and transmit the Electoral Bill to the president for assent without further delay to secure Nigeria’s democracy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    •Austin Aigbe,

    Abuja.

  • The price of illicit drug trafficking

    The price of illicit drug trafficking

    • By Aernan Lubem

    Sir: In Nigeria, we have heard powerful statements from public officials so many times that we no longer take them seriously. Big words are announced, headlines are made, and then we wait—for nothing. So when Brig. Gen. Buba Mohammed Marwa (rtd) said late last year that his second five-year tenure would be “hell for drug barons and cartels,” many of us simply nodded and moved on.

    But recent events make it hard to ignore that something different may be happening.

    The recent seizure of over 30 kilograms of heroin at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja is not just another drug bust; it is a statement. Drugs reportedly hidden in sealed packets of Brazilian coffee, worth more than N3 billion, intercepted before they could disappear into the streets. That alone should worry anyone who cares about the future of this country.

    Yet what truly linger in my mind are not the drugs, but the human story behind them.

    A 29-year-old woman, Ingrid Rosa Benevides, a Brazilian, reportedly gainfully employed, standing alone at the centre of a global criminal network. I find myself asking uncomfortable questions. What convinces a young woman with a job and a future to risk everything for a suitcase she does not own? Was it greed, pressure, desperation, or the false promise of easy money? Perhaps a mix of all.

    This is how international drug trafficking really works. The couriers are disposable. They are promised quick cash, reassured that “nothing will happen,” and sent off with smiles and instructions. Once caught, they are left to face the law alone, while those who organized everything quietly recruit another body.

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    And the law, when it comes, does not negotiate with emotions. With the quantity involved, Ms. Ingrid could spend the rest of her life behind bars. Not because she owned the drugs, not because she led the cartel—but because she was the easiest to sacrifice. Her ambitions, freedom, and future may now be the price she pays, while the real beneficiaries remain invisible and untouched.

    There is also an irony that is hard to ignore. Brazil is not a struggling economy gasping for survival. It is a country with vast agricultural strength, advanced manufacturing, and a GDP many times larger than Nigeria’s. One would assume opportunity exists. Yet even in such societies, the pull of fast money and criminal shortcuts still finds willing hands. This reminds us that drug trafficking is not just about poverty; it is about temptation, exploitation, and weak judgment.

    Nigeria, sadly, sits along major global drug routes connecting South America, Africa, and Europe. Traffickers know this. They adapt. When large shipments fail, they turn to human beings—because humans are easier to replace than cargo.

    This case should disturb us. Not just because drugs were seized, but because of what might have happened if they were not. Heroin does not just ruin users; it destroys families, fuels crime, and quietly eats away at society. Every successful trafficking attempt plants future chaos.

    Beyond enforcement, this is a moral warning—especially to young people. No amount of money is worth being used as a courier for substances you cannot pronounce, for people you will never meet, in a game where you are the first to be abandoned. Every “small favour,” every “quick delivery,” every “safe run” carries consequences that can last a lifetime.

    The truth is simple but brutal: drug trafficking always collects its debt. And when it does, it rarely knocks on the doors of the powerful—it comes first for the vulnerable.

    A word, indeed, should be enough for the wise.

    Aernan Lubem,

    Makurdi, Benue State.

  • Tunji-Ojo as ambassador of Ondo @50

    Tunji-Ojo as ambassador of Ondo @50

    • By Femi Salako

    Sir: Ondo State at 50 offers a profound opportunity to reflect not only on the journey of the state since its creation but also on the calibre of men and women it continues to produce. The Golden Jubilee is a celebration of identity resilience and contribution to the Nigerian project. Central to this reflection are illustrious sons and daughters of the soil who in this present generation are projecting the state with dignity competence and honour at both national and international levels. Among this distinguished cohort stands the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji Ojo whose public service record and current national impact epitomise the enduring value of Ondo State to Nigeria.

    His foray into national politics as a member of the House of Representatives marked the beginning of a legislative career defined by intellectual depth, policy focus and people oriented representation. As a lawmaker, he was not content with mere presence but pursued substance, engaging robustly in debates advancing motions and supporting legislative interventions that addressed national development, economic inclusion, youth empowerment and institutional reform. In doing so he earned the respect of colleagues and observers alike and positioned himself as one of the most effective lawmakers of his generation.

    His legislative excellence naturally placed him in the national spotlight and when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu unveiled the Renewed Hope Agenda, he was among those considered capable of translating vision into action. Answering the call to serve as Minister of Interior, Tunji Ojo brought to the ministry a blend of academic rigour, technological insight, and administrative clarity that has since redefined its operations. His is a clear departure from business as usual as he prioritised efficiency accountability and service delivery across agencies under the ministry.

