The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Memo to the Inspector‑General of Police

    Memo to the Inspector‑General of Police

    Sir: I humbly request a review and reduction of the number of police officers currently assigned to elected officials and political appointees across the country. A report published this month by the European Union Agency for Asylum notes that the Nigeria Police Force has an estimated strength of 371,800 officers serving a population of about 236.7 million. The report reveals that more than 100,000 officers are presently deployed to protect politicians and other Very Important Persons, raising concerns that ordinary citizens are left under‑protected.

    Assigning police officers to private individuals and political office‑holders has long been a concern. In June 2023, shortly after taking office, you ordered the withdrawal of Police Mobile Force operatives from VIP duties, stating that the tactical unit would be reserved strictly for strategic national operations. Your office issued another directive in April, ordering a nationwide withdrawal of mobile police officers attached to VIPs. Despite these directives, a significant portion of police manpower continues to be used for VIP protection.

    In a video posted on the Nigeria Police Force’s official X account in September, you warned officers against intervening in civil disputes or serving private interests: “Let me reiterate without ambiguity: the Nigerian Police Force is not, and will never become, an enforcer for private interests. Officers have no business escorting parties for land recovery, disrupting legally‑existing occupations, or meddling in civil claims that lack a demonstrable criminal element. Every such incident erodes the neutrality of the Force and opens us up to disrepute.”

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    You added that disciplinary action will follow any officer who violates this directive, stating, “The line must be clear, and any officer who crosses it will face disciplinary consequences.”

    Nevertheless, officers continue to escort parties for land recovery. Such occurrences contradict the fundamental purpose of policing—to protect the public interest rather than enforce personal authority or bolster the influence of any public official. Moreover, the over-deployment of police officers to political appointees exacerbates the shortage of security personnel available for community policing and public safety across the country. This leaves communities under‑policed and vulnerable, while an excessive number of officers remain concentrated around a few individuals who already enjoy substantial state‑provided security.

    Given the security challenges confronting Nigeria today, it is both logical and patriotic to ensure that police manpower is deployed where it is most needed—in communities, public spaces, patrol duties, and crime‑prevention initiatives—rather than being concentrated around a single officeholder. Reducing the number of officers attached to ministers and other officials will enhance discipline, restore public confidence in the Force, and reaffirm that the Nigeria Police serves the nation and its people, not individual political appointees.

    It has further been observed that some officers attached to these officials have exhibited indiscipline and undue aggression, potentially stemming from misuse of authority or pressure from their principals. Such conduct tarnishes the reputation of the Nigeria Police Force and undermines the professionalism, impartiality, and integrity expected of its personnel.

    I respectfully request that your office review and reduce the number of police officers assigned to ministers, elected officials, appointees, and private individuals who can afford security services; ensure that all political appointees receive only the standard, legally prescribed level of protection, and reassign surplus personnel to public‑security duties within the country and to areas where security presence is urgently needed.

    Ensuring that all other directives issued from your office are enforced would greatly assist the police force in maintaining internal security. Taking these actions will demonstrate your leadership’s commitment to fairness, accountability, and the prioritization of citizens’ safety over political privilege.

     I trust in your wisdom, patriotism, and sense of justice to act in the best interest of the Nigerian people and to protect the integrity of the Nigeria Police Force.

    •Abba Dukawa, Kano.

  • World Toilet Day 2025

    World Toilet Day 2025

     Sir: Today, November 19 marks World Toilet Day 2025, under the theme “We’ll Always Need the Toilet.” So it is an excellent time for reflecting upon what that sign represents.

    For many, open defecation is simply the result of inadequate toilet facilities. Today, millions of Nigerians across rural communities, riverine areas, and even into certain parts of major cities lack functional toilets. At other places, public toilets are out of reach, poorly maintained, or too expensive to use. Where the nearest functional, clean toilet is kilometres away, the environment becomes an unfortunate fallback option.

