The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Why Tinubu must reject media trial of his ambassadorial nominees

    Why Tinubu must reject media trial of his ambassadorial nominees

    By Gbara Awanen

    On 26th November, 2025, President Bola Tinubu, GCFR, forwarded a list of three ambassadorial nominees to the Senate for confirmation, obviously the first instalment of a much anticipated and longer list to follow. Among the nominees is Ambassador Ayodele Oke, CFR, former Director General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) who headed the Agency between 2013 and 2017. During this period, he faced allegations of corrupt enrichment, which turned out to be unproven.

    Predictably, political buccaneers and some misinformed elements in the civil society are beginning to push back against Ambassador Oke’s nomination, referencing the unproven allegations. While understandable, those seeking to deny this celebrated national intelligence chief and outstanding international public servant are ignorant of the basic facts of this unfortunate saga. Here are the facts. Ambassador Oke was accused, duly investigated, and ultimately cleared of any wrongdoing. On 9th June, 2023, Justice C. J. Aneke of the Federal High Court in Lagos, struct out all charges against him on grounds of national security imperatives and mutual agreement between the prosecution and defence teams to discontinue a case that should never have happened in the first place. The termination of the charges against Ambassador Oke received political validation following President Muhammadu Buhari’s concurrence with the legal and national security dimensions of the case.

    The cornerstone of any just and democratic society is the principle of the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. A formal, final exoneration, whether an acquittal, dismissal, or quashing of charges, is the ultimate declaration of legal innocence. To continue treating an accused “guilty,” despite a final legal verdict affirming innocence is to subvert the constitutional process and the authority of the judiciary. In our democracy, innocence, once established by law, must be upheld. Ambassador Oke’s exoneration means there is no current legal or constitutional barrier to his holding public office again because his past indictment was based on allegations that have now been legally disproven. In this moment, Ambassador Oke’s legal standing is the same as any other citizen of Nigeria with a clean record.

     Society and the government have a moral obligation to treat citizens fairly, especially those who have been subjected to the most severe allegations of public misconduct. Allowing a vile and orchestrated media campaign to succeed would establish a dangerous precedent where accusation alone turns to permanent punishment, regardless of the facts or legal outcome. This would be profoundly unfair. A government should be free to appoint the most qualified individuals to high office and few come close to this eminently qualified nominee in national security and diplomatic governance.

    To withdraw the nomination or disqualify the nominee due to recycled, disproven allegations would politicize the outcome of judicial proceedings. Worse, this would send a dangerous message that one can always weaponize unproven allegations against an accused, effectively overriding the judiciary’s fact-finding role. It goes without saying such an outcome will encourage detractors to mount similar campaigns against any perceived political enemy, regardless of evidence.

    READ ALSO: Ulerawa: How Oyebanji’s reforms is turning Ekiti public hospitals into centre of hope

    By standing firm, the government will be demonstrating its confidence in the justice system and its own nominating authority. It holds detractors, the ignorant and the misinformed accountable to the facts of the legal outcome, not just emotional rhetoric. Standing firm demonstrates strength and stability in governance. After a verdict of complete innocence, the conversation ought to focus on a public official’s current suitability, vision, and future contributions to his country, not on past allegations that have been disproven.

    The decision to stand by the ambassadorial nomination of this fine public officer is a powerful affirmation that in a state governed by law, the legal verdict must prevail over public opinion and political pressure. After all, Ambassador Oke’s exoneration fully restores his legal and moral right to public service. To surrender to a media campaign based on disproven allegations is to undermine the rule of law, perpetuate a grave injustice, and erode the integrity of the public service nominating process.

    The nomination of Ambassador should stand because an accusation is neither guilt nor conviction. After a final and decisive verdict of innocence, the nominee is legally innocent and morally vindicated. His fitness for office must be judged on his current merit and the final judicial outcome, not on the weaponization of past, failed accusations. His current legal standing is the same as any other citizen with unblemished record.  It would therefore be grave injustice to subject Ambassador Oke to a misguided media trial on the same disproven charges.  This outstanding public servant has paid his due to the system by enduring a lengthy and traumatic legal process. He should not be forced to relive the punishment after being declared innocent.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the right call to recognize Ambassador Oke’s sterling qualities by nominating him with two other distinguished personalities as his principal personal representatives in key partner countries in a time of grave national security emergency. What our country needs in this moment are steady, mentally acute, and strategic thinkers, as Ambassador Oke is, to help the government navigate the uncertainties, risks and opportunities in a rapidly shifting and dangerous geopolitical landscape.

    The government must be resolute and reject a media trial that could rob our country of the services of one of its finest diplomats. By standing firm and guiding Ambassador Oke’s nomination through the confirmation process, the government will be making a powerful statement that it favours meritocracy, respects the rule of law, values public service, and is willing to stand by an individual who has been unjustly accused. In times like this, our government must show political and moral courage in the face of an emotional, but factually bankrupt, media frenzy. 

    • Amb Awanen, PhD, mni is a retired Career Ambassador and Mene Eedee 1 Bera in Gokana Local Government, Rivers State.