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    Under his leadership the Ministry of Interior has recorded notable improvements particularly in the administration of citizenship services. Long standing challenges associated with passport issuance delays and bureaucratic bottlenecks have been confronted through digitisation process reengineering and stricter oversight. These reforms have had far reaching effects especially for Nigerians in the diaspora who directly experience the outcomes of improved systems. Across Europe, North America, Asia and other parts of the world, Nigerians now speak positively of reforms linked to his tenure acknowledging the professionalism and responsiveness that have returned to critical services. This international affirmation has not only elevated Nigeria’s image but has also projected Ondo State as a source of visionary leadership.

    As Ondo State celebrates 50 years of existence, his achievements resonate as part of a larger narrative of excellence that defines the state. He stands as a reference point and inspiration to other Ondo State sons and daughters who are excelling across governance, law, medicine, academia, technology, entrepreneurship and the creative industries. Together they affirm that Ondo at 50 is better stronger and more relevant because of the quality of its human capital. Their collective impact underscores the truth that the greatness of a state is measured not only by its geography or resources but by the character competence and commitment of its people.

    Ondo State at 50 therefore is a celebration of legacy and promise. It is a reminder that from its towns villages and institutions continue to emerge leaders who shape national conversations and influence global perceptions. In celebrating Olubunmi Tunji Ojo, the state celebrates itself a land that produces thinkers, reformers and patriots who serve with distinction. As the Sunshine State steps into its next half century the example of leaders like him assures all that the future remains bright grounded in service excellence and an unyielding commitment to national progress.

    •Femi Salako,

    Lagos.

  • Invisible impact

    Invisible impact

    It is puzzling that the substantial increase in state government revenues from the Federation Account has not significantly improved citizens’ welfare. This disparity has attracted widespread public criticism, especially given the scale of recent disbursements.

    States received an estimated N9tn in Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) inflows in 2025, an improvement of over N2tn in a single year, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).

    Despite these figures, the impact remains invisible to many. “Very few states are doing well in terms of how they deploy what they receive,” noted the Assistant Secretary-General of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Onyeka Christopher. He was quoted as saying, “The idea behind federal allocations is to bring the government closer to the grassroots, but unfortunately, in many states, this has not translated into the desired results for well-known reasons.”

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    Similarly, the Chairman of the Centre for Accountability and Open Leadership (CAOL), Debo Adeniran, observed that the “increase in allocations to states has just increased the financial opportunity for the state governors, not percolating to the level of the people that are supposed to be the final recipients of government charities.”

    More concretely, the Executive Director of Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, said: “There’s no physical, verifiable, tangible evidence to show that the monies the governments are receiving are touching lives in terms of healthcare, electricity, physical infrastructure, or even agriculture.”

    The irony of having record-high revenues alongside declining welfare creates governance-driven underdevelopment. When the states become wealthier while the people become poorer, the implications are disturbing and threatening. 

    It suggests that the government is no longer an engine for development.  When infrastructure and agriculture are neglected, for instance, unemployed youth in rural areas become easy targets for recruitment by insurgent groups or criminal gangs.

    This irony also fuels the perception that democracy is only “for the politicians” and not “for the people.” When people see N9tn entering government coffers but see no “verifiable evidence” in their hospitals, as Rafsanjani mentioned, they seek a future elsewhere.

    More troubling is that long-term governance-driven underdevelopment is often the precursor to civil unrest or demands for drastic systemic changes.

    Ultimately, if these funds continue to bypass the grassroots, the nation is not merely failing to develop; it is actively financing the conditions for its own instability.

    State governors must urgently re-evaluate their deployment of these revenue windfalls, ensuring they serve the collective interest of the people and the long-term stability of the country.

  • Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Sir: The unveiling of the Gas Master Plan (GMP) 2026 by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL) marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s long-standing effort to transform its vast natural gas resources into a foundation for industrial development, energy security, and sustainable economic growth. The launch held in Abuja under the framework of Nigeria’s gas-centric energy transition strategy signals a shift from mere policy outlines to implementation-anchored execution across the gas value chain.

    At the heart of the plan is the bold ambition to raise national gas production to 10 billion cubic feet per day by 2027, with a further target of 12 billion cubic feet per day by 2030, supported by projected new investments of over $60 billion across the oil and gas sector. These targets are grounded in Nigeria’s possession of some 210 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of proven gas reserves, with even greater potential, positioning the country as one of the most consequential hydrocarbon basins on the African continent.