    Yet infrastructure only tells half the story. There is also a strong behavioural dimension. Not only do many households lack toilets, but even when toilets exist in communities, they may go unused. There are deep-rooted practices, weak sanitation culture, misconceptions about public toilets, and low awareness about hygiene. Quite sadly, some people simply prefer open spaces, having grown up in environments where toilets were either lacking or inadequate.

    It’s a big, circular problem. We need more toilets, yes, but we equally need people to use and maintain those already available. It calls for dual responsibility.

    Ending open defecation requires urgent and sustained action. First, we must build more toilets. There is a genuine need for an increase in public toilets in our markets, schools, bus stops, motor parks, and densely populated areas. It is not enough to have toilets. These toilets have to be accessible, affordable, clean, safe, and have proper connections for disposing of waste. A dirty toilet, after all, is just as bad as no toilet.

    Along with the construction of toilets, we must invest deeply in education. Here, I’m thinking of the creation of continuous awareness among Nigerians on why open defecation is dangerous, how diseases spread, why toilets must be maintained, and why ownership of sanitation spaces by every community is necessary.

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    More importantly, we must recognise that sanitation is not a privilege. It’s a human right. Therefore, no woman should ever have to fear for her safety simply because she has to relieve herself. No child should ever have to get sick because there isn’t a toilet at his/her school. No community should have to drink water contaminated by human waste. Access to safe toilets is fundamental. It’s the first line of defence in public health.

    What should Nigeria do, therefore? We have to increase investment in toilet infrastructure at all levels. The Federal Government has taken the lead here by setting a target of 2030 to end open defecation nationwide.

    In addition, we must continue to encourage private sector participation in sanitation solutions. We cannot build smart cities when basic sanitation remains a luxury. And we cannot speak of sustainable development when millions still lack a safe, dignified place to relieve themselves.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Kaduna Peace Model: Sani rewrites Nigeria’s security playbook

    Kaduna Peace Model: Sani rewrites Nigeria’s security playbook

    By Adekunle Akinmosa

    On Tuesday, November 11, 2025, Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna State delivered in Lagos, what may be described as one of the most grounded, experience-backed lectures on tackling insecurity in modern Nigeria. The occasion, Distinguished Lecture Series of Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), was chaired by the eminent former Minister of External Affairs, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, and attended by notable figures including Senator Adeleke Mamora. It offered a platform for the governor to distill what has quietly been unfolding in Kaduna over security since he assumed office in May 2023.

    Speaking on the topic, ‘The role of state governments in overcoming insecurity in Nigeria,’ Sani summarised his difficult but determined journey to restore peace and stability in one of the country’s most complex theatres of conflict. His lecture went beyond recounting achievements but offered a blueprint for what is possible when political will, strategic clarity and inclusive governance converge.

    Donning a cream coloured Agbada, Sani, composedly described how upon assuming office, Kaduna was still grappling with banditry, kidnappings, rural violence and the aftershocks of communal distrust. But rather than resort to a single-track approach, his administration designed a layered security architecture. On the kinetic side, the state intensified collaboration with security agencies, strengthened local intelligence networks and facilitated better coordination among the military, police, and civil defence operatives stationed across volatile communities. These measures helped re-establish control over previously vulnerable corridors.

    Yet the more compelling part of his lecture lay in his explanation of the non-kinetic strategies. From the outset, his government recognised that insecurity feeds on economic despair, youth alienation and breakdown of trust between citizens and institutions. To rebuild Kaduna’s social fabric, the administration invested heavily in community engagement, grassroots dialogue, local peace committees and interventions aimed at reviving livelihoods in affected communities. It was those series of initiatives that birthed what is now christened ‘Kaduna Peace Model.’

    According to the governor, many young people drifting into crime were not inherently violent; they were economically cornered. Creating alternatives, therefore, equated to crime prevention.

    “Central to this model is the understanding that the roots of insecurity transcend criminality to encompass grievances related to identity, resource access, and political exclusion,” said Sani.

    “We therefore convened over 50 consultative forums, engaging traditional rulers, Fulani herders, farmers, youth leaders and religious figures. These dialogues underscored a universal truth: sustainable peace is inseparable from inclusion and meaningful participation of all stakeholders in conflict resolution and governance.”

