Category: Commentaries

  • Ifunanya’s unfortunate death from snake bite

    Ifunanya’s unfortunate death from snake bite

    • By Tochukwu Jimo Obi

    Sir: The death of Ifunanya Nwangene, a 25-year-old Abuja-based classical, jazz, RnB, and soul singer popularly known by her stage name, Nanyah, is not only unfortunate but deeply sad and clearly preventable. A young woman full of promise and talent has been lost, not because her condition was untreatable, but because the system failed her at the most critical moment.

    Ifunanya was reportedly bitten by a snake in her home in Abuja. In a desperate attempt to save her life, she took herself to two different hospitals within the nation’s capital. Shockingly, she was allegedly turned away by both facilities due to the absence of anti-snake venom. She later died on Saturday, a death that raises painful questions about the state of emergency care in Nigeria.

    This incident calls for an immediate and transparent investigation. How is it possible that two hospitals in Abuja could lack anti-snake venom, a basic and life-saving emergency drug? Who is responsible for ensuring its availability, and why was that responsibility neglected? These are questions that must not be brushed aside.

    Nigeria carries one of the highest snakebite burdens in Africa, yet the country lacks functional local production facilities for anti-venom. This is not a new problem, and the risks are well documented. Snakebite venom remains a public health threat, particularly in rural and farming communities, but increasingly even urban residents are not spared.

    Ironically, locally developed anti-venoms such as EchiTabG exist. However, they are neither widely produced nor readily available. This failure is largely due to inadequate government funding and a troubling lack of commitment by those entrusted with managing public health systems. The science exists; the political will does not.

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    Instead, government reportedly spends between $10 million and $12 million annually on imported anti-venom. Yet despite these huge allocations, public hospitals continue to lack these critical drugs. The question Nigerians must ask is: where does the money go, and why do patients still die from treatable conditions?

    If Ifunanya could die in Abuja, the seat of power and supposedly the best-served city in the country, one can only imagine how many silent deaths occur daily in rural communities. Many of these deaths go unreported, un-investigated, and unacknowledged, making the tragedy even more disturbing.

    Beyond the absence of anti-snake venom, most public hospitals lack basic facilities required for emergency response and resuscitation. Essential equipment, trained personnel, and functional systems are missing in many centres. This is unacceptable in a country of Nigeria’s size and resources.

    Ifunanya’s death once again reinforces the urgent need for a total overhaul of public health facilities and the declaration of a state of emergency in all public hospitals. The life of every Nigerian matters, and government at all levels must act with urgency to protect those lives. Enough of these avoidable deaths.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi,

    Obosi Anambra state.

  • Language as an instrument for cultural preservation

    Language as an instrument for cultural preservation

    • By Tolulope Sobiye

    Sir: Language is one’s identity. Language is one of the most important tools for keeping a person’s culture alive. It is through language that people express their beliefs, traditions, values and way of life. How can we ignore our language to promote the western language? How can we jettison our culture and call it barbaric? When a language disappears, much of the culture of the people who speak that language also disappears. In Nigeria, where there are different ethnic groups and languages, language plays a very strong role in preserving culture.

    Nigeria has more than 500 indigenous languages such as Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Tiv, Kanuri, Efik and many others. Each language represents the identity of its people. These languages carry stories about the past, explain customs and guide how people behave in their communities. Through language, cultural knowledge is passed from older generations to younger ones.

    One major way language preserves culture in Nigeria is through oral tradition. Before writing became common people used spoken words to pass on knowledge through folktales, myths, proverbs, songs and riddles which are told in local languages. These stories teach children good behaviour, respect for elders, honesty, hard work and cooperation. For example, Yoruba folktales often teach wisdom while Igbo proverbs express deep ideas about life and community. All these cultural lessons remain alive because the language is still spoken.

    Language is also very important in traditional ceremonies and festivals. Nigerian cultural festivals such as the New Yam Festival, the Durbar Festival, the Argungu Fishing Festival and the Osun-Osogbo Festival are carried out in local languages. During these events, people use traditional songs, prayers, greetings and chants. These expressions cannot be properly explained in English because they carry special cultural meanings. Using indigenous languages in these ceremonies helps people stay connected to their history and ancestors.

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     Language also preserves culture  in traditional leadership and social life. Traditional rulers like the Oba, Emir, Obi, Eze and Olu govern their communities using their native languages. Meetings, judgments, community rules and conflict settlement are mostly done in local languages. This keeps the traditional system alive and meaningful to the people.