    Government and industry officials have rightly described the GMP 2026 as a strategic inflection point — one that moves beyond policy articulation to practical execution, commercial viability, and sector-wide coordination. It is a deliberate attempt to weave gas infrastructure expansion into Nigeria’s broader development narrative, one that embraces power generation, compressed natural gas (CNG), liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), mini-LNG, and downstream industrial off-takers as critical components of national growth.

    This re-energised focus on gas comes at a time when the world’s energy landscape is rapidly evolving, with global markets placing a premium on cleaner, more efficient fuels. Gas, often touted as a transitional energy source, offers Nigeria a pathway to reduce gas flaring, strengthen domestic energy supply, and integrate its economy more deeply into regional and international energy markets. Current plans to accelerate infrastructure such as the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) pipeline and other transmission networks are expected to unlock domestic utilisation while anchoring Nigeria’s potential export capacity in the years ahead.

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    Yet, a plan of such ambition also demands sober reflection on execution, governance, and inclusivity. Historical bottlenecks in gas infrastructure, weak implementation frameworks, and regulatory uncertainties have often stymied earlier iterations of Nigeria’s energy plans. The GMP 2026 must therefore transcend rhetoric to deliver measurable results from tangible improvements in electricity supply and industrial power to job creation and improved economic participation across regions.

    Bold targets require equally bold commitment to accountability, transparency, and institutional coordination if they are to inspire both local confidence and international investor interest.

    Moreover, while gas is framed as a bridge in the energy transition, it cannot be divorced from broader considerations of climate responsibility. Nigeria’s economic strategy must balance the immediate benefits of gas exploitation with long-term commitments to cleaner, sustainable energy ecosystems. Pursuing partnerships that incorporate renewable energy initiatives and emission-reduction strategies will amplify the plan’s impact and align Nigeria’s energy goals with global climate priorities.

    Ultimately, the Gas Master Plan 2026 could be transformative but its success hinges not just on lofty targets, but on disciplined execution, structural reforms, and a shared national commitment to leveraging resources for inclusive growth. As Nigeria seeks to establish itself as a major gas hub and energy security anchor in Africa, the pathway from vision to reality must be paved with strategic clarity, institutional rigour, and unwavering focus on the wellbeing of citizens who stand to benefit most from a renewed energy economy.

    •Felix Oladeji, Lagos.

  • Catastrophic miscalculation

    Catastrophic miscalculation

    Sir: Nigeria’s troubled tryst with nationhood has seen it all in more than 60 years of false dawns, cruel stops and starts, broken dreams, and shattered hopes. Indeed, it is to the eternal credit of the country and a testament to its resilience that it is still standing, somehow managing to hold things together.

    Nigeria’s shaky foundations were laid with the amalgamation of 1914. If independence was supposed to consolidate those faulty foundations, the quick fire coups that followed in 1966 before snowballing into the cataclysmic Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 put paid to those hopes. The country has struggled to recover ever since, with the deep wounds inflicted during the civil war showing a significant capacity to fester.

    Today, Nigeria faces significant challenges to achieving national unity and cohesion. Ethnic and religious divisions instigated by historical differences and disagreements remain sharp.

    In 2023, against significant odds, Bola Ahmed Tinubu who campaigned on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the race to become Nigeria’s president. If the challenges that greeted his emergence were considered significant, events since have put those challenges in their shadows.

    Sometime last year, reports emerged that about thirteen military officers were taken into detention following a failed coup attempt against the government. While the Defence Headquarters confirmed the news, it was reluctant to release their names pending the conclusion of preliminary investigations. With the recent conclusion of investigations, the Defence Headquarters has since released the names confirming that there is a case made out against the military officers.

    Until the recent surge of coups in a handful of West African countries that border Nigeria, it was unthinkable that a military coup could be contemplated in Nigeria. This was largely because Nigeria had gone down that path before and discovered that as inviting as that path was in the despair of heedlessly chaotic civilian rule, nothing ever lay there but the death of democracy and the disorienting darkness it dips a country into.

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    Nigeria’s leadership crisis is decades old. It is not even about the current administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In fact, of all those who have led Nigeria recently, the former Lagos State governor is showing the greatest promise. Many have led Nigeria and have failed, including many who came in military camouflage, suspended the constitution, dictated decrees, and ruled with iron fists only to leave the soul of Nigeria broken, its spirit crushed, and its coffers empty.