    But the realistic administration understood that conversations are only the beginning. He calmly laid out how Kaduna’s security challenge demanded a blend of kinetic and non-kinetic interventions. The governor’s argument was that insecurity is multidimensional, and any government that treats it as a problem to be solved solely through force is only postponing its recurrence. There had to be involvement of all stakeholders in the advancement of the economy too.

    Sani then walked the audience through specific examples such as the reactivation of rural development programmes, the support for smallholder farmers, the expansion of vocational and technical training, and the push for inclusive governance that gives communities a sense of belonging. In the lecture, he explained that forums and continuous interface with traditional rulers and religious leaders, his government sought to rebuild trust, which in turn made information-sharing smoother and reduced the space for criminality to thrive unnoticed.

    But what truly broadened the conversation was his emphasis on how Kaduna secured federal government cooperation at levels rarely achieved in other states. Rather than operate in isolation, Sani noted that effective governance in modern Nigeria requires synergy, not rivalry, between tiers of government. He disclosed one of the manifestations of this synergy with the federal government as Kaduna’s readiness to kickstart its own Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems as well as a light rail project. According to the governor, when people can move safely, predictably and affordably, the economic ecosystem expands; crime shrinks naturally because more people become productively engaged.

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    This integrated approach of linking security with development, infrastructure, and economic opportunity was the backbone of Sani’s NIIA lecture. And this is what has played out in places like Birnin Gwari and a few other places that used to be a hotbed for banditry and kidnapping but are now secured with residents back to living safely there. In fact, the famed Kara Livestock Market that was closed for over a decade now thrives, loading thousands of heads of cattle across the country. Also, in September 2025, the United Kingdom moved its travel advisory to Kaduna for its citizens from ‘red’ to ‘amber’, which Sani said means “British citizens are now free to travel to Kaduna State.”

    The lecture also served a broader purpose. At a time when insecurity remains a defining challenge across the country, leaders are searching for workable models. He acknowledged that each state has its peculiarities, but insisted that the principles of inclusive security remain universal. Listening to him, one could sense a quiet challenge addressed to political leaders nationwide. Sani’s message to his fellow governors was clear. What is happening in Kaduna is not magic, and it is not unique to the state. Any government that prioritises people, embraces collaboration, strengthens institutions and invests in development alongside enforcement can replicate the progress.

    Governance should move beyond rhetorics, reactionary crisis management, and adopt preventive, systems-driven, citizen-centered strategies. And leaders must recognise that security begins where dignity begins, hence a need to constantly create opportunities. An individual isolated from democratic goods is merely a ticking bomb. Leadership must also embrace inclusivity and deliberate partnership with its various organs.

    What makes the Kaduna story noteworthy is not that all problems have been solved. Even the governor admitted that the work is far from finished. Rather, it is that the trajectory has changed.

    “Since May 2023, my administration has witnessed the power of proximity-based governance to restore hope and stability,” Sani said while concluding.

    “We inherited fear, violence, and mistrust, yet through bold people-centred interventions, strategic peacebuilding, social investments and unwavering federal collaborations, we have reversed that narrative.”

    In Kaduna today, democratic dividends are being steadily unleashed, ensuring agriculture resumes, commerce boom and industries blossom while insecurity is being driven away. Many communities that were previously terrorised by criminal gangs, farmers have returned to their farms, rural markets that once shut early now operate freely, and residents who once slept lightly now speak of a calm they had nearly forgotten.

    These transformations did not materialise accidentally. They arose from policy consistency and from a government willing to confront root causes rather than symptoms. And if other states choose to borrow from Sani’s strategies, Nigeria’s national search for peace may finally begin to find direction.

    In concluding his lecture, Governor Sani reminded the audience that peace is not a trophy a state wins but a condition it must continuously cultivate. The applause that followed was not merely out of courtesy. It was an acknowledgment of the clarity with which he articulated the Kaduna experience and the usefulness of the less ons he shared.

