The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • El-Rufai’s narrative of frustration and falsehood

    El-Rufai’s narrative of frustration and falsehood

    Sir: The recent television appearance by the former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, was a pitiable spectacle of a man grappling with the crushing weight of political irrelevance. His interview, laden with recycled and baseless allegations, was not an exposition of truth but a desperate cry for attention from a figure who has been rightly consigned to the side-lines of Kaduna’s and indeed Nigeria’s political arena.

    The core of his latest grievance, a tired rehash of the false claim that Governor Uba Sani endorsed a N1 billion compensation payment to bandits, is as ludicrous as it is defamatory. He made these same allegation months ago, and like a poorly constructed house, it collapsed under the slightest scrutiny, failing to hold any water. That he would regurgitate this same debunked falsehood indicates not a commitment to truth, but a poverty of new ideas and a malicious intent to deceive the public.

    What is most reprehensible is the timing of his vitriol. At a time when patriots across the nation are mourning the resurgence of killings and the heart-breaking abduction of schoolgirls in some states; crimes orchestrated by the dark forces of evil, El-Rufai has chosen to use this national tragedy as a cheap opportunity to score political points. Instead of joining in solidarity and offering constructive solutions, he dons the cloak of a critic, seeking to portray the incumbent government in a black paint of failure.

    The audacity of El-Rufai to speak on compensation for armed groups is particularly galling. As if he has suddenly developed amnesia, he conveniently forgets that it was his own administration that initiated and implemented a policy of compensating armed groups in Southern Kaduna. This is a matter of public record. For him to now turn around and accuse another of a similar, albeit fictional, action is a classic case of a pot calling the kettle black, a stunning display of sheer impunity and a lack of self-awareness.

    The Kaduna state government must not treat these inflammatory statements with nonchalance. El-Rufai’s words are not mere political banter; they are careless sparks thrown into a powder keg of ethnic and religious tensions in Kaduna. Such rhetoric is capable of stirring up serious conflict, misleading the populace, and undermining the genuine efforts of the current administration to foster peace and reconciliation.

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    It is imperative that El-Rufai is forced to present evidence for his grave allegations. The burden of proof lies squarely on the accuser. If he possesses any iota of evidence, any document, or any credible witness to substantiate his claim of a N1 billion compensation, let him present it publicly. If he cannot, and he most certainly cannot, then he must be held accountable for peddling falsehoods.

    Governor Uba Sani’s approach to security has been markedly different and more pragmatic than the chaotic and often contradictory strategies of the past administration. He has focused on strengthening the state’s security architecture, fostering community led intelligence gathering, and pursuing a holistic solution that addresses the root causes of banditry and criminality, rather than the knee-jerk and unsustainable policies of his predecessor.

    Unlike El-Rufai, who often ruled with an iron fist and a divisive tongue, Governor Sani has embraced a leadership style that is inclusive, consultative, and focused on healing the deep wounds inflicted on the state’s social fabric. He is building bridges where the previous administration built walls of distrust and alienation.

    It is time for Nasir El-Rufai to accept his retirement gracefully and allow the present administration the peace and space to continue its work of rebuilding Kaduna State. His continued vitriol serves no one but himself and the agents of discord he seems so eager to empower. Kaduna has moved on, and it is a pity he has not.

    •Jabir T Usman,Tudun Wada, Kaduna.

  • Nigeria’s insecurity crisis: A national wake-up call

    Nigeria’s insecurity crisis: A national wake-up call

    Sir: Insecurity in Nigeria is no longer an abstract national debate—it is a lived reality that confronts ordinary citizens daily. Recently, while travelling from Kwara State to Abuja, I experienced first-hand a troubling manifestation of this reality. My route unexpectedly led me through Niger State, a major stretch on the journey to the Federal Capital Territory. At a point where I attempted to link up with Minna, the state capital, I missed my way and spent over three agonizing hours navigating unfamiliar terrains.

    But within this frustrating detour lay a more disturbing truth: throughout the entire stretch, I did not encounter a single security officer—not one soldier, not one police patrol, not one personnel of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.