  • Driving the economy through real estate investment

    Driving the economy through real estate investment

    • By Adekunle Ishaq Olalekan

    Sir: Nigeria’s economic policy narrative under the present administration is one of bold ambitions tempered by harsh realities. The policies which are aimed at reducing the government’s role in the economy, reducing the nation’s overly dependence on the oil sector by pushing through a series of market-oriented measures, encouraging private sector participation, and attracting foreign sector investment, have led to sharp rise in the cost of living.

    Though the economic outlook is showing signs of gradual recovery after years of turbulence, projected growth remains far below what is required to transform the nation’s living standards. The citizens continue to grapple with biting hardship, even as the government reaffirmed its commitment to driving economic transformation, and improving financial stability. As the government pushes with determination, its policies on economic transformation, I suggest it looks more closely in the direction of real estate, with a resolve to harness its potential amidst formidable obstacles.

    Real estate can improve and transform Nigeria’s economy and catalyze it on the path of sustainable development. That is why the more developed nations of the world leverages real estate to grow and develop their economies. In the United States of America for instance, real estate sector is a major component of it’s economy, driving its GDP growth and economic activities, such as job creation and consumer spending.

    Read Also: Insecurity: Senate moves to amend Terrorism Act, proposes death penalty for kidnapping

    Real estate can play a more critical role in our economy. It can contribute more remarkably to the nation’s GDP, and can actually oil and speed up economic growth and development in a very significant manner. If properly harnessed, and under a visible, clear-cut and well-articulated policy regime, real estate will transform Nigeria’s economy more rapidly.

    Nigeria real estate market is not only dynamic, it remains a choice destination for local and international investment, with huge potentials and returns. Nigeria’s over 200 million population, and rapid urbanization makes the sector viable for investment. Shelter is one of the basic needs of man, yet housing is about the most difficult to access in Nigeria. Thousands of Nigerians across the major cities of Nigeria are in search of decent and affordable accommodation, and even when they find one, the cost of rent is out of reach for many. The United Nations estimates that Nigeria needs over 20 million housing units to close its housing deficit. This figure shows the enormous gap between demand and supply in the sector.

    The import of this is that housing deficit provides an opportunity for investment. Infrastructure development enhances real estate development, which in turn positively impacts the economy, as its multiplier effect leads to increased investment, commerce, job and wealth creation.

    •Adekunle Ishaq Olalekan,

    Lagos.

  • Open letter to the senate

    Open letter to the senate

    • By Chionye Hencs Odiaka

    Sir: The recent decision by the senate to classify kidnapping and banditry as acts of terrorism along with the approval of the death penalty for offenders is a bold and commendable step toward restoring security across our nation. Nigerians have endured years of pain, fear and uncertainty. Families have been shattered, businesses crippled and communities displaced by the persistent surge of kidnapping and violent crimes. While the senate’s resolution is timely and necessary, it is only the beginning. Without complementary reforms to strengthen the judicial process, the impact of this new legislation may fall short of the expectations of citizens who are yearning for true justice.

    I urge the senate to establish a special court for kidnapping and violent crimes through federal legislation. This should not be an optional addition to our justice system but an urgent necessity to give real meaning to the senate’s recent declaration. The special court must be empowered to conduct speedy trials because kidnapping cases often drag on for years, creating delays that embolden criminals and frustrate victims. Fast tracked hearings and judgments will cut through the bureaucracy that currently slows justice. The certainty and swiftness of punishment are far more effective deterrents than punishment alone.

    The court must also ensure clear and firm sentencing. It should differentiate between cases where the victim survives and those where the victim is killed. When lives are taken, the death penalty already approved by the senate must apply. When victims survive, life imprisonment should be the minimum sentence. This distinction ensures proportional justice while maintaining a zero tolerance approach to violent crime.

    Read Also: NAF promotes 57 officers to new ranks

    Another major challenge is enforcement. One significant reason why death sentences in Nigeria rarely reach execution is the constitutional requirement for governors to sign death warrants. Over the years, many governors have declined to do so for political, religious or personal reasons. As a result, convicted murderers and kidnappers often remain on death row indefinitely or eventually secure reprieves. This loophole weakens the justice system and emboldens criminals who believe the law can be circumvented.

    A special court must therefore be empowered to enforce its judgments without reliance on gubernatorial approval. Justice should not depend on political will or personal philosophy. The laws of the Federal Republic should be enforced uniformly and consistently. The court should also oversee the full implementation of its judgments, whether death penalty or life imprisonment, to ensure that justice is not merely pronounced but fully carried out. Nigeria cannot continue with a system where convictions are delivered but never enforced.

    To the senate, I say the time to act decisively is now. You have already taken the courageous step of labelling kidnapping as terrorism and approving the death penalty. The next step, which is the establishment of a special court and the removal of the enforcement bottleneck caused by governors’ refusal to sign death warrants, will transform this legislation from theory into meaningful impact. If Nigeria must curb the scourge of kidnapping, justice must be sure, swift and complete. Only then will criminals understand that our nation will no longer tolerate this reign of terror. Establishing this special court is the surest path to restoring peace, strengthening the rule of law and protecting the lives of citizens.