    • Akinmosa writes from Abuja

  • Marwa’s re-appointment, a renewed nightmare for drug barons

    Marwa’s re-appointment, a renewed nightmare for drug barons

    • By Tosin Damola

    Sir: It is not surprising that the announcement of Brigadier General Mohamed Buba Marwa’s re-appointment as chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) on Friday, November 14, has once again sent a powerful and mixed signal across the country.

    For ordinary citizens, the news comes as reassurance that the fight against narcotics will not lose momentum. But for drug barons and trafficking syndicates, it is nothing short of a renewed nightmare because Marwa’s first term clearly marked a historic level of seizures, arrests, dismantling of clandestine laboratories, and dislodgement of major drug cartels that had infiltrated every facet of society.

    I have witnessed his leadership restore public confidence in NDLEA and demonstrate that Nigeria can confront organised criminal enterprises with both courage and strategy. I believe his return to office will not only ensure that the pressure on drug traffickers continues but will intensify, because the handlers of illicit drug networks know that with Marwa at the helm, there will be no breathing space.

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    During his first term, we all saw an NDLEA that became more active, more visible, and more effective. The constant interception of drugs at airports, seaports, and highways showed that traffickers no longer had the freedom they once enjoyed.

    The updates from NDLEA, through weekly press releases, demonstrate that the agency remains consistently active, committed, and proactive in its efforts to curb the drug menace across the country.

    His re-appointment by the president is therefore more than an administrative decision; it is a national security victory. It guarantees that the gains recorded will be sustained and expanded, making Nigeria an increasingly hostile territory for drug peddlers and their dangerous operations.

    Marwa’s second term also represents continuity of reforms, vigilance, and operational excellence. His re-appointment is therefore a victory for public health, national security, and Nigeria’s global reputation as a country determined to confront the drug menace head-on.

    For the first time in a long while, Nigeria has a leader who understands the strategies of traffickers and is committed to shutting down their operations. Marwa’s leadership has also helped break the myth that certain drug traffickers were “untouchable.”

    Marwa’s re-appointment is therefore a lifeline to a generation that seeks guidance, protection, and a drug-free environment.

    •Tosin Damola,

    Lokoja, Kogi State.

  • An open China for a shared future

    An open China for a shared future

    • By Amb Yu Dunhai

    Sir: Not long ago, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was convened in Beijing. During the session, the document Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development was deliberated and adopted, charting the course for China’s development over the next five years.

    The plenum called for steadily expanding institutional opening-up, safeguarding the multilateral trading system, promoting broader international economic flows, and advancing reform and development through opening-up, thereby creating broader space for China and the world to share development opportunities.

    In early November, the 8th China International Import Expo (CIIE) was successfully held in Shanghai. As the first major economic and diplomatic event following the Fourth Plenary Session, this year’s CIIE not only demonstrated the vast potential of the Chinese market but also served as a platform for global partners, including Nigeria, to connect and collaborate.

    Nigeria participated in the Expo a Guest Country of Honour. During the event, the Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, Speaker of the House of Representatives, attended and addressed the opening ceremony. Chinese Premier Li Qiang held a productive meeting with the Hon. Abbas and his delegation. Building on these high-level engagements, Nigeria’s presence was further highlighted at its national pavilion.

    Showcasing the country’s economic achievements, investment potential, and high-quality products, the Nigeria Pavilion attracted considerable attention from Chinese buyers and investment institutions. Nigerian businesses used this platform to gain direct access to China’s vast market and enhance their brand visibility through exchanges with international exhibitors. Key Nigerian exports—such as agricultural products, processed foods, and creative industry goods—continued to be well-received by Chinese consumers, injecting new vitality into bilateral economic and trade relations.

    This year, the CIIE upgraded its special exhibition zone for products from the world’s least developed countries, many of which are from Africa. This upgrade enabled enterprises and products from all 53 African countries that have diplomatic ties with China to fully benefit from zero-tariff treatment. More than 80 business associations from over 50 countries and regions participated as groups, underscoring the CIIE’s unique role in supporting global small and medium-sized enterprises. The Hongqiao International Economic Forum, held in tandem with the CIIE, focused for the first time on the themes of “economic resilience” and “sustainable agricultural development” in the Global South, further demonstrating China’s commitment to advancing hand in hand with developing countries.

