Category: Commentaries

  • The tyranny of television

    The tyranny of television

    By Ethelbert Okere

    There is a growing paradox in the relationship between practitioners in the television sub-media in Nigeria and their clients; which is that whereas the television provides optimal exposure and glamour for both, shouting bouts are becoming quite regular on our television screens. Time was when television programme anchors, hosts, presenters, newscasters, reporters etc, were a rare breed, greatly admired and sought after by members of the elite who long to savor in the glamour of the klieg light. The prestige is still there but the increasing incidents of apparent hostilities between television show hosts and their guests is gradually diminishing that attraction.  

    Two factors are principally responsible for this state of affairs. One, there is a growing similarity between the television – in the Nigerian context, at least – and the social media, both being electronic and preponderantly visual. Two, and perhaps as a corollary, there is a temptation, in several quarters, to believe that, like