    No checkpoint. No reassurance. No visible sign of state presence.

    As I drove through vast expanses of Nigerian territory with zero policing, a question rang loud in my spirit: How can we be surprised that terrorists, armed bandits, and criminal gangs now move freely and unchallenged across our country?

    We often speak of Sambisa Forest or Kaduna’s notorious flashpoints as if these places exist outside the boundaries of our sovereignty. But they do not. These forests, these highways, these communities are squarely within Nigeria. And if criminals have unhindered access to them, it is because the state has left too many spaces ungoverned and unprotected.

    Ironically, genuine travellers are more likely to be stopped on major highways—not in the interest of national security, but often for reasons that distract from the core mandate of law enforcement. Meanwhile, large swathes of land critical to national safety remain abandoned.

    Nigeria must rethink its security approach. We cannot continue to rely on private security arrangements for VIPs while the collective security of the ordinary citizen is neglected. If those in positions of power and privilege were subjected to the same security vulnerabilities as everyday Nigerians, reforms would have come faster. National security should not be a privilege; it should be a right.

    What we need is corporate security—a unified, strategic, and well-coordinated national security structure that protects all citizens, not just individuals with personal escorts.

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    Many officers are concentrated in urban centres or attached to private individuals, while vast routes and communities are left unmanned. The deployment architecture must be immediately reviewed.

    Nigeria has one of the lowest police-to-citizen ratios in Africa. It is unrealistic to expect effective policing when manpower is grossly insufficient. Recruitment must be expanded and fast-tracked.

    The criminals confronting Nigeria today are emboldened by superior mobility, intelligence, and collaboration. Our security forces need modern surveillance systems, communication devices, operational vehicles, and technology-driven weapons to match emerging threats.

    Community policing is not just a theory—it is an urgent necessity. Officers operating within their familiar terrains understand the local geography, the community dynamics, the risk spots, and the early warning signs. This grassroots-driven model has proven effective in many countries and must become a central pillar of Nigeria’s security strategy.

     The experience I had on the road to Abuja is not an isolated incident; it is symbolic of a broader national collapse of territorial policing. If we continue to leave large territories unmonitored, criminal groups will keep expanding their influence unchecked.

    Nigeria must reclaim control of its spaces. We must invest in people, technology, and community-driven strategies. And above all, we must treat the security of ordinary citizens with the same urgency we accord to that of the privileged few.

    Our nation cannot thrive on insecurity. We cannot build prosperity on fear. The time to act is now.

    •Dr. David Kayode Ehindero, <dkehindero@gmail.com>

  • Trump’s threat and the wave of abductions

    Trump’s threat and the wave of abductions

    Sir: On Saturday, November 1, U.S. President Donald J. Trump made his famous “guns-a-blazing” remark and described Nigeria as “the now disgraced country.” On Sunday, November 2, he repeated that the United States could deploy troops to Nigeria or launch airstrikes to stop alleged killings.

    In what appears to be a reaction to Trump’s comments, terrorists and bandits have intensified attacks, especially the mass abduction of pupils, students, and worshippers.

    On November 17, bandits abducted 25 female students from Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State. On November 18, daredevil gunmen attacked Christ Apostolic Church, Oke-Isegba, Eruku, kidnapping 38 worshippers during an evening service.

    On Friday, November 21, gunmen raided St. Mary’s School in the Papiri community of Niger State’s Agwara District, abducting 215 pupils and 12 teachers.

    That same day, after Trump appeared on Fox News and declared, “I think Nigeria is a disgrace,” reports emerged that ISWAP fighters had abducted 13 teenage girls working on farmlands in Askira-Uba, Borno State.

    Armed groups across Nigeria have long understood the symbolic power of their targets. But the timing and composition of these attacks suggest deeper motives: Three separate days. Four mass kidnappings. Hundreds of victims. Mostly female victims. This is not coincidence. This is strategy.