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    Over the past five years, China’s economy has maintained steady growth amid a complex international environment. By the end of 2025, China’s total economic output is expected to reach around 140 trillion yuan (approximately USD 19.4 trillion), contributing about 30% to global economic growth. China has continued to promote technological innovation and green transformation while further expanding opening up, creating new opportunities for global cooperation.

    Nigeria, as a major African economy with a young population and vast market potential, has seen its relations with China enter a fast track of development under the strategic guidance of the two heads of state. Bilateral trade has grown steadily, surpassing USD 20 billion in the first three quarters of 2025, a year-on-year increase of 32.56%. China has remained one of Nigeria’s top trading partners for many years. The two countries have achieved fruitful cooperation in energy, agriculture, manufacturing, infrastructure, and the digital economy, while also exploring new opportunities in green transformation and emerging industries.

    The year 2026 will mark the 55th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Nigeria. China is ready to take this opportunity to deepen the alignment of development strategies with Nigeria, effectively connecting China’s 15th Five-Year Plan with Nigeria’s “Renewed Hope” Agenda, expand practical cooperation across multiple fields, and support Nigeria’s industrial and agricultural modernization.

    Today, the world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. China cannot be separated from the world in achieving development, and the world also needs China for prosperity. No matter how the international landscape evolves, China’s determination to expand high-level opening up will remain unchanged; its resolve to share development opportunities with the world will remain unchanged; and its commitment to promoting open, inclusive, balanced, and win-win economic globalization will remain unchanged.

    China will continue to advance high-level opening up, work together with Nigeria and other African countries to build a closer China-Africa community with a shared future, and jointly create a better future defined by openness, cooperation, and mutual benefit.

    •Amb Yu Dunhai,

    China’s Ambassador to Nigeria.

  • Still on English as the sole medium of instruction in schools

    Still on English as the sole medium of instruction in schools

    • By Ganiu Bamgbose

    Sir: The decision of the 69th National Council on Education (NCE) to cancel the National Language Policy has met with great condemnation from stakeholders across walks of life. I should put it straightforwardly that the cancellation should be condemned indeed. This is because language is not just a means of communication; it is a carrier of worldview which is also used to shape identity and construct ideologies. To stop the use of indigenous languages as a means of instruction in schools is to take a huge step towards bringing the languages into extinction.

    It is therefore important to collectively condemn and protest against such acts as bodies such as the Linguistic Association of Nigeria (LAN) and Nigeria Academy of Letters (NAL) have done. What I find worth sharing however is how it is always easy to foreground the government part of issues in Nigeria; often sweeping under the carpet the “silent” roles played by other stakeholders and citizens in supporting many such obnoxious governmental decisions.

    First, the question: how many of the people in the forefront of this call for reversal of the mother tongue policy do their children call daddies and mummies in their indigenous languages? Let us all answer with sincerity: How many of us use our mother tongue as the official language of our homes? How many of our children speak our indigenous languages as fluently as they speak English? You may want to give yourself the sincere answer. Do we not call them Clinton instead of Chukwudi? And Qudus instead of Oluwatobilola? This is not an attack on religion but have we not also thought we would not be Christians and Muslims well enough if our children are not called the Biblical and Quranic names? How many Nigerians have their native names as their first names? Are these names that describe our origins, values and virtues not always thrown somewhere in the middle of the arrangement?

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    I do not claim to have been to many parts of the country but from the places I have visited, I can say confidently that this policy being cancelled was not ever actually in use. Were schools actually teaching in the language of the immediate environment in the early primary classes before now? How many of us would leave our children in schools where indigenous languages serve as the language of instruction from primary 1 to 3? How many of the teachers in those primary classes even speak their native languages fluently?  In which schools are poems in Nigerian languages recited on the assembly ground? Perhaps we want to reflect on these questions too.