    In modern Nigeria, language also helps preserve culture through literature, music and the media. Many Nigerian writers include indigenous expressions in their works to show Nigerian life and values. Wole Soyinka in “The Lion and the Jewel “ shows how culture must be preserved through language, a word like “Baale” was used in place of “chief”. Indigenous names and places like “ Sidi, Lakunle, Sadiku and Ilunjinle” were also mentioned to preserve Yoruba culture through language. Musicians sing in their local languages to tell stories, praise heroes and promote cultural pride. Radio and television programmes in Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo and other local languages also help keep culture strong and visible in everyday life.

    However, Nigerian languages are now facing serious danger. Many young people prefer to speak only English. Some parents also discourage the use of local languages at home. Isn’t that funny ?As a result, many children cannot speak their mother tongue properly. It’s sad to discover that many parents are proud to see that their children cannot speak their mother tongue. Some see it as being classy. What is happening to our cultural heritage?When this happens, cultural knowledge begins to fade away. Aren’t we aiming at language death? Some Nigerian languages are even at risk of disappearing completely. What are we going to do when this happens?

    Meanwhile, we are still struggling with  English language that we claim to jettison our indigenous languages for. We forget that when we have a solid foundation and knowledge of our mother tongue, it will help in English language acquisition.

    To protect Nigerian culture, indigenous languages must be protected. Parents should speak their native languages at home with their children. Schools should teach Nigerian languages seriously and not treat them as less important than English. Government should support local languages through books, radio, television and cultural programmes. They should also make  indigenous languages core in secondary schools.  Communities should encourage young people to be proud of their language and culture. Speakers at events should also code mix and code switch between English and their mother tongue just to show how proud they are of their mother tongue.

    To sum it up, language is more than just a way of speaking. It is the heart of culture and identity. It defines us.  The Nigerian example shows clearly that preserving language means preserving our culture and our dignity. If Nigerians protect their indigenous languages they are protecting their history, values and future.

    •Tolulope Sobiye,

     <favour0405@gmail.com>

  • Security issues in Okunland: Memo to two lawmakers

    Security issues in Okunland: Memo to two lawmakers

    • By Dr Jaiyeola Lewu

    Sir: I am Ambassador Jaiyeola Joseph Lewu from Kabba town in Okunland of Kogi State, a retired career ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and a senior colleague of ambassadors Shola Enikanolaiye and Rotimi. Amb Kayode Shinkaiye from Odo-eri and I were colleagues in the Foreign Service as we joined the service when we graduated in 1972. 

    I have been following the great work and the philanthropic services that you have been rendering our people in Yagbaland in particular and in Okunland in general. I have not been fortunate enough to meet with you personally but I am availing myself the opportunity of sending this message to express my sincere appreciation for your consistent dedication to representing your constituency exceedingly well and for helping so many people to better their lives and lifting them up from poverty and despair.

    May God in His infinite mercy reward you.

    The insecurity problem in Okunland is enormous and I have been following the efforts which your good self and Distinguished Senator Karimi have been taking towards combatting the suffering of our people in the hands of terrorists/ bandits. I wish to doff my hat to you both. As the Kogi government seems to leave our people to their fate rather than tackling the issue headlong, I would like to suggest the following:

    First:  A collective approach is needed by your good self, Senator Karimi and all other Okun members of the national and state assemblies to approach both the Minister of Defence and the Chief of Army Staff to establish strong military outposts in each of the five Local Government Areas in Okunland to rid our land of the terrible terrorists/bandits.  Although two military posts are reported to have been established, one at Egbe and another one Olle or so in Bunuland, each local government area should have well-manned and equipped outposts due to the large areas of Okunland.

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    Second:  Prevail on the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, to train and equip adequately youths in Okunland as effective vigilantes, rather than sending Fulani vigilantes to Okunland with AK47 assault rifles and who do not know our territory well but rely on our unarmed local youths to show them the hideouts of the terrorists/ bandits. Our youths, who are the locals on the spot, know the terrain better than strangers. So, let the NSA help in this regard.

    Third: Approach the Kogi State governor to complement your efforts and those of the federal government to ensure that Okunland is protected from terrorists/kidnappers who are invading our land from Niger and Kwara states. Our people are peaceful and have no arms to defend themselves; thus, they should not be left alone by the state government to fend for themselves.

    Fourth:  Encourage the youths, both men and women, at ward levels, to be courageous enough to act as community intelligence people who will be invaluable assets to our law enforcement agencies towards ridding Okunland of terrorism and kidnapping. When they see something unusual or suspicious, they should report it immediately.   The price of freedom, it has been said, is eternal vigilance.