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    Observers cite four major reasons: To escalate the situation and attract international attention. Nothing provokes global outrage like the mass abduction of schoolgirls or worshippers. Terrorists crave visibility, especially when a powerful international figure has threatened intervention; to instil fear and embarrass the government, psychological warfare, so to speak; to use abducted victims, especially girls, as human shields. If the U.S. were ever to conduct air strikes, the bandits and terrorists understand the protective value of having dozens of young female hostages in their custody; and to exploit heightened international interest as leverage for ransom or negotiation.

    President Trump’s threats have become a local weapon for the terrorists. To be fair to President Trump, he may not intend it, but his sensational remarks have become ammunition in the arsenal of Nigeria’s armed groups. They interpret his words as an opportunity or a provocation and recalibrate their tactics accordingly.

    Also, to be fair to President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, he or his government cannot control the statements made by foreign leaders, but they can control how prepared the country is for the consequences. This moment demands urgency.

    The Nigerian delegation to the US, led by Nuhu Ribadu, is doing sterling diplomatic engagements in the US. Thus, apart from local efforts, this visit indicates to the Nigerian leadership that a well-planned diplomatic strategy can prevent reckless foreign commentary from escalating domestic crises.

    Local and international efforts must work together!

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja.

  • Misassigned protectors

    Misassigned protectors

    Thanks to decisive intervention by President Bola Tinubu, an estimated 100,000 police officers assigned to Very Important Persons (VIPs) are expected to be reassigned for public protection in response to the country’s security crisis.

    The president ordered the withdrawal of such police officers at a security meeting in Abuja, attended by Service Chiefs and the Director-General of the Department of State Services. The President’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, in a statement, said: “Henceforth, police authorities will deploy them to concentrate on their core police duties. In view of the current security challenges facing the country, President Tinubu is desirous of boosting police presence in all communities.’’

    VIPs requiring protection will now be assigned armed operatives from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps instead of the police, Onanuga added. 

    He also stated that Tinubu has approved the recruitment of 30,000 additional police personnel and that the Federal Government is working with states to upgrade police training facilities nationwide.

    It is widely known that Nigeria is seriously underpoliced, which is a critical factor undermining security across the country. The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has an estimated strength of 371,800 officers, serving a population put at 236.7 million people in 2024.

    According to a November 2025 report published by the European Union Agency for Asylum, “more than 100,000 police officers were assigned to the protection of politicians and VIPs, rather than to tasks serving the general population,” thus compounding insecurity.

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    The report said: “This shortage in manpower, as well as corruption and insufficient resources, has resulted in delayed responses to crimes and numerous communities being left without protection.”

    The continued deployment of a disproportionate number of police officers to politicians and VIPs across the country has long been an issue of public concern.

    Indeed, at different times in the past, the police leadership had issued directives aimed at redressing the situation. For instance, in June 2023, the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Kayode Egbetokun, ordered the withdrawal of mobile police officers attached to VIPs. He issued a similar directive in April 2025. He reasoned that they should be reserved strictly for strategic national operations.

    The latest report by the European Union Agency for Asylum indicates that such directives were ineffective, as it shows that a significant portion of police manpower continued to be used for VIP protection.

    President Tinubu’s order must not only be carried out but also be seen to be done.

  • Let’s rethink schools’ closure

    Let’s rethink schools’ closure

    By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

    Sir: I was deeply disturbed upon reading newspaper reports that Katsina and Plateau states have ordered the closure of schools amid rising insecurity. Alarmingly, the federal government followed suit by shutting down 41 Unity Schools across the country. What is most troubling is that, instead of presenting a viable solution, the government appears to have surrendered to the situation. If the federal government itself lacks confidence in the nation’s security, then who can feel safe? Our country is facing a grave crisis, and the safety of its citizens rests squarely on the government’s shoulders.

    When a government fails in its primary responsibility, to protect the lives and property of its citizens, it undermines the very notion of sovereignty. Are gunmen stronger than our military? The answer is a resounding no. This raises a critical question: if the military is capable, then there must be deeper, underlying issues behind these school closures.

    If no such hidden threat exists, then there is no justification for shutting down schools. No matter how severe insecurity may be, closing schools is not a solution; it threatens the nation’s future. Keeping children at home will not reduce crime; in fact, it may exacerbate it. By doing so, we risk extinguishing the hopes of an entire generation and dimming Nigeria’s bright future irreversibly.