    Finally, what level of investment has gone into developing Nigerian languages to cater for pedagogical needs? I know of the individual efforts of scholars and associations to help these languages grow but to what extent have we pressurised and got the government to invest in the development of these languages through the creation of metalanguage and other ways? In how many Nigerian languages can Physics, Chemistry and Literature be taught? If we had been committed to the use of mother tongue in early years of primary school since the time it became a national policy, should we not have talked about extending the policy to other classes in primary education with English as a subject? These questions too are ours to answer.

    I close by saying that the cancellation of the National Language Policy was the last in the several steps that led to the decision. And when we are done with the government, we should sincerely also appraise ourselves as people and systems and interrogate our roles in what we vehemently commend.

    •Ganiu Bamgbose, PhD,

     Lagos State University, Ojo.

  • Abuse of power?

    Abuse of power?

    A journalist in Ebonyi State, Godwin Aliuna, landed in hospital late last week after being brutalised by operatives of a state security agency, Neighbourhood Watch, allegedly under instruction by a commissioner in the state government. Aliuna, a correspondent for Daily Asset newspaper, fingered Commissioner for Border Peace and Conflict Resolution, Prof. Paul Awo Nwobasi, while recounting his ordeal to reporters at a hospital in Abakaliki, the state capital, at the weekend.

    The journalist said he was attacked while covering an event alongside other journalists at the Old Government House in Abakaliki, where the commissioner was attempting to resolve a community leadership dispute. According to him, trouble began when Nwobasi ordered him out of the venue. He said as he made to leave, the commissioner allegedly pushed him onto his way, upon which Neighbourhood Watch operatives seized him and took him away for disciplining. Neighbourhood Watch is an agency under the Internal Security ministry that shares an office block with Border Peace and Conflict Resolution ministry.

    Speaking from hospital bed, Aliuna said: “I was manhandled by Neighbourhood Watch, under the directive and supervision of the commissioner. I hadn’t done anything wrong, I was only reporting on the event.” He further alleged that his phone was confiscated and content deleted. “Before I knew it, they threw me inside their cell and began beating me, hitting my head, eyes and back while trying to restrain me.” He added: “They even threatened to break my legs. I asked what crime I had committed, but they said it was on the commissioner’s orders.” The journalist urged State Governor Francis Nwifuru to call the commissioner to order, he also enjoined rights and civil society groups to intervene and resist alleged attempt to suppress journalists who are the society’s conscience and mouthpiece.

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    Reports said when he was contacted, the commissioner denied ordering the journalist’s rough-handling by Neighbourhood Watch. Hardball also finds it a gap somewhat in Aliuna’s narrative that the commissioner singled him out from among other journalists at the event for the reported ill-treatment, unless there had been a previous encounter that fostered animus which boiled over at last week’s event.

    Still, it was extremely overreaching for Neighbourhood Watch operatives to have acted the way they did, regardless of at whose instance. One of Aliuna’s colleagues was reported pointing out that the law that established the agency empowers it only to apprehend and hand over suspects to the police for investigation as may be necessary. “But today, they have horrible cells in their office where they dump people and continually torture them. Some have stayed months in that place under very awful conditions,” he said, adding: “We were able to rescue Aliuna only because we went as a group of journalists.”

    The fear of many about state control of security – e.g. state police – is how it could be abused. Ebonyi Neighbourhood Watch hasn’t helped to allay that fear.

  • Soludo vs Obi: a new low

    Soludo vs Obi: a new low

    The Anambra governorship election has come and gone, with the people speaking loud and clear.  Across the state’s 21 local governments, everyone now knows the undisputed lord of the manor: the re-elected Governor, Chukwuma Charles Soludo.

    But that wasn’t joy — indeed, it was concentrated anguish — to former Governor Peter Obi.  He played the Emeka Ojukwu wannabe.  Recall: the late Ikemba Nnewi literarily strapped Obi to his back, and sold him to his captive APGA electorate. 

    That powered Obi to his two-term governorship.  In instant appreciation, Obi promised not to ever leave APGA — but that turned a dud, no sooner than Ojukwu hit the grave.