    Finally, fifth:  Stage town hall meetings with our traditional leaders, local government chairmen and the people to encourage them to be vigilant and protect their communities. During this period of security emergency, let yourself and other assembly members and Senator Karimi focus on security projects as your main constituency objectives, particularly since there can be no development without security.

    •Dr Jaiyeola Lewu,

    Former, Nigeria’s Ambassador to Brazil, Paraguay, and Bolivia,

    Abuja.

  • Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    • A spate of painful reforms is beginning to show results

    When Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, Olusegun Obasanjo, the elected president, set out to clean up the economy after years of mismanagement by military governments. Initially dismissed by critics, by the end of his second term Mr Obasanjo’s liberal policies had tamed inflation, spurred investment and raised annual GDP growth to around 7%. It didn’t last.

    Over the past decade GDP per person has fallen. Yet evidence is now mounting that another stretch of “golden years”, as one analyst calls the period following Mr Obasanjo’s liberalisation, may be on the cards.

    In the past two and a half years Bola Tinubu, who in Mr Obasanjo’s day was the governor of Lagos and was elected president in 2023, has been enacting his own set of structural reforms. As he gears up to run for a second term in 2027, they may be starting to pay off.

    It is difficult to overstate the mess Mr Tinubu inherited. When he took office in 2023, the country’s central bank had $7bn (equivalent to 1.4% of gdp at the time) in obligations it could not meet, prompting international investors to flee en masse. The bank’s credibility had been dented by a recklessly loose monetary policy, its mismanagement of dwindling foreign-exchange reserves and efforts to maintain an unsustainable tiered exchange-rate system. In 2022 alone the cash-strapped government spent some $10bn, equivalent to 2.2% of GDP, on a ruinous fuel subsidy.

    To fix things, Mr Tinubu’s government got on with a package of drastic structural reforms. It abolished the fuel subsidy and abandoned that multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, largely allowing the naira to float.

    The central bank aggressively tightened monetary policy to curb the resulting bout of inflation. The government also moved to improve security in the Niger Delta and offered a range of tax incentives to investors to boost dwindling oil production.

    Nearly three years on, Nigeria’s 230m people, especially the poor and the middle class, are still reeling from increases in fuel and food prices. Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping. The annual inflation rate, which hit a nearly 30-year high of 34.8% in December 2024, fell to 15.2% in December 2025.

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    Growth is returning. The IMF expects the economy to expand by 4.4% in 2026. Following two steep devaluations in 2023, the naira has stabilised. The central bank’s foreign-exchange reserves have risen to $46bn, their highest level in seven years.

    Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence. On January 22nd Shell, a British company, said it hopes in 2027 to finalise plans, with partners, to develop a $20bn offshore oilfield that has been sitting untapped for over 20 years. Exxon Mobil, an American firm, has committed $1.5bn to deepwater development until 2027.

    Local business leaders are more upbeat, too. Oil-and-gas production is rising, much of it driven by local firms plugging leaks and improving output in onshore projects in the Niger Delta, which has become safer thanks to Mr Tinubu’s focus on security there.

    All this should give the government some fiscal breathing room, particularly as the cheaper naira begins to raise the competitiveness of Nigeria’s non-oil exports such as cocoa and cashew nuts.

    Recent reforms to taxation and tax collection, Mr Tinubu’s latest project, should help improve revenues further in the coming years. Falling inflation should eventually begin to ease the cost-of-living pain.

    However, even optimists have plenty of reasons to be cautious. Savings from the fuel subsidy have largely been spent on servicing the public debt, which is still rising as the government continues to borrow against future sales of oil to fund its deficit. Currently, some 60% of revenues are consumed by debt service.

    On January 20th Nigeria’s finance minister said the government hoped to borrow less this year, but current budget projections suggest that is not realistic. “The government is broke. There’s nothing to invest in the future, that’s the truth,” says Esili Eigbe of Escap, a Nigerian consultancy.

    Unless the government cuts civil-service salaries, another big chunk of spending, or is able to restructure loans to make them cheaper, the extra revenue from recent tax reforms looks unlikely to be available for improving infrastructure or to pay for public health care and education. “They’ve brought the deficit down, but they don’t seem to show any greater ability to get capital projects out of the door,“ says David Cowan, an economist at Citi, an American bank.

    All this means that it will take a long time for ordinary Nigerians, who until now have mostly borne the pain of Mr Tinubu’s reforms, to feel any benefit.