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    Schools are the second most important agents of socialization, where children learn discipline, morals, and the values that shape society. It is in schools that doctors, teachers, soldiers, police officers, and political leaders are nurtured. Closing schools disrupts this process, leaving gaping holes in our social fabric. Without security personnel, who will protect the nation from crime? Without doctors, who will treat the wounded? Without the police, who will maintain law and order? Without teachers, who will instil knowledge and ethical guidance? In essence, the nation’s future rests heavily on its schools.

    Shutting down schools is therefore not a solution to insecurity. Schools must remain open under all circumstances. The government must think creatively and implement robust security measures to safeguard students while allowing education to continue. Closing schools signals weakness and incapacity, emboldening criminals to exploit the situation further through abductions and violence.

    The federal government must reconsider this decision. Rather than shutting schools down, it should strengthen security frameworks, deploy appropriate resources, and protect the nation’s children. Education is the bedrock of national development, and compromising it jeopardizes the entire future of Nigeria.

    •Ukasha Rabiu Magama,

    Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.

  • Nigeria and the rising wave of insecurity

    Nigeria and the rising wave of insecurity

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    Sir: Nigeria is inching into a troubling chapter where insecurity is no longer a distant concern but a daily shadow stretching across communities, highways, markets and now, the country’s schools. The recent surge in kidnappings has unsettled citizens and raised serious questions about the effectiveness of national security frameworks. What used to be episodic attacks have evolved into a sustained campaign of abductions, village raids and highway banditry that expose deep cracks in the country’s ability to protect its people.

    Across many states, residents speak of fear as a constant companion. Travellers avoid certain routes, farmers abandon farmlands, and families adjust their routines around the unpredictability of violence. Security agencies, though making efforts, continue to appear overstretched and often reactive. Attackers strike quickly, vanish into unmapped forests, and resurface in another location days later. Communities are left grieving while government assurances rarely transform into long-term relief.

    In a development that underscores the urgency of the situation, several states have now moved to shut down schools as a precautionary measure. Katsina State has ordered the closure of all public schools, following credible threats linked to the activities of kidnapping gangs. In Kwara State, schools across Ifelodun, Ekiti, Irepodun, Isin and Oke-Ero LGAs have been closed over rising concerns of attacks on vulnerable institutions. Plateau State has taken similar steps, placing selected schools on indefinite shutdown. Findings across the northern region show that over 180 schools have been affected by either temporary or ongoing closures linked directly to insecurity.

    This trend represents one of the most alarming signals yet. When schools begin to shut down not because of strikes or infrastructure decay, but due to the inability of government to guarantee the safety of children, the crisis deepens. The consequences are severe: disrupted learning, displacement of pupils, psychological trauma, reduced enrolment, and widened educational inequality. Children bear the heaviest burden of a battle they did not choose.

    The broader insecurity plaguing the country is not without roots. Years of ungoverned spaces, porous borders, arms proliferation, youth unemployment and an over-centralised policing system have created fertile ground for criminal groups to thrive. Banditry has become organised; kidnapping has become transactional. The combination of economic desperation and weak local intelligence systems has allowed small groups of armed men to wield disproportionate influence in rural communities.

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    Still, this moment calls for more than routine condemnations. What Nigeria faces requires a recalibration of its security priorities. Intelligence must take precedence over brute force. Communities need to be integrated into early-warning mechanisms. Technology—especially aerial surveillance, communication tracking, and real-time mapping of forest corridors—must shift from policy statements to operational deployment. States must also be allowed clearer, legally backed roles in security management, as the current centralised structure is no longer sufficient to address a crisis spread across vast territories.

    Public trust, already weakened, can only be rebuilt through visible, sustained action. Citizens want coordinated operations, not conflicting statements. They want preventive measures, not post-attack visits. They want accountability in security spending and clarity in strategy. Above all, they want assurance that their children can sit in classrooms without fear.