    But Obi, ever the mere butterly that always fancies himself a powerful bird, wasn’t quite shy playing the neo-Ojukwu, but this time to the Labour Party (LP) candidate, George Moghalu, himself an ex-APC, who wanted to cash on Obi’s felt popularity to sneak into the Anambra governorship. 

    That proved a rich mirage and opportunism never crashed so badly!  Some claim it was the “Soludo solution” that unhorsed Obi so badly.  But others swear it was the “APGA curse”, which harvested Obi’s conceit at the most painful of seasons.  Again, remember: Obi’s sensational renouncing of APGA, sooner than later, would come back to haunt the guilty.  Ojukwu, to whose grave Obi always went to campaign, while selling his hand-picked successor, Willy Obiano, must be smiling in his grave!

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    But Obi won’t be the sensational spin master, if he didn’t turn his trouncing into some realtime lexical triumph.  Mocked for his crash — well, the loud collapse of his LP protégée — Obi, gripped by post-electoral rout and conceit, claimed he wasn’t on the ballot, so he couldn’t have been defeated — true, but only literally so.  He knew he was well and truly trounced, because he was lifting Moghalu’s hand all over the place.  So, Moghalu’s rejection was Obi’s rejection too — fair and square!

    In his conceptual confusion, he happened on the rather colourful sports imagery: having been Anambra governor more than 10 years ago, he — Obi — now played in the Premiership (read presidency) and therefore was no Soludo’s mate.

    Well, that was a risky claim.  Besides, the Premiership — Presidency — claim is rather tendentious.  It ended in a loss, except you’re a Chimanmada Ngozi Adichie, who staked her literary integrity on Obi and confederates’ suspect 2023 claim.  His governorship?  There’s even a bigger shadow on that, given Obi’s legacy crisis.  Beyond a controversial “savings” claim, he left virtually zero landmark, compared to Soludo’s extant record.

    Soludo, who Sam Omatseye loves to call the “boom of Anambra orchestra”, on account of his baritone voice, didn’t take things lying low.  He countered that he, with his present gubernatorial record and previous record as CBN Governor, aside other pre-governorship achievements, had played in the World Cup, while all Obi could boast was playing in League One — effectively the English Second Division!

    Obi — a foul loser — brought it all upon himself, to be sure.  But Soludo too was no magnanimous winner, the way he robbed his predecessor in the mud.  That was a new low.  Both could do far better.

  • Addressing violence and reclaiming our place in Africa

    Addressing violence and reclaiming our place in Africa

    Sir: The concerns recently raised by President Donald Trump, Senator Ted Cruz, and several members of the U.S. Congress regarding the killing of Christians in Nigeria some of which they have described as genocide reflect a legitimate and longstanding global alarm. These killings did not begin today; they span decades of unresolved tensions, unaddressed grievances, and political divisions that have allowed violence to fester across many parts of our country.

    While it is true that both Christians and Muslims have been affected by various forms of communal, ethnic, and resource-driven violence, the core issue is clear: no Nigerian deserves to die, and no community deserves abandonment by the state. The persistence of these killings signals a deeper crisis of governance and accountability. At this stage of our democratic development, Nigeria should not still be battling pockets of conflict that could have been resolved through early intervention, strong leadership, and institutional competence.

    Instead, we should be scaling up innovation, expanding infrastructure, modernising agriculture, improving education, and steering holistic development across every sector. It is both painful and embarrassing that a nation with Nigeria’s human capital, natural resources, and global influence continues to be defined internationally by violence, instability, and internal fragmentation.

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    The Nigerian government must unequivocally demonstrate that it is willing and able to confront this challenge. This requires more than public statements it requires the intelligent deployment of security resources, strengthened intelligence gathering, and the political will to prosecute those responsible, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or political affiliation. Only through impartial justice can Nigeria begin to restore local and international confidence in its capacity to protect its citizens.

    At the diplomatic level, Nigeria must also strengthen relationships with key global partners like the United States, the United Kingdom, and other strategic allies. These relationships can provide technical support, conflict-resolution expertise, and enhanced cooperation on security and governance reforms. True partnership, however, depends on Nigeria showing seriousness, transparency, and a clear commitment to peace and accountability.