    Buying food has been a particular struggle, not just for the 42% of Nigerians who live on less than $3 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty, but also for the urban middle class. The price of a kilo of rice has nearly quadrupled since May 2023, while wages have barely budged. Even though inflation is now falling, many still struggle to afford enough to eat.

    Mr Obasanjo’s reforms in the early 2000s aimed to increase economic dynamism and improve people’s lives by attracting fresh capital investment into newly privatised sectors. By the end of his second term in 2007, domestic companies were worth $85bn, up from $3bn in 1999.

    Mr Tinubu, by contrast, has so far focused on restoring stability and reviving the country’s ailing oil-and-gas sector. To bring about more golden years for Nigerians, he needs to go beyond that

    • (Culled from The Economist)             

  • President Tinubu: A stumble, a nation’s test

    President Tinubu: A stumble, a nation’s test

    Sir: It began in Turkey—not with a speech or diplomatic breakthrough, but with a stumble: A brief moment when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appeared to lose his balance.

    It was fleeting, the kind of human moment that should have disappeared with the next news cycle. Instead, it ignited Nigeria’s digital space.

    Within hours, social media was flooded with reactions. Some laughed. Some mocked. Some speculated about health. Others turned the incident into memes and exaggerated narratives. A simple misstep became a national spectacle.

    But this is not the first time. During a previous national ceremony, a similar moment occurred. Then, President Tinubu responded not with anger, but with history.

    He reminded Nigerians of his role in the struggle for democracy, of the risks he took, the exile he endured, and the resistance he was part of during military rule.

    He spoke as someone who had paid a price for the democratic space Nigerians now freely occupy—even the freedom to criticise him.

    Yet today, the same man is reduced to hashtags.

    Let us be honest. In African culture—especially in Nigeria—age carries meaning. Leadership carries meaning. You may question authority, but you do not ridicule elders. You do not strip leaders of basic human dignity, even in disagreement.

    President Tinubu is not just a political figure; he is an elderly statesman and the sitting president. Mockery may feel like political expression, but it also reflects a loss of cultural restraint. Criticism is legitimate. Humiliation is not.

    There is also a national dimension. However divided Nigerians may be politically, the presidency represents the state. When Nigerians publicly demean their own president, the image of the country itself suffers. Those who think they are only attacking Tinubu may not realise they are also diminishing Nigeria’s institutional dignity.

    However, respect does not mean silence, and dignity does not erase accountability. The moment should not be weaponised for ridicule, but neither should it shield the government from legitimate scrutiny.

    Some Nigerians now ask bluntly: Is Tinubu fit for the seat? That question must be answered with history, not emotion.

    Tinubu’s political journey did not begin yesterday. He served as a senator. He governed Lagos State. Under his tenure, Lagos laid foundations for becoming Nigeria’s economic hub. He built political structures, mentored leaders, and played a central role in the coalition that birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC). He navigated complex political battles and ultimately won the presidency after one of the most competitive political journeys in Nigeria’s history.

    It is intellectually dishonest to claim such a figure rose without political skill, strategic thinking, or administrative experience. The record exists. The political structures he built exist. The leaders he influenced exist.

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    This does not make him beyond criticism—but it does place current narratives in perspective.

    World leaders stumble. Joe Biden has stumbled. Barack Obama has stumbled. Leaders are human before they are offices. A physical misstep is not proof of incapacity.

    If falling were a qualification test, many global leaders would fail. So why should Tinubu’s stumble be treated as a national crisis or a national comedy? It is neither.

    Nigeria faces serious economic and social challenges, but it is not alone. Inflation, debt pressures, insecurity, and global instability are realities many countries face. The presidency should therefore be judged by policy outcomes, not viral clips.

    Let citizens assess reforms, security strategy, economic management, and governance delivery. Let debates be grounded in data, not memes. History—not hashtags—will be the final judge.

    Tinubu’s stumble in Turkey revealed more about us than about him. It exposed our impatience, our anger, our digital culture of mockery, and our fragile relationship with leadership.

    Citizens must criticise constructively, demand accountability, and push for better governance. But we must not destroy the dignity of national institutions in the process.

    Because when the presidency is reduced to ridicule, the state itself weakens. And when a nation learns too easily to laugh at itself, it may soon find itself with reasons to cry.

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun, exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Nigeria’s great economic rebound

    Nigeria’s great economic rebound

    Sir: Nigeria may not be out of the woods yet, but under the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the country is showing real promise.