    As for those for whom discontent and disappointment with the current administration have congealed into nostalgia for the days of military rule, let the fact that nothing good that can go the distance ever comes out of military rule serve as a warning to them. Democracy is too delicate for calloused and often corrupt military fingers. For all its flaws, especially in a country that so often lacks direction and decisiveness, democracy remains the best bet and the surest promise.

    There can be no sympathy for military officers who took their eyes off Nigeria’s steep security challenges to plan a doomed coup. They must be made to dance to the drumbeats of the law, and their apologists must be left in no doubt that Africa’s biggest democracy has no desire whatsoever to return to the treacherously dark days of military rule.

    •Kene Obiezu, keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Soludo’s blow on Monday’s sit-at-home

    Soludo’s blow on Monday’s sit-at-home

    Sir: The reopening of the Onitsha Main Market on a Monday, for the first time in about five years, marks a significant and symbolic moment for Anambra State. Beyond the excitement it generated among traders and residents, the development represents a decisive step in the right toward reopening the state’s economy and strengthening its revenue base after years of disruption caused by the sit-at-home phenomenon.

    This bold move was championed by the Anambra State governor, Charles Chukwuma Soludo, following the closure of the market for one week. The action was taken as a response to the persistent failure of traders and business owners to open their shops on Mondays over the years, a trend that had gradually crippled commercial activities and weakened confidence in public safety.

    Despite threats and warnings issued by some non-state actors, urging traders to stay away from the market, the call was largely ignored. Traders defied fear and opened for business, drawing admiration from many within and outside the state. Their courage sent a strong message that economic survival and collective progress must not be held hostage by intimidation.

    Sustaining this progress is critical. Over the years, the sit-at-home order has severely affected businesses, academic activities, healthcare access, and daily movement of people. Many traders stayed home not out of agreement, but out of fear of attacks. Ending this cycle requires consistency, courage, and clear leadership from the government.

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    Beyond reopening markets, Governor Soludo must ensure the provision of watertight security, not only in and around major markets every Monday, but across the entire state. A visible and effective security presence will further boost the confidence of traders, business owners, workers, and residents to go about their legitimate activities without fear.

    As confidence grows, economic activities will naturally rebound. Increased commercial operations will improve internally generated revenue, create jobs, and restore Anambra’s reputation as a major commercial hub in the Southeast. Security and economic revival must go hand in hand for the gains to be lasting.

    This initiative should also serve as a model for other southeast governors. A coordinated regional effort to end the sit-at-home practice will ensure that the entire region reopens for normal business activities every Monday, reducing losses and restoring social stability across states.

    Finally, non-state actors must come to terms with the reality that the people of the southeast are tired of disruption and economic hardship. The path forward lies in peace and dialogue, not coercion and fear. Enough of the sit-at-home on Mondays; the region must move forward.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra state.

  • Ogun at 50: Gratitude for the journey, questions for conscience

    Ogun at 50: Gratitude for the journey, questions for conscience

    By Toyin Amuzu

    At 50, reflection becomes inevitable. Fifty is a sacred age, an age that demands gratitude, honesty and renewed purpose. As Ogun State marks its Golden Jubilee, I write not only as a citizen, but as an Egba chief, deeply rooted in the history, culture and destiny of this land and as a political stakeholder.

    Ogun State, as we know, was created on February 3, 1976. That decision was not accidental. It was borne out of foresight, an understanding of our people’s capacity for leadership, education, enterprise and civilisation. From the beginning, Ogun was destined to stand tall and that explains its appellation as “Gateway” State for many civilisation.

    Thank God for the journey so far

    First, we must give thanks to God. Fifty years of existence is no small grace. Through military rule, democratic transitions, economic recessions and national uncertainties, Ogun State has endured. Peace has prevailed. Our identity has remained intact. Our people have continued to excel in Nigeria and beyond. This is worthy of thanksgiving. From Egba land to Ijebu, from Yewa to Remo, the people have distinguished themselves in academics, law, medicine, business, arts, politics and public service. Ogun is a major contributor to Nigeria’s human capital and this cannot be denied.

    Honouring our founding fathers

    As we celebrate, we must honour our founding fathers, leaders who laid the foundations of this state with courage and conviction. They envisioned an Ogun State built on education and enlightenment, industrial growth and productivity, cultural pride and discipline, order, responsibility and service. They inherited ideals of the old Western Region and sought to build a state where governance would translate into opportunity. Their sacrifices, though imperfect, were purposeful. History must record them with honour.

    Are we proud of where we are?

    Yet, anniversaries are not only for celebration, they are for truth. At 50, Ogun State must ask itself this question, are we where we ought to be?