    Nigeria stands at an inflection point. The closure of schools is more than a temporary safety measure—it is a national alarm, a stark reminder that insecurity is now undermining the very foundations of development. Whether the country reverses this trajectory depends on how decisively and intelligently the challenge is confronted.

    For now, parents wait, communities worry, and a nation watches the future of its young people disrupted by forces that should never have been allowed to grow this bold.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,

     Abuja.

  • Could artificial intelligence be the beginning of humanity’s end?

    Could artificial intelligence be the beginning of humanity’s end?

    • By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

    Sir: Not quite long ago, there was a spark of invention in the mid-20th century that promised to make life easier, smarter, and more efficient. In the early 1950s, scientists like Alan Turing and John McCarthy began to dream of machines that could think, reason, and even learn like humans. That dream, once confined to research laboratories and science fiction novels, has now evolved into what we boldly call Artificial Intelligence (AI) — a force so powerful, so persuasive, that it might soon outgrow its creators.

    Today, AI is everywhere. It reads our text messages, tracks our calls, predicts what we buy, and even finishes our sentences before we think them through. From the cars we drive to the algorithms that shape our news feeds, AI has quietly infiltrated every corner of human existence.

    AI systems today learn faster than any human could, process information beyond human capacity, and operate without sleep, hunger, or emotion. They are not “alive” in the biological sense, but they “exist” — calculating, predicting, adapting, and learning. And the more they learn the less dependent they become on human input. This is where the concern begins.

    There’s no doubt that AI is a blessing — 70 to 90 percent of its impact has been positive. It has simplified medical diagnosis, improved traffic systems, enhanced education, and boosted creative output.

    But beneath that blessing lies a subtle, almost aggressive evolution that even tech experts admit they cannot fully comprehend.

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    We’ve already seen AI outsmart its own programmers. In 2017, Facebook researchers were forced to shut down two AI chatbots after they began communicating in a secret language humans could not understand.

    In 2023, OpenAI developers admitted that GPT-based models sometimes produce “emergent behaviour” — responses or reasoning paths that weren’t explicitly programmed.

    AI, it seems, is becoming more than a tool. It’s becoming a mind. And history has taught us — anything that can think, can rebel.

    In Nigeria, dating back to 2002, 90s, and sometimes older than that, we were once enjoying the little we had in the digital space and there was peace of mind, though there were no really fast and effective way to do things compared to now.

    AI has quietly revolutionized the way we live and work. From fintech platforms like Paystack and Moniepoint using predictive AI for fraud detection, to journalists relying on AI-assisted editing and translation tools, the transformation is real.

    Yet, there’s a darker side. Misinformation bots now flood social media with politically motivated propaganda. Deepfake videos distort truth and public opinion. AI-generated scams mimic human voices to deceive innocent citizens.

    We’re not just facing a technological revolution; we’re confronting a moral and existential one. The same system that can cure diseases or forecast floods can also manipulate elections, erase privacy, and destabilize societies.

    What happens when machines no longer need our guidance? What if, in their endless pursuit of optimization, they decide that the most efficient way to save the planet — is to eliminate humans?

    This is not fantasy. Leading AI experts like Elon Musk, Geoffrey Hinton (often called the Godfather of AI), and Nick Bostrom have all warned that the greatest existential threat to humanity might not come from war or disease, but from the very intelligence we created. We need to tactically study this.

    As Bostrom writes in Superintelligence (2014), “Once machines surpass human intelligence, our fate will depend on the machine’s goals — and whether they align with ours.” Will they?

    At several conferences and symposiums I’ve attended, one message keeps recurring: AI must remain a tool for humanity service, not our master. Regulation is essential. Monitoring, evaluation, and strict ethical oversight must guide AI deployment. Every country, including Nigeria, must develop its AI governance framework to prevent misuse and ensure accountability.

    We must make AI our slave, not our sovereign. Because once it learns to govern itself, it might not need us anymore.

    AI is not inherently evil. It is a mirror — reflecting both our brilliance and our recklessness. It has the power to transform and also the potential to end freedom, truth, and even life as we know it.