    At some point in the Buhari presidency, he openly admitted that though he knew even before he was elected that Nigeria had serious challenges, he didn’t expect the magnitude of the challenges he encountered in office. Despite the challenges, the current administration is showing a marked departure from its predecessor in two key areas that may yet be the most defining for Nigerians: security and the economy.

    Insecurity in Nigeria has really spiralled during the past decade. Terrorism in its many forms has made many parts of the country insecure, causing Nigerians indescribable anguish at home and imponderable embarrassment abroad by casting the country as critically unsafe.

    Before the advent of the current administration, communities in Southern Kaduna, Benue State, Plateau State, and many other states spread over the core north were regular stomping grounds for criminals of all shades and stripes. While it would be premature to state that the criminals have been conclusively routed, it is clear that they have been largely put in their place, underlining the mammoth efforts that have gone into containing a problem that once threatened the very existence of Nigeria.

    For many Nigerians, poverty remains a costly bed mate. The Nigerian economy was practically in tatters before the current administration came to power.

     Any decision bordering on the removal of fuel subsidy was bound to be critically unpopular, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took the unprecedented step of removing it.

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    The uproar, which was great, has remained even in the face of the president’s defiance, which he has expertly melded with other decisive steps to rescue Nigeria’s economy. The result of such firmness is that for the first time in many years, the Nigerian economy is producing shoots of recovery.

    As per The Economist, which has heavily criticized the Nigerian government in the past, the Nigerian economy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is showing signs of recovery.

    The British journal pointed out the abolition of the fuel subsidy and abandonment  of the multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, which has  largely allowed  the naira to float, as key to the forceful signs of economic rejuvenation noticed.

    For a publication that has previously stuck a boot into successive Nigerian governments, this is no idle commentary on a key aspect of Nigeria. It definitely means that the country is on the right path.

    A lot of work remains to be done to completely rescue Nigerians from poverty and set the country moving in the right direction. It is never going to be easy, but with the right amount of decisiveness, Nigeria can continue to engineer a rousing departure from its dark and dreary recent past.

    It is only hoped that the ominous politics of 2027 will not derail a promising project.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Of drug abuse and gambling

    Of drug abuse and gambling

    Sir: The fight against illicit drugs in Nigeria has been persistent, intensified, and increasingly impossible to ignore. Over the years, the federal government, through the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), has implemented several measures aimed at reducing both drug demand and supply. While notable progress has been made, emerging patterns, particularly the strong link between drug abuse and gambling, continue to pose serious challenges.

    Various strategies have been deployed to curb drug trafficking and abuse. Drug supply chains and trafficking routes have been disrupted and tighter regulations and monitoring mechanisms have been introduced to prevent recurrence. These efforts have led to the interception of major drug routes and the arrest of key drug dealers, significantly reducing the availability of illicit substances in many areas. Despite these achievements, drug demand remains a major concern, especially when addiction progresses to dependence.

    A critical issue complicating the situation is the close relationship between illegal drug use and gambling. In today’s digital age, drug users are often exposed to gambling platforms within the same online environments where illicit substances are promoted or discussed. Gambling, in many cases, becomes a means of generating funds to sustain drug use and maintain addiction. This cycle is particularly common among individuals already struggling with dependency.

    Stress, personal challenges, unemployment, and persistent overthinking are major contributors to the initiation and continuation of drug use. These pressures can push individuals toward substance abuse as a coping mechanism. Over time, this dependence may expand into gambling addiction, especially when financial difficulties arise. Gambling is often perceived as a quick solution to money problems, but it typically worsens the situation.

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    Drug use and gambling tend to reinforce each other, creating a dangerous cycle. Drugs may be used to cope with gambling losses or emotional distress, while gambling is used to finance drug consumption. Gradually, both behaviours become normalized as temporary “feel-good” solutions. Unfortunately, this normalization masks the long-term damage being done.

    The NDLEA has consistently played a vital role in addressing this crisis by raising awareness through various media platforms about the harmful effects of drug abuse and its impact on overall well-being. Public education remains a powerful tool in discouraging substance abuse and promoting healthier coping mechanisms.

    While Nigeria has made commendable progress in disrupting drug supply and enforcing regulations, addressing drug demand and its link to gambling addiction remains critical. A holistic approach that combines enforcement, mental health support, public awareness, and rehabilitation is essential. By tackling both drug abuse and gambling together, Nigeria can reduce their combined impact and promote a healthier, more resilient society.

    •Ojoma Omale, Kogi State.