    I urge the senate to act with the urgency this crisis demands.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka

    Delta State.

  • Ezra Olubi: Lessons from the fall of a digital genius

    Ezra Olubi: Lessons from the fall of a digital genius

    • By Shuaib S. Agaka

    Sir: What began as quiet online murmurs soon exploded into screenshots, threads, and timelines filled with decade-old posts—explicit jokes, sexual comments involving minors, unsettling humour, and troubling allegations linked to a man once regarded as one of Africa’s most brilliant innovators. Ezra Olubi, co-founder of Paystack and the unconventional face of a $200 million acquisition by Stripe, was suddenly trending not for genius, but for shock, disbelief, and disappointment.

    By the end of the week, applause had given way to interrogation. Tweets long buried resurfaced with force, including remarks about young girls, fetish-tinged statements, sexualised humour, and accusations of inappropriate conduct with a younger colleague. The same online community that once amplified his brilliance now demanded clarity and accountability. His image was not dismantled by a mob; it was undone by his own digital past.

    Read Also: Insecurity: Senate moves to amend Terrorism Act, proposes death penalty for kidnapping

    Long before Ezra Olubi’s name became synonymous with African fintech, he developed an early fascination with computers—a passion that guided him through Babcock University, where he graduated with first-class honours in Computer Engineering. After years of freelancing and building systems, he teamed up with Shola Akinlade in 2015 to co-found Paystack, a company designed to simplify online payments for Nigerian businesses. What began as a niche solution evolved into one of Africa’s most influential fintech giants.

    Tech Digest reports that in 2020, Paystack secured one of Africa’s biggest start-up exits when Stripe acquired it for over $200 million. The achievement catapulted Ezra into national recognition, earning him the Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) in 2022. His public persona—gender-nonconforming, flamboyant, and unapologetically unconventional—challenged Nigeria’s conservative norms and made him both an icon for some and a target for others. This tension amplified everything around him: praise, scrutiny, admiration, and resentment.

    But even before the scandal erupted, whispers circulated privately, concerns about blurred boundaries, troubling jokes, and behaviour many found odd but excused as eccentricity. These early signs were often dismissed in the shadow of his achievements—until the spark came.

    When Nigerians began circulating screenshots of Ezra’s old tweets, the reaction was immediate and visceral. These were not vague insinuations but explicit posts. The tweets, resurfacing all at once, created a digital avalanche that reshaped public perception overnight.

    As the tweets dominated social media, allegations followed. Anonymous accounts and pseudonymous participants in audio spaces recalled encounters that suggested manipulation, inappropriate conduct, or imbalance of power. One alleged ex, known only as “Maki,” claimed she experienced concerning behaviour that blurred lines between personal freedom and predatory tendencies. As stories multiplied, Ezra’s digital reputation collapsed.

    Paystack, once shielded by his brilliance, found itself at the epicentre of a reputational crisis. The company suspended him pending investigation—a move that signalled internal panic. Investors grew uneasy, partners demanded clarity, and Stripe assessed potential damage to its global reputation. Eventually, termination became inevitable. Ezra released a rebuttal, attempting to contextualise the tweets as satire or youthful foolishness, but the harm was irreversible. Corporate institutions act swiftly when founders become liabilities.

    Ezra’s downfall has significant implications for Nigeria’s tech ecosystem. For years, founders were celebrated as untouchable disruptors—ingenious, eccentric, and exempt from public morality. This incident shattered that myth. The new reality is clear: innovation does not erase accountability. Investors, regulators, and the public are now recalibrating how they judge tech leadership—not just by vision, but by character.

    His story is a cautionary tale for digital natives and future innovators. The internet never forgets, and brilliance is not a moral shield. In an era where digital footprints become evidence and public perception shapes legacy, Ezra’s journey reinforces a timeless truth: talent builds empires, but character sustains them.

    Ezra Olubi built part of Africa’s digital economy, but his legacy is now inseparable from the words he once posted carelessly into the world. His rise and fall will be studied not just as a narrative of success, but as a reminder that even genius must answer to the standards of its time.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka,

    Kano.

  • The judicial divide on ARCON’s constitutional powers

    The judicial divide on ARCON’s constitutional powers

    • By Adeyemi Pitan

    Recent developments in Nigeria’s marketing communication and advertising industry following the enactment of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) Act 2022 have raised important questions about the constitutionality of the Act and the extent of the National Assembly’s legislative authority to centralize regulation across the sector.

    The Act attempts to bring all players under a single federal regulatory system. Two recent Federal High Court decisions have now produced conflicting interpretations of the National Assembly’s authority, especially regarding outdoor advertising and hoarding, which are not expressly listed in either the Exclusive or Concurrent Legislative Lists. Justice Akintayo Aluko of the Lagos Division declared ARCON’s powers unconstitutional when applied to outdoor advertising by relying on a strict textual reading of the Constitution, while Justice Isa H. Dashen of the Lokoja Division upheld the same powers by adopting a broad and harmonizing approach that considers the overall structure of Nigeria’s constitutional order.