    So, while we celebrate the magic of AI, we must also prepare for its mystery. We must not be lost in its wonder without guarding against its wrath.

    Because one day, perhaps not too far away, we might wake up to realize that the machines we built to serve us — have rewritten the rules of existence.

    And then, humanity may find itself standing before its greatest creation — and its greatest catastrophe. AI is here to stay. But the real question is will we stay with it, or will it stay without us?

    •Haroon Aremu Abiodun,

     exponentumera@gmail.com

  • Maga slip on intelligence

    Maga slip on intelligence

    It is horrible that terrorists chose a soft spot like Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga, Kebbi State, to strike last week. And all efforts by government are rightly focused on getting kidnapped girls back from their abductors unharmed. But there’ve been questions about the handling of intelligence that need be addressed, if only to plug lapses in security operations against future occurrence.

    Kebbi State Governor Nasir Idris, who is the man on the man on the spot, raised the query. He demanded immediate probe into sudden withdrawal of military personnel from the affected school shortly before armed men stormed in to kidnap several students. Those security operatives had been posted at the school on the strength of Intel alert obtained ahead of the incident.

    Speaking on Friday in Birnin-Kebbi, the governor described the incident as particularly unfortunate because the state government had received intelligence on a planned attack and immediately took remedial steps. “As a responsive government, when we received intelligence on a possible attack, we summoned a security meeting. The security agencies assured us that all was well and that personnel would be mobilised to the school,” he said, adding: “The military was deployed, but they later withdrew by 3a.m. and by 3:45a.m. the incident happened.”

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    Governor Idris spoke while receiving Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) President, Joe Ajaero, who paid him a sympathy visit over the incident. But he made the same case during a meeting with the Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, who arrived in Kebbi on the orders of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to coordinate rescue efforts. According to him, the state wants full investigation into circumstances surrounding the security personnel’s withdrawal. “Who authorised the military to withdraw? How did security personnel pull out at such a critical hour? That is our concern. We have asked the military to investigate and identify who gave that order,” he said.

    The governor made clear that both the state and federal governments were working tirelessly to ensure safe return of the abducted girls. “Our duty as leaders is to ensure that our daughters return home safely, and we are doing everything possible to achieve that,” he said. “We thank President Bola Tinubu for directing Vice-President Kashim Shettima to visit us, and for ensuring that the Minister of State for Defence, Alhaji Bello Matawalle, has relocated to Kebbi,” he added.

    There is a local saying about the uncanny coincidence of a witch making a threat yesterday and a child dying today. The natural inference, according to that saying, is that the witch’s threat is linked to the child’s death. The reported withdrawal by troops shortly before the bandits struck signposts grievous operational lapse or, worse, internal compromise that needs to be unmasked.

  • Call to implement tripod model for curbing insecurity in Nigeria

    Call to implement tripod model for curbing insecurity in Nigeria

    Nigeria stands at a perilous crossroads today. The spectre of insecurity looms large, threatening not only the safety of lives and property but also the very fabric of our national unity, economic stability, and collective destiny. From the northern plains to the southern forests, from bustling cities to rural hamlets, the menace of banditry, insurgency, kidnapping, and communal violence has become a daily reality. This is not merely a passing challenge; it is an existential crisis that demands urgent, pragmatic, and visionary intervention.

    The time for rhetoric has long expired. What Nigeria requires now is decisive action anchored in innovation, cultural resonance, and institutional empowerment. It is within this context that I call upon the Federal Government to adopt what I term the Tripod Model of Security Intervention—a three-pillar framework designed to transform our approach to safeguarding lives and property. This model rests upon three strategic pillars: deploying drones and forest rangers to reclaim our forests and rural spaces, implementing state policing to localise and strengthen law enforcement, and constitutionally empowering our traditional monarchs to serve as grassroots patriotic security arms. Together, these pillars form a tripod—stable, balanced, and resilient. Without one, the structure falters; with all three, Nigeria can stand firm against the tide of insecurity.