  • When NSITF took intervention project to Enugu

    When NSITF took intervention project to Enugu

    By Nwachukwu Godson

    The Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) is delivering visible and distinct progress across the nation’s world of work. This transformation is not episodic but linear, marked by measurable and sustained improvement. An era of institutional awakening aptly describes current developments within the nation’s apex social security agency.

    A clear example is the revival of the Safe Workplace Intervention Project (SWIP)-a flagship social intervention initiative that had been abandoned for nearly a decade. SWIP is a programme designed to promote and reward excellence in occupational safety culture across workplaces. It is jointly run by the NSITF and the Nigeria Employers’ Consultative Association (NECA), with the Occupational Safety and Health Department of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment as the technical audit partner.

    Last held in 2018, the programme had largely faded from public consciousness. But the tide has turned. SWIP has returned with the kick-off of the delayed 2025 edition,  in Lagos on January 20, 2026 for the South West zone; continuing in Enugu on January 22 for the South East/South South zone; and concluding in Abuja on January 27, 2026 for the Northern zone. This essay focuses on the Enugu edition for specific and compelling reasons.

    SWIP is conceived as a fulcrum for the continuous growth of occupational safety and health (OSH), with expanded social protection driving increased participation in the Employees’ Compensation Scheme (ECS). It serves as a lever that pivots the ECS from a reactive compensation framework to a proactive prevention model, recognising that accident prevention is the first and most critical step in employee compensation. In essence, the scheme prioritises safety first, and compensation only when the inevitable occurs.

    The programme provides a structured interface between employers, employees, and regulators, rewarding outstanding safety consciousness through rigorous workplace audits. It measures occupational safety performance, identifies infrastructural gaps, and advocates upgrades in safety infrastructure. In doing so, SWIP foregrounds OSH standards and ECS compliance within the broader social security ecosystem, while instilling a strong culture of accident prevention in workplaces.

    In Enugu, the event held at the Amadeo Event Centre in the heart of the Coal City. The gathering evoked palpable nostalgia, as employers and employees converged from across the old Eastern Region on their former regional capital. Attendance included the Enugu State Governor, Peter Mbah, represented by the Commissioner for Trade and Investment, Samuel Ogbu-Nwobodo; the Honourable Minister of State for Labour and Employment, Nkiruka Onyejiocha; the Managing Director of NSITF, Oluwaseun Faleye; the Chairman of NECA, Ifeanyi Okoye; NECA Director-General, Adewale Smart-Oyerinde; NSITF Executive Directors Mojisola Alli-Maculay (Operations) and Sama’ila Abdu (Administration); the representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC); captains of industry; and workers.

    In his address, the Governor reaffirmed Enugu State’s commitment to creating a safe and investor-friendly environment, noting significant improvements in the ease of doing business. The Minister of State for Labour and Employment emphasised the Ministry would continue to enforce occupational safety standards to protect workers and enhance national productivity.

    The Managing Director of NSITF, Oluwaseun Faleye, stated that the future of work would be defined by how well the nation protects its workforce. He stressed that every worker matters and that no job is worth a life, describing these principles as central to the Employees Compensation Scheme. He further described SWIP as a strategic platform for raising awareness on ECS compliance while placing occupational safety and health at the forefront of national discourse.

    NECA Chairman, Ifeanyi Okoye, who noted that he is the first South-Easterner to lead the association and the first NECA chairman outside Lagos, described the occasion as historic. He said the programme enhances employers’ understanding of their legal obligations regarding occupational safety and health. Echoing this view, NECA Director-General, Adewale Smart-Oyerinde, described workers’ safety and welfare as the most profitable investment any employer can make.

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    The session drew significant applause when the representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress, an associate professor, called for wages and incomes to rise proportionately with inflation. “As the prices of goods and services surge, we want the same inflation on our income and wages,” she declared, to loud approval from workers in attendance.

    In her presentation, the Executive Director, Operations, Mojisolaoluwa Macaulay, revealed that the Fund has registered over 197,938 companies, covering more than seven million employees. She noted that in 2025 alone, occupational safety awareness programmes were conducted in 2,763 companies, while 814 workplace accidents, including 23 fatalities, were investigated. She added that over N1 billion was paid in compensatory benefits during the year, including more than N400 million paid to 39 Nigeria Customs Service personnel. She concluded that when prevention is prioritised, compensation becomes a safety net rather than a system under strain.