    The Lagos decision arose from Massilia Motors Limited v. ARCON delivered on November 7 2025. Massilia Motors had installed outdoor signage consisting of flags bearing its Mitsubishi brand and tagline. ARCON described the installation as an unapproved lamp pole advertisement, demanded prior approval, and later issued a Criminal Summons after non-compliance. Massilia Motors challenged ARCON’s authority.

    Read Also: Insecurity: Senate moves to amend Terrorism Act, proposes death penalty for kidnapping

    Justice Aluko held that Paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution vests exclusive power over outdoor advertising and hoarding in Local Governments and declared sections of the ARCON Act unconstitutional to the extent that they regulate outdoor advertising. ARCON’s enforcement actions were set aside and costs were awarded to the plaintiff.

    Only five days later, on November 12 2025, Justice Dashen of the Lokoja Division delivered judgment in Godec Power Nigeria Ltd v. Attorney General of the Federation and ARCON.

    The plaintiff took a similar position by challenging ARCON’s constitutional authority. Justice Dashen upheld the validity of the ARCON Act in full. He held that the National Assembly has legislative competence under Items 49, 62 and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List. He distinguished control of the physical structures used for outdoor advertising, which he accepted as falling within Local Government authority, from the regulation of advertising content and professional standards, which he held to be matters properly within federal competence. The suit was dismissed with costs against the plaintiff.

    Justice Aluko relied on a strict literal approach. He held that the words of Paragraph 1(k)(i) are clear and leave no room for distinction between the advertising medium and advertising content. In his view, Local Governments control both. He relied heavily on Section 1(3) of the Constitution to strike down any part of the ARCON Act that touches outdoor advertising, and he refused to read any implied limits or distinctions into the text.

    Justice Dashen approached the same issues from the opposite interpretive direction. Drawing from authorities such as A.G. Bendel v. A.G. Federation, Nafiu Rabiu v. Kano State and Ishola v. Ajiboye, he emphasized that constitutional provisions must be read as a coherent whole rather than in isolation. He examined the legislative powers of the National Assembly in detail.

    Under Item 49 he held that advertising is an organized profession similar to engineering and accountancy and therefore within federal authority. Under Item 62 he held that advertising is incidental to trade and commerce and therefore within the reach of federal regulation.

    Under Item 68 he relied on established precedent confirming that the National Assembly may exercise incidental powers broadly where necessary to give effect to matters already within its jurisdiction.

    The Lokoja judgment also revived the distinction between regulating the physical medium of signage and regulating advertising content and professional conduct. It held that the Constitution assigns Local Governments only the power to control physical structures and locations, leaving the regulation of content, ethics and standards to federal authorities.

    The ARCON Act, with its broad definitions and emphasis on consumer protection and professional practice, fits squarely within this federal domain. Justice Dashen further noted the impracticality of requiring national advertisers to seek approval from over seven hundred Local Governments, which would create an unworkable regulatory environment.

    The two decisions now stand in clear conflict.

    The Lagos judgment rests on a narrow reading that gives absolute priority to Paragraph 1(k)(i), while the Lokoja judgment harmonizes that paragraph with the broader legislative powers granted to the National Assembly. The holistic approach is more consistent with Supreme Court guidance in cases such as A.G. Ondo v. A.G. Federation, which insist that courts must avoid interpretations that fragment constitutional powers or frustrate national regulatory schemes where both levels of government can operate without contradiction. The Lagos judgment raises legitimate concerns about federal overreach but does so by adopting an interpretation that is too rigid and that does not accommodate the broader constitutional framework. The Lokoja judgment offers a more coherent and workable interpretation that preserves the role of Local Governments while affirming the federal government’s authority to maintain nationwide advertising standards.

  • BudgIT’s 2025 Report: Dissecting Enugu’s miracle of five loaves and two fish

    BudgIT’s 2025 Report: Dissecting Enugu’s miracle of five loaves and two fish

    • By Henry Ugbolue

    While discussing the 2025 edition of BudgIT’s State of the State Report, an annual publication that evaluates long-term fiscal performance and sustainability of Nigerian states, Arise News ace presenter and social activist, Rufai Oseni, described Enugu State’s emergence as the likeliest state to survive outside of the receipts from the Federation Account Allocation Committee, FAAC, as “The Enugu Miracle.”

    His words: “All of a sudden, Enugu has become a haven for raising money. The Governor Mbah some people never gave a chance is doing so well. He is putting digitisation in place. Enugu is now part of the few states in the country that are actually viable; that is, if they do not get FAAC, they should be able to run… If Enugu can do it, if Enugu can create a miracle – the Enugu Miracle – then what are others doing?”