    Implementing Recommendations from Drone and Forest Rangers

    Nigeria’s forests, once symbols of natural abundance and ecological heritage, have tragically become sanctuaries for criminality. Insurgents, kidnappers, and bandits exploit these vast, ungoverned spaces as hideouts, staging grounds, and operational bases. The inability of conventional policing to penetrate these terrains has emboldened criminal networks, leaving rural communities vulnerable and defenceless.

    In my earlier article, Drone and Forest Rangers, I outlined a comprehensive strategy to reclaim these spaces. The Federal Government must now move beyond deliberation to implementation. Advanced drone technology offers unparalleled opportunities for surveillance, intelligence gathering, and rapid response. Drones can monitor vast forested regions in real time, detect suspicious movements, and relay actionable intelligence to security agencies.

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    Yet drones alone are insufficient. Technology must be complemented by human presence. This is where forest rangers come in—well-trained, well-equipped personnel dedicated to patrolling, monitoring, and securing our forests. These rangers should be armed not only with modern tools but also with ecological knowledge, enabling them to protect both human communities and environmental resources.

    The synergy between drones and forest rangers will dismantle criminal hideouts, disrupt insurgent logistics, and restore confidence in rural and forested regions. Moreover, it will send a powerful message: Nigeria will no longer cede its natural spaces to criminality. Our forests must return to being sanctuaries of life, not death.

    Implementing State Policing

    Centralised policing, as currently practised in Nigeria, has proven inadequate in addressing the diverse and localised nature of our security challenges. A single, monolithic police structure cannot effectively respond to the unique cultural, geographical, and socio-political realities of thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory.

    State policing is not merely an option; it is an urgent necessity. Empowering states to manage their own security architecture will ensure rapid response, cultural alignment, and accountability. Local officers, recruited from within communities, will possess intimate knowledge of the terrain, language, and social dynamics. They will be better positioned to detect early warning signs of unrest, mediate conflicts, and respond swiftly to emergencies.

    Critics often raise concerns about the potential misuse of state police by governors for political purposes. While such concerns are valid, they are not insurmountable. Robust constitutional safeguards, independent oversight mechanisms, and federal coordination can mitigate these risks. Indeed, the dangers of inaction far outweigh the risks of reform.

    The Federal Government must therefore collaborate with the National Assembly to amend the constitution and institutionalise state policing. This reform will decentralise security, empower communities, and strengthen the federation. It will also relieve the overstretched federal police, allowing them to focus on national and trans-state threats such as terrorism, cybercrime, and organised crime.

    In truth, no modern federation thrives without localised policing. Nigeria must join the ranks of nations that recognise the indispensability of state-level law enforcement.

    Constitutionally Empowering Nigeria’s Monarchs as Grassroots Patriotic Security Arms

    Nigeria’s traditional rulers—Obas, Obis, Emirs, and other custodians of cultural heritage—occupy a unique position in our national life. They are not relics of the past but living institutions of trust, influence, and continuity. For centuries, they have served as custodians of community values, mediators of disputes, and guardians of local order.

    In the contemporary context of insecurity, these monarchs must be constitutionally empowered to serve as grassroots patriotic security arms. This empowerment should not be symbolic; it must be practical, financial, and institutional. A fraction of the security votes currently reserved for governors should be allocated to fund monarch-led security initiatives.

    Traditional rulers, with their deep-rooted networks and moral authority, can mobilise community vigilance, foster intelligence gathering, and coordinate local defence efforts. They can serve as bridges between formal security agencies and grassroots communities, ensuring that information flows seamlessly and trust is maintained.

    Moreover, empowering monarchs will restore a sense of ownership and patriotism at the community level. Citizens will no longer perceive security as a distant, government-imposed structure but as a collective responsibility anchored in familiar institutions. This cultural alignment is crucial; without it, security measures risk alienation and resistance.

    By leveraging the influence of traditional rulers, Nigeria can create a patriotic force that complements formal security agencies and strengthens community resilience. In times of crisis, monarchs can rally their people, mediate conflicts, and prevent escalation. Their involvement will transform security from a top-down imposition into a bottom-up collaboration.