    The 2025 SWIP exercise involved audits of 250 selected workplaces nationwide, conducted by trained teams from the Ministry of Labour to ensure integrity and transparency. Continuous feedback was provided to the Project Planning and Coordination Committee throughout the process. Winners emerged based on seven thematic audit areas, including outstanding workplace safety, safety innovation, leadership excellence in OSH, emergency preparedness, sustainability and emergency management, zero-accident achievement, community impact and corporate social responsibility, as well as overall zonal performance. All audited workplaces received certificates, while winners were rewarded with items such as ambulances, wearable digital exposure monitoring devices, fire extinguishers, safety signages and posters, reflective jackets, and industrial safety helmets.

    While the exercise was widely applauded, it also raised important questions about occupational safety culture in the South East. All 24 prizes, from first to third positions, were won by companies in Enugu and Abia States, leaving workplaces in Anambra, Imo, and Ebonyi States without any awards. Notably, no company from the industrial clusters of Onitsha and Nnewi featured among the winners-raising a timely alarm on the need to strengthen workplace safety consciousness across the zone.

    •Godson is the General Manager, Estate and Maintenance, Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF).

  • Post-USAID Nigeria: A new path for NGOs and Renewed Hope Ward programme

    Post-USAID Nigeria: A new path for NGOs and Renewed Hope Ward programme

    By Judith-Ann Walker, PhD

    On 20 January 2025, the United States government issued Executive Order 14169 (EO 14169), effectively ending 65 years of USAID assistance to Nigeria. That relationship began in 1961 with grants to four major colleges of agriculture at Nigerian universities in Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria and Ife. An in-depth review of USAID’s official assistance to Nigeria between 2002 and 2024 shows a steady rise in US commitment to Nigeria’s development. From a US$90 million obligation in 2002 — the first fiscal year after Nigeria’s return to civilian rule and recertification — funding climbed to a peak of US$1 billion in the 2023 budget year. By 2024, USAID’s obligated funds to Nigeria had fallen slightly to US$930.2 million.

    For much of those 65 years, USAID operated a programming model in Nigeria that favoured US implementing partners, with disproportionate funding directed towards US consultants’ fees, grants to US prime partners and contracts for US technical assistance firms. Less widely known is that, shortly before USAID’s departure, its Nigeria mission was the only development partner with a clearly defined localisation policy shaped by Grand Bargain commitments. This policy set targets for increasing funding to Nigerian NGOs and reducing awards to US partners. Over a ten-year period, USAID data accessed in 2024 showed that direct funding to local Nigerian partners rose from 4.2 per cent in 2002 to 10.2 per cent in 2022 as a share of total obligated funds.

    Under USAID’s localisation policy, Nigerian NGOs received direct funding alongside capacity-strengthening support and sector-wide civil society network development. Nigerian NGOs working in HIV/AIDS programming were among the main beneficiaries of this model. In 2025, as USAID wound down its Nigeria programmes, one notable initiative to close was an intervention designed to transfer lessons from USAID’s localisation experience in the development sector to Nigeria’s humanitarian sector. This took the form of a formative study by the Fritz Institute (USA) titled Humanitarian Supply Chain Management – Partnership for Localisation. The study was commissioned by USAID Washington and implemented under the supervision of the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning. The Development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC) played a supporting role, providing technical assistance to review and strengthen field research tools.

    With USAID’s exit from both development and humanitarian programming in Nigeria, NGOs in the humanitarian space lost the opportunity to benefit from the Fritz study. In the development sector, several leading Nigerian NGOs that had received direct USAID funding lost their grants. Thousands of smaller sub-grantee organisations working under larger NGOs to deliver community-level services were also affected. Since April 2025, Nigerian NGOs operating in areas such as youth entrepreneurship, climate justice, public health advocacy, school safety, reducing the number of zero-dose children, and human rights have been forced to close programmes, shut offices and lay off staff.

    For Nigerian NGOs that have remained active into 2026 and continue to deliver impactful work despite funding constraints, this period has demanded forced innovation — building new networks, engaging new funders and pursuing collective advocacy for more sustainable financing.

    On 24 October 2025, the Nigerian offices of three philanthropic foundations — the MacArthur Foundation, the Ford Foundation and Luminate — convened a pivotal dialogue on the future resilience of Nigerian NGOs in the absence of large donor funding. Over five hours, NGOs, development partners, researchers and thought leaders debated key issues raised in a keynote presentation by The Nextier Group, before agreeing on strategic recommendations to strengthen sustainability and resilience across the sector. While many recommendations challenged NGOs to rethink strategies, diversify funding sources and adopt new business models, others called on development partners to be more innovative in providing long-term strategic support.