    One cannot but agree with Oseni, especially given where the state is coming from. Indeed, Enugu’s surge under Governor Peter Mbah can be likened to the miracle of five loaves and two fish as recorded in Matthew 14: 14-21. Observing that the multitude that was with him since morning was hungry, Jesus’ disciples asked him to release them to go into the villages to find something to eat. But Jesus, instead, asked them to feed the multitude – to which they exclaimed in bewilderment that they had just five loaves of bread and two fish left. But Christ took that little blessed it, and asked his disciples to serve it. 5,000 persons were fed. Yet, in the end, 12 baskets of leftovers were gathered.

    According to BudgIT’s 2025 State of the States Report, Enugu State is the most probable state to finance its operating expenses exclusively from internally generated revenue (IGR) without relying on FAAC. The findings were based on Index A, which measures states’ ability to meet recurrent expenditure obligations relying only on IGR. The research methodology for Index A was the ratio of operating expenses to the state’s IGR.

    According to BudgIT, states that rank higher on this index exhibit greater financial autonomy and long-term viability. “States that perform strongly on Index A have comparatively limited dependence on FAAC allocations and thus possess greater viability if they were to theoretically exist as independent entities,” the Report states.

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    The ranking in this regard shows that Enugu State scored 0.68, implying that 68 percent of the state’s IGR would have catered to its operating expenses. Enugu is trailed in the top five states by Lagos State (0.83), Abia State (1.56), Anambra State (1.66), and Kwara State (1.73).

    On Index A1, which measures IGR growth, Enugu again leads the ranking, followed by Bayelsa, Abia, Osun, and Kano. These states recorded the strongest momentum in boosting internally generated revenues during the 2024 fiscal year. According to BudgIT, “While it may be too early to celebrate, as the uptick could partly reflect increased inflows from federation transfers, it is a much better performance than the previous year.”

    In the meantime, whereas Enugu and Lagos lead in IGR ranking, fewer states meet the 50 per cent threshold, as BudgIT’s 2025 State of the States report shows that the number of states generating enough revenue to cover their operating expenses has reduced compared to 2024. Unfortunately, according to BudgIT, 28 states still depend significantly on federal transfers and other external inflows to fund their operations.

    Meanwhile, whereas those who have expressed surprise at Enugu State’s ranking are in order, especially given where the state is coming from in terms of IGR, those who have keenly followed the state’s giant strides and redirection under Governor Peter Mbah, actually saw it coming.

    For instance, Mbah has drastically reversed the state’s Recurrent Expenditure-heavy budget culture – which is actually a subsisting national tradition. Before his coming, the state’s Capital Expenditure hovered around figures not exceeding N30bn, which amounted to about a Capital Expenditure to budget ratio of about 25 to 35 per cent. But in the 2024 budget, Mbah tweaked things positively for the state. That budget consisted of N107.2 billion Recurrent Expenditure or 21 per cent of the record N521.5bn budget and a Capital Expenditure of N414.3 billion, representing 79 per cent of the budget.

    While Nigerians thought that they had seen it, with the new order earning the Mbah Administration reviews by public analysts and editorial comments by several national dailies, he actually took it a notch higher in 2025 budget. The budget comprises N837.9 billion Capital Expenditure, representing 86 per cent of the N971 billion budget, and N133.1 billion Recurrent Expenditure, representing only 14 per cent of the entire budget.

    However, of great significance is the state’s quantum leap in terms of IGR profile. Although Mbah met the state’s IGR at N30bn in May 2023, he ramped it up to N37bn by the close of that year and scaled it up to N180.05bn by the end of 2024, marking a nearly 400 per cent increase in the state’s IGR profile.

    Expectedly, the question on the lips of many is: how was that possible? Basically, whatever has happened in the IGR space is rooted in the principles of transparency, traceability, and accountability of the Mbah Administration. The state’s IGR drive has benefitted so much from the technology to block leakages and also from widening the tax net to bring more people into the revenue stream without increasing the tax rate.

    The Secretary to the State Government, SSG, Prof. Chidiebere Onyia, provided a deeper insight into the state’s IGR revolution in his keynote address at a recent high-level strategy retreat organised by the Governor’s Revenue Assurance Team. In the keynote speech at the retreated themed “From Silos to Synergy: Achieving Unified Revenue Targets Through Coordination and Accountability,” Prof. Onyia gave a participant-witness account of Enugu’s transformative journey, which has practically redefined governance, accountability, and fiscal performance in the state.

    “When Governor Peter Mbah entrusted us with the mandate to reposition Enugu as a model of efficiency and innovation, we knew that business-as-usual would no longer suffice. We needed a bold shift from fragmented silos to a unified, data-driven, and performance-oriented revenue ecosystem. One of the most decisive reforms we undertook was the complete stoppage of cash collection across all MDAs. This was not merely a procedural change; it was a philosophical shift toward transparency and traceability,” he stated.

    The result is that in Enugu State of today, every payment is now routed through digital platforms, ensuring real-time monitoring and eliminating leakages. This bold move has radically reduced opportunities for sharp practices and also enhanced public confidence in the revenue collection system. It has equally helped the administration to build a central revenue intelligence dashboard, allowing the government to monitor every transaction across the state.