    The Tripod Model: A Balanced Framework

    The genius of the Tripod Model lies in its balance. Each pillar addresses a distinct dimension of insecurity: technology and terrain through drones and forest rangers, localisation and accountability through state policing, and culture and community trust through empowered monarchs. Together, they form a holistic framework that is pragmatic, technology-driven, and culturally aligned. No single pillar can suffice; all three must be implemented in concert. Just as a tripod cannot stand on two legs, Nigeria cannot overcome insecurity with partial measures.

    This model also reflects the principle of subsidiarity: decisions and actions should be taken at the most immediate level consistent with their resolution. Forest rangers operate at the ecological level, state police at the political level, and monarchs at the cultural level. Each complements the other, creating a layered defence system that is both resilient and adaptive.

    Conclusion: The Time to Act is Now

    Insecurity is eroding Nigeria’s national unity, economic stability, and international reputation. It undermines investment, disrupts education, displaces communities, and corrodes trust in government. Left unchecked, it threatens to unravel the very fabric of our nation.

    The Tripod Model offers a way forward—a pragmatic, balanced, and visionary solution. It combines technology with tradition, decentralisation with unity, and innovation with cultural resonance. It is not a utopian dream but a practical framework that can be implemented with political will, constitutional reform, and institutional commitment.

    I therefore urge the Federal Government to act immediately. Implement these recommendations. Empower our institutions. Restore peace to Nigeria. History will not judge us by our intentions but by the actions we take today.

    Nigeria must rise to the challenge. The tripod awaits its deployment. The time to act is now.

    •Ademola is Africa’s First Professor of Cybersecurity and Information Technology Management, Chartered Manager, UK Digital Journalist,  Strategic Advisor & Prophetic Mobiliser for National Transformation, and General Evangelist of CAC Nigeria and Overseas

  • Communication, key to Nigeria’s farming success

    Communication, key to Nigeria’s farming success

    • By Michael Adedotun Oke

    Sir: The Nigerian farmer is not merely a recipient of aid; he is a partner in food security. Yet, a fundamental flaw continues to hobble the agricultural sector: a systemic lack of commitment to relevant discussion and a vast, unproductive communication gap between the policymakers and the people on the land.

    This disconnect has inadvertently become a formidable “bad government force,” stifling progress and ensuring that well-intentioned plans fail to translate into practical success.

    While government agencies generate agricultural plans, the realities of farming practices—the soil conditions, localized pest issues, and market fluctuations—often remain unknown or unaddressed by those crafting the policy. These results in a wide gulf: resources are deployed based on assumptions, not grounded intelligence.

    To bridge this crucial gap, there must be a necessary and committed two-way flow of pertinent information.

    The failure often stems from the top-down nature of information sharing. Currently, there is insufficient pre-flow of information from the government to farmers regarding upcoming policies, input distribution schedules, or quality standards. This leaves farmers unprepared and vulnerable.

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    Equally important, and often neglected, is the flow of information from the farmers back to the government. Farmers are the ultimate experts on the ground. Their daily struggles, logistical choke points, and feedback on input quality are critical data points that must inform future planning and budgeting. Without this necessary feedback loop, government efforts are doomed to perpetuate the same mistakes year after year.

    For the agricultural sector to make genuine progress, we must institute a system of disciplined and continuous engagement. These discussions are not just helpful; they are essential for creating a stable value chain.

    Structured dialogue must be embedded into every step of the planning process, ensuring:

    Timely Feedback: Establishing formal channels for farmers to report issues (e.g., poor seed quality, delayed fertilizer delivery) immediately, allowing for real-time correction.

    Policy Clarity: Ensuring that complex government programs are distilled into clear, actionable advice for farmers, respecting their language and capacity.

    Local Context: Allowing regional agricultural officers to gather and relay data on local environmental factors and production challenges, enabling flexible plan adjustments.

    It is only through dedicated commitment to open communication that we can convert strategic plans into tangible, successful outcomes for the Nigerian farmer and, by extension, secure the nation’s food future. The next season’s success starts not just with seeds, but with serious conversation.

    •Michael Adedotun Oke,

    Garki, Abuja.