    If Nigeria addresses violence decisively, we will unlock enormous potential. Food security will improve, poverty will decline, investor confidence will rise, and national unity will deepen. Most importantly, Nigeria can reclaim its rightful position as the Giant of Africa not by title alone, but through competence, justice, and visionary leadership.

    The path forward is clear. Nigeria has everything it needs to succeed. What remains is the courage to act, the discipline to govern, and the determination to protect every Nigerian life. Only then can we rebuild our global image and steer the nation toward stable, inclusive, and sustainable development.

    •Olufemi Adenitan Esq, adenitanolufemi@gmail.com

  • The reality evinced by Wike/Yerima standoff

    The reality evinced by Wike/Yerima standoff

    Sir: As some Nigerians laud the cool, level-headed and defiant stance of the naval officer that confronted Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, we must remember the havoc military arrogance, violence, brutality, hedonism and disdain for the civilian population had wrought on Nigeria.

    As we suffer and lament the hell fire that our beloved country has become – a legacy of military rule – we cannot help but long for the past.

    It is the past, before military involvement in Nigeria politics, when the leaders of the First Republic held sway over a halcyon, orderly, functional and liveable country. It was when unarmed policemen maintained law and order, with just batons; Nigerians were frightened and nauseated by the sight of blood; people, in their contentment, had moral values and realistic expectations; corrupt politicians misappropriated only 5 to 10 per cent of government funds; some Nigerian universities ranked among the best in the world; etc.

    When, on January 15, 1966, Chukwuma Nzeogwu and his band of idealistic murderers went, in their murderous idealism, murdering the innocent, they complicated the political problems of the country and sent her into a political tailspin. Nigeria has since not recovered.

    The brutality and bloodletting of the coup and its consequences glamorized violence and brutalized the national psyche. The lop-sidedness in the killings of the coup spurred the reprisal coup of July 29, 1966 and the mass-murder of the Igbo in northern Nigeria, and subsequently, the civil war.

    The years of military rule were disastrous for Nigeria. Presently, one of the most daunting problems of Nigeria remains how to roll back the festering, pervading legacies of military rule: moral and ethical collapse of the society; culture of violence and impunity; warped value system and its unbridled corruption and reckless thievery of public funds; disdain for the rule of law; etc.

    Awwal Gambo is building a house in an area of Abuja zoned for open space and parks. In addition, he has no proof of ownership to the land and no approval to build. It is not unusual for state/city government to stop construction on a property due to lack of approval and other necessary documentations. What then is special about the attempt to suspend construction in this particular case? It is special because the individual, Gambo, who is disregarding the zoning ordinance of the city of Abuja and building without approval is a high ranking military officer?

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    He is the former Chief of Naval Staff, a Vice Admiral. During, and beyond, military rule, the military demonstrated to us that they are above the law. Consequently, many Nigerians think that there is nothing wrong with the admiral’s lawlessness and the disdainful and arrogant behaviour of Lt. Yerima toward a serving minister of the federal government. 

    Nyesom Wike is impulsive and tactless. Although his approach to the matter was imprudent, the bottom-line is that he was enforcing the law. Although the admiral did not show up at the site for a confrontation, he deployed a prepossessing, youthful and handsome naval officer, whose calm and unruffled demeanour in the face of Wike’s coarse and acidic parlance readily endeared him to most Nigerians. But the bottom line is that he is breaking the law: city zoning ordinance and building codes.

    The contention, therefore, was between the rule of law and lawlessness; adherence to urban planning standards and disregard for it; uniformity in the enforcement of rules or special treatment for some khaki-clad big men, etc.

    Secondly, in a democracy – I still believe that Nigeria is a democracy – the military is subject to the civilian authority. The Wike/Yerima drama and the prevailing sentiments among Nigerians, as made evident in the expressed opinions of many Nigerians evinced an unvarnished reality: Nigeria is a wobbly democracy. She is yet to attain one of the essential milestones of democracy: the subordination of the military to civilian authority.   

    •Tochukwu Ezukanma,Lagos.