    Furthermore, the administration introduced a Performance Appraisal Framework for all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, with each MDA now assigned clear revenue targets linked to their operational mandates. But it does not end with the targets. Monthly and quarterly reviews are conducted, with performance scorecards publicly shared. This enables the government to place underperforming agencies on corrective action plans, while high performers are recognized and rewarded. Importantly, this approach has promoted a culture of healthy competition, innovation, and ownership among public servants.

    The administration has also prioritised capacity building for revenue officers, concentrating on ethics, digital tools, and customer service, thus not just improving revenue, but equally strengthening the social contract between government and governed.

    In the same vein, sharp practices in the revenue collection space are no longer overlooked. As the governor often points out, accountability is not just about systems; it is about consequences. Thus, the administration has maintained a resolute stance against corruption, investigating and prosecuting several cases of fraudulent revenue diversion. The administration further set up a Revenue Compliance and Enforcement Unit, which works very closely with law enforcement and the judiciary, while whistle-blower channels have been activated, thus enabling citizens to report malpractices incognito.

    Importantly, the Mbah Administration has earned the faith or confidence of the people that whatever taxes and other payments they make would be used to work for them. Although there were initial hesitations primarily spurred by old experiences, the people soon realised that with Mbah, it is business unusual. With over 2,000 verifiable completed and ongoing projects spread across the 260 wards of the state, it is a case of the Igbo saying that you may preach to the blind that there is oil in the soup, but not about salt. He can tell them, using his buds. 

    Again, the deployment of a real-time project management dashboard has, among others, visibly strengthened the link between revenue and results, as the citizens can now see how their taxes are transforming roads, schools, hospitals and water systems in real time.

    Yet, Governor Mbah will always be credited with giving governance a human face, ensuring that revenue drive is not without an ample touch of humanity. For instance, in response to complaints received about taxes and the like, he recently inaugurated a committee to carry out a comprehensive review of tax policies, rates, levies, and fees under the control of the state. The committee, which draws its membership from interest groups, market associations, government, organised labour, and the civil society, among others, is to benchmark Enugu State’s revenue practices against Lagos, Abuja, and other South East states as they relate to Land Use Charge, Certificate of Occupancy (C-of-O) fees, market levies, and stall rents, business premises registration, signage and advertisement fees, among others, and recommend reforms.

    Although there is still a long way to go, if Governor Mbah continues on this trajectory, then he is on his way to actualising his campaign promise to wean Enugu State off FAAC allocations and ensure they are saved for future generations, he will also be on the path to actualising his overarching vision to grow the state’s economy sevenfold from $4.4bn to $30bn, eradicate poverty and position it as the premier destination for investment, business, tourism, and for living may well become a fait accompli. It is only a matter of time.

    •Anichukwu writes from Enugu

  • PDP and self-skewed fortune

    PDP and self-skewed fortune

    The PDP debacle, and Chief Bode George’s role in it, are so reminiscent of a Yoruba saying about elders, markets, babies and skewed necks: “Agba ki nwa l’oja, k’ori omo tuntun wo”!

    In other words, elders are elders precisely because they boast a repository of wisdom to take charge and fix things, before they go awry.

    The PDP convention in Ibadan went awry on many fronts: two court verdicts that it be stalled; another court injunction that it should go ahead, pending the determination of the case. 

    In this melee, the “youths” rushed themselves into avoidable errors. But the “elders” too merrily joined them, all pushed by emotions and anger, hardly by scant reason or wisdom. Now, the rushed show of Adamasingba, Ibadan, has morphed into the Wadata House of Commotion, Abuja. Hardly a surprise!

    In truth, the PDP mess is very sticky — and annoying. Many factions, claiming the soul of the party, just can’t help outdoing one another, even opting for the Samson complex — so pissed that crashing the entire structure on own heads, and perishing with it, has become an alluring option.

    But perhaps the most telling part of the confusion was the expulsion of Nyesom Wike and co, the leading lights of the faction contesting the space with the faction of Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, who apparently bank-rolled the Ibadan gathering.

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    Now, this was when it got very crunchy. Only the Makinde faction has the full information on the decision to expel. The Ibadan bloc must have been well and truly pissed at the alleged “anti-party” antics of Wike and co. But if you must go for broke, must an elder be the face of it?

    That’s where Chief George, a retired Navy commodore, earned due flak. Even if you must expel, why couldn’t you have let the new national executive settle down, embed themselves in the national secretariat, before acting? The hot emotion of a rushed expulsion — must it manifest in one of the oldest figures there?

    For the “youth”, Governor Makinde: what’s the point in blowing millions to stage a controversial convention, without thinking of a positive aftermath? For starters, INEC didn’t monitor the process, as required by law, no thanks to two court verdicts. So, it’s as good as no convention at all.

    Then, unruly behaviours, by both PDP factions, have led to a seal-off of Wadata Plaza, Abuja, the PDP national headquarters. Did Makinde blow such money only to put in place a PDP national executive-in-exile? What was the strategy? What did the Makinde faction expect would happen?

    Only a military complex, which thrives on command-and-control, could have explained old man George’s involvement in the fiasco — but only on the surface. The real driver would appear karma. 