    With our strategic location as the gateway between Lagos and the rest of Nigeria, with our vast landmass, educated population and early exposure to quality governance, Ogun should arguably be among the most developed states. If, over the years, our focus had been more firmly anchored on development, driven by sincerity and guided by clear purpose, our story might have been stronger, our impact deeper and our people better served.

    Too often, governance has suffered from discontinuity. Too often, politics has overshadowed policy. Too often, long-term development has been sacrificed on the altar of short-term interests.

    These are not words of bitterness, they are words of concern, spoken in love for Ogun.

    Cost of missed opportunities

    The consequences of missed opportunities are evident. Communities still yearning for durable infrastructure, Young people whose potential is greater than the opportunities available to them, insecurity, public institutions that could perform better with stronger systems and continuity.

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    A development pace that has not always matched Ogun’s natural advantages

    Ogun’s challenge has never been lack of capacity, it has been lack of sustained focus.

    Still a land of promise

    Despite everything, Ogun remains a land of promise. Its people are resilient. Its culture is rich. Its location is strategic. Its potential is unquestionable.

    Some past governance in the state show that when leadership aligns vision with action, Ogun responds positively.

    This tells us one thing clearly, the future can still be greater than the past.

    The call at 50

    As Ogun turns 50, this is a moment for renewal. We must recommit to governance anchored on the people, development that outlives administrations, leadership driven by sincerity and service, politics that serves progress, not personal ambition.

    As a chieftain of Peoples’ Democratic Party, I believe in democratic governance that prioritises inclusion, accountability and development. Ogun deserves leadership across party lines that sees governance as stewardship and legacy, not entitlement.

    Conclusion

    Ogun at 50 is not just a celebration of age, it is a call to conscience. We thank God for the journey. We honour our founding fathers. We acknowledge our achievements. But we must also confront our shortcomings. The best chapters of our story should not lie behind us. With renewed focus, sincerity and purpose, the next 50 years can reflect the greatness that our founders envisioned. Ogun State can still become all it was meant to be.

    Amuzu,  a PDP chieftain , writes from Abeokuta, Ogun State

  • Ebo Noah and deluge deferred

    Ebo Noah and deluge deferred

    Doomsday prophets seem never to tire, and they do not get dissuaded by serial failure of past predictions. The shocking thing is that they also seem to never lack gullible people who believe in their crackbrained predictions, no matter how improbable such prediction might seem to commonsense.

    The latest instance is a self-proclaimed Ghanaian prophet, labelling himself ‘Ebo Noah’ who predicted that the world would end through flooding on 25th December, 2025, and that only those who get on arks that God asked him to build would be saved. Only that he came up on the eve of the predicted doomsday to say the disaster had been postponed following what he described as divine intervention. He informed his followers the catastrophic flood would not occur on the day originally predicted after thousands from Ghana and elsewhere had traveled to the ark sites, preparing to board the vessels ahead of Christmas Day. Videos circulated online showed crowds gathering near the wooden structures in anticipation of the predicted event.

    Recent rainfall in Ghana intensified fears, with people taking the prophecy seriously enough to make preparations. When skeptics cited the biblical covenant in Genesis where God promised never again to destroy the earth with floods, Ebo Noah rejoined that even God can change His mind – referencing the account of King Hezekiah.

    The 30-year-old first gained international attention in August when he began posting videos on social media showing himself constructing wooden arks and warning that God revealed to him there will be a three-year period of rain beginning on Christmas Day. He claimed flooding would devastate the earth like in the biblical days of Noah, and only those who get on any of his arks would be saved. Reports said Ebo Noah had built about ten wooden arks as at Christmas Day, though the exact number varied in different accounts. The vessels, built with the help of local fishermen, were significantly smaller than the biblical Ark of Noah and critics questioned whether they were genuine arks or adapted fishing boats.

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    Ghanaian authorities arrested Ebo Noah earlier in December over concerns that his statements were causing public panic, particularly among residents living abroad. He was detained for 72 hours before being released, because officials determined that making religious prophecies does not constitute a criminal offence under Ghanaian law. Meanwhile, there were indications Ebo Noah profited from his enterprise. Days before Christmas, he appeared publicly in a newly acquired Mercedes-Benz while wearing his trademark burlap costume. He shared a message stating he had fasted for three weeks and prayed for Ghana and the world.

    In the latest video message, Ebo Noah said he received a fresh vision showing large numbers of people gathering to enter his arks, which are not enough to accommodate everyone. Thus, he had consulted with other religious leaders for intercessory prayers and God had granted additional time to construct more vessels.

    Some swindlers do have ‘em!