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    A key issue raised by the Executive Director of dRPC at the close of the dialogue was the need to reframe NGO sustainability within the broader context of localisation in development assistance. Although USAID has departed, localisation — its flagship downward accountability priority — should not disappear from Nigeria’s aid landscape. She highlighted a strategic opportunity to strengthen the Nigerian NGO sector by mainstreaming localisation principles into Nigeria’s National Official Development Assistance (ODA) Policy, which is currently under review by the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning. This could involve embedding clear guidelines for funding and capacity-strengthening support for Nigerian NGOs at national and sub-national levels across both development and humanitarian value chains.

    As Nigerian NGOs confront the financial headwinds of 2026, far more needs to be done to provide fit-for-purpose funding similar to the small grants offered through initiatives such as dRPC’s NGO Support Initiative (NSI) with Ford Foundation support, as well as programmes backed by ACT Foundation, Global Affairs Canada, Irish Aid and the Government of Hungary.

    Equally significant is a new opportunity for the Nigerian government to provide direct support to community-based civil society organisations through initiatives such as the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme (RHWD). The positive development is that the grant award process under RHWD opened in 2026. However, the process currently accepts applications only from individuals through Ward Coordinators. While commendable, the initiative could achieve far greater impact with modest redesign to include the thousands of community and self-help groups across Nigeria working to improve the lives of vulnerable populations.

    •Walker, PhD (International Development, ISS, The Hague), is Executive Director of dRPC and a member of Nigeria’s Presidential High-Level Council on Women and Girls. Email: info@drpcngr.org

  • Osimhen: Oliseh talks the talk

    Osimhen: Oliseh talks the talk

    Post-Africa Nations Cup (AFCON), Morocco 2025, Sunday Oliseh, former Super Eagles captain and ex-national team coach, has outed with why Nigeria lost in the semi-final, against the hosts, Morocco: Victor Osimhen, the Eagles talisman and goal machine, bullied Ademola Lukman, lovable gentleman and attack dynamo.

    By that, Oracle Oliseh just roared, Osimhen killed the team spirit during the Round of 16 Mozambique match, which the Eagles won 4:0. Though Nigeria had already scored a quad of goals, Osimhen berated his colleagues for not passing to him, since he had a good chance of adding to the goal tally.

    Some folks claim Osimhen was desperate for a hat trick — and thus selfish — since he already got a brace. But that’s all bull, given the beautiful goal he crafted for Akor Adams against Algeria, when he could easily have gone for glory himself. No, Osimhen is no selfish player. Yes: he wants to score. But beyond that, he always plays for the team. That’s clear to every rational and unbiased mind.

    But to the Oliseh charge that Osimhen “killed” the team spirit against Morocco, even after decisioning Algeria, who became a mere 90-minute wimp, mesmerized by Nigeria’s dazzling, attacking football, immediately after Mozambique? Let’s just say Oliseh suffers from the win-all-the-time syndrome of the Nigerian ball fans.

    But again, Osimhen will answer for his mercurial on-field temper, just to get the job done. In the same mien, Lukman will ever gross more admirers, when the subject is eternal cool and politeness, even under match tension and provocation. The Eagles manager, the often unsung Eric Chelle, did a good job managing both at AFCON.

    Still, Oliseh pontificating on discipline while flogging Osimhen? Wonders shall never end! Of Oliseh’s generation, who was more truculent than Oliseh? Talk is cheap!

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    Oliseh’s notorious truculence, with teammates and officials alike, was among reasons the team was disbanded; and he couldn’t go to Korea/Japan 2002 World Cup. The Eagles had nicked yet another bronze at the Mali AFCON in 2002.

    Oliseh might be the most articulate of his generation. But he’s in no place to posture over humility or discipline. As a player, he was the diametric opposite of both!

    Why, even, as a coach, his hauteur led to losing Vincent Enyeama, one of Nigeria’s safest pair of hands, ever! What’s more? After the late Stephen Keshi, Oliseh was brought in to build the team. But he rather scattered it because of draconian codes he wouldn’t, as a player, take from any coach. Enyeama, the team’s captain then, called his bluff and walked out.

    Horrors of horrors! He even fled from the wreckage he caused by a hasty resignation! What crass cowardice!

    But Oliseh’s cheap talk over Osimhen is a media crisis. He knows Nigerians often lack institutional memory; and could blab anything and get away with it. An Eagles captain booted out of the World Cup, because of indiscipline, has nothing to teach anyone on discipline.