    In their PDP power heyday, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and George spared nothing to dismantle the Alliance for Democracy (AD). The same karma would appear to have used George to announce the “expulsion”, now smashing the PDP, with Obasanjo very much alive! What goes around comes around! 

    No tears for the PDP. It’s ugly past is just catching up with it!

  • Papiri: From peaceful haven to den of banditry

    Papiri: From peaceful haven to den of banditry

    Agwara Local Government Area is a border district located in the northwestern part of Niger State. It serves as a critical frontier zone, sharing boundaries with Kebbi State to the North/Northwest, Borgu local government area to the South and the Republic of Benin to the West.

    Agwara lies near the River Niger and Kaduna River, featuring floodplains and a tropical savanna climate. The council headquarters is in Agwara town, with coordinates approximately 10°42’N, 4°35’E.

    Minna, the capital of Niger State, is approximately 340 km east of Agwara by road, a journey that can take between eaight and 10 hours, depending on conditions. The road travel follows routes through Bida, Borgu and Kontagora.

    The easiest primary access is via the road network linking Minna to Kontagora, and then, proceeding towards the Yauri/Kebbi axis before branching off to Agwara by boarding a ferry to cross the river.

    Papiri is a community in Agwara LGA. It is the hosts St. Mary’s Catholic Primary and Secondary Schools.

    The area is characterized by dense forest. It is a riverine terrain, situated near the banks of the River Niger (specifically the Kainji Lake basin area). Its proximity to the border and vast ungoverned forest spaces has historically made it a strategic corridor.

    Agwara before the attack:

    Prior to the November 21abduction of over 200 students and 12 teachers from the Papiri schools, Agwara LGA was relatively safer than  other parts of Niger State. There was no incident of abduction or banditry in the area before 2024.

    However, being a border community with a difficult terrain and limited security presence, it was vulnerable to threats like banditry spilling over from neighboring regions.

    Read Also: How police are tackling banditry, other threats, by IG Egbetokun

    Before the incident, security analysts had described Agwara as a “vulnerable frontier.”

    Intelligence reports indicated that armed groups (often linked to Sahelian extremists and bandits) were using the forest corridors connecting Benin Republic, Borgu, and Agwara as transit routes.

    Prior to the school abduction, the convoy of the member of the House of Representatives from Borgu/Agwara Constituency, Jafaru Mohammed Ali, was ambushed by bandits along Borgu.

    The attack, which resulted in fatalities, was a major red flag indicating that armed groups had established a strong foothold in the area.

    Papiri was once a peaceful agrarian and fishing community, but by late 2024 and particularly this year,  it has become a high-risk zone due to the encroachment of armed groups, utilising the porous borders and forest cover for cover.

    Based on available records, St. Mary’s Catholic Primary and Secondary Schools in Papiri are young institutions, established in phases between 2008 and 2010.

    As at November, the primary school was 17 years it started operations in May 2008 while the secondary school was 15 years, having admitted its first set of students in September 2010.

    The schools were built through a collaborative efforts of the Catholic Diocese, the Society of African Missions (SMA), and international sponsors (specifically from Ireland).

    They were established to provide education to the Kamberi people and other local communities in Agwara, an area where educational infrastructure was previously very scarce. Before these permanent structures were built, some local children were learning under trees.

  • Rising attacks pushing North toward its worst lean season

    Rising attacks pushing North toward its worst lean season

    Sir: The recent warning from the World Food Programme about rising hunger in northern Nigeria confirms a reality many of us who study and report on this crisis have been following closely for years. Terrorist attacks and the widening insecurity across the region are now pushing nearly 35 million people toward severe food shortages as the 2026 lean season draws closer.

    This figure is not inflated; it reflects conditions that have been building quietly across rural communities where violence, displacement, and economic strain collide every day.

    In Borno State, where the Boko Haram conflict began, the situation is even more troubling. I grew up in this region and witnessed the early stages of this war. The estimate that around 15,000 people are heading into famine-like conditions is consistent with what local monitors, aid workers, and community leaders have been worried about for months.

    When entire villages lose access to farmland because of IEDs, ambushes, and shifting control between ISWAP and JAS, hunger stops being a risk and becomes a certainty.

    The conflict has already claimed more than 40,000 lives and displaced close to two million people. Yet the crisis has expanded well beyond the northeast. The spread of armed groups into the northwest and north-central, commonly called “banditry,” although their tactics now resemble insurgent operations, has opened a second front.

    The recent mass kidnappings in Niger, Kebbi, and Kwara states are not isolated. They fit a clear pattern of criminal and terror networks blending forces, extending influence, and testing the state’s capacity to respond.

    While the war is not as intense as it was in 2015, the pace of attacks has risen sharply this year. From my own fieldwork across Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, and Katsina, it is evident that security agencies are stretched thin.

    Reinforcements often arrive late, community warnings go unheeded, and local vigilante groups that once helped stabilize villages are now worn out or deliberately targeted.

    Economic hardship is adding more pressure. The lean season has always been difficult, but inflation has stripped families of the little safety net they once relied on. In many rural towns, the cost of staple grains has more than doubled, forcing households to depend on aid that is itself shrinking.

    Read Also: PRNigeria publisher presents study on AI’s role in crisis communication

    The WFP’s reduced capacity is already visible on the ground. Nearly a million people rely on their support in the northeast, yet funding cuts have shut down hundreds of nutrition centres.

    In Jibia, Damasak, Zurmi, and Sabon Birni, families now walk long distances seeking help, only to find that the nearest facilities have closed. When a fragile system loses a third of its capacity, a surge from “serious” to “critical” malnutrition is the natural outcome.

    The growing presence of jihadist groups adds another layer of concern. The recent claim by JNIM, a group rooted in the Sahel, marks a troubling shift. Their operations reaching into Nigeria suggest the slow merging of the Sahel and Lake Chad conflict zones; an escalation that regional analysts have anticipated for years.

    The situation described by the WFP matches what communities across the north have been living through daily: shrinking farmland, repeated attacks, volatile markets, and aid pipelines drying up just when they are needed most. People who once showed remarkable resilience are now reaching breaking point.

    As 2026 approaches, the humanitarian outlook is shaping into one of the hardest seasons since this conflict began. The numbers tell part of the story, but those of us from these areas have seen how hunger takes hold long before the statistics reflect it. The warning is credible, and it deserves urgent attention.

    •Idris Mohammed,University of Alabama, United States.

  • Passport reforms redefining the business climate

    Passport reforms redefining the business climate

    Sir: The passport reforms under the leadership of Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo may appear, on the surface, like a travel convenience upgrade. But beneath that surface lies something far more powerful: restored trust in the Nigerian state. Entrepreneurs have long lived in fear of government processes because those processes were unpredictable. You could plan around slow. You could never plan around confusion. Weeks of waiting, duplicated biometrics, extra payments, middlemen, missing files — small business owners suffered all of it. Every inefficiency translated to lost deals, altered timelines, and additional costs.

    Digital passport processing did more than clean up a service. It reintroduced predictability, a currency more valuable than oil when building an economy. Investors, both local and foreign, take cues from how a government manages the simplest things. If a passport system can work seamlessly, stakeholders begin to believe that bigger systems can work too. This is why the reforms matter: they quietly restore confidence in the promise of Nigeria as a functional environment.

    Efficient governance directly reduces the cost of doing business. Entrepreneurs understand this better than anyone. A document stuck on someone’s table can delay a client contract. A manual process can introduce corruption and inflate operational costs. A broken verification system can stall travel plans for an important business meeting. What looks like a “government problem” is always, eventually, a business problem.

    This is why digital processes in immigration, electronic correspondence, identity management reforms, and stricter accountability within agencies translate into real economic impact. They eliminate friction. They save time. They reduce stress. They help entrepreneurs redirect their energy from wrestling with institutions to building the businesses that create jobs.

    What makes the reform approach stand out is its simplicity. It does not rely on noise, ceremony, or the usual theatrics of public office. It focuses on results. It focuses on systems. It focuses on function. And this is exactly what entrepreneurs need: a government that stops being a hurdle and starts behaving like an enabler.

    Read Also: PRNigeria publisher presents study on AI’s role in crisis communication

    The truth is that Nigeria’s biggest growth hack is not another grant programme or motivational initiative. It is competent public administration. It is a government that understands that a thriving private sector needs stable systems the way a plant needs light. When reforms create clarity, entrepreneurs gain scale. When processes become predictable, business risks shrink. When accountability increases, investor trust rises. These are not abstract benefits; they are the conditions under which new industries are born.

    The average entrepreneur may never directly interact with the Ministry of Interior, but they will feel its impact in countless ways: faster travel, smoother documentation, less paperwork, better compliance systems, reduced operational bottlenecks, and a governance environment that supports rather than stifles ambition. Public service efficiency has always been the hidden foundation of a strong private sector. For too long, that foundation has been weak. What we are seeing now is a rebuilding effort that matters more than most people realise.

    Nigeria’s real economic engine has never been crude oil. It has always been people — the small businesses, the freelancers, the founders, the creators, the innovators, the hustlers who convert scarcity into new enterprise. When governance works well, these people lift at once. When governance improves, entrepreneurship expands. When systems are clean, the economy becomes easier to navigate and easier to trust.

    These reforms signal a new kind of social contract: a government that delivers and a citizenry that builds. If this model spreads across ministries, Nigeria will not need endless economic summits to debate growth. Growth will happen naturally because the environment will finally support it. Entrepreneurship will strengthen because the systems around it stop sabotaging it.

    At its core, entrepreneurship is a relay race. Government hands the baton. Entrepreneurs run with it. Investors cheer from the sidelines. Society gets the win. For decades, Nigeria dropped the baton before the race even began. But the reforms we are seeing now suggest that perhaps, for the first time in a long time, the baton is being handed correctly.

    And when government works, entrepreneurs win — every single time.

    •Mohammed Basah, mobasah@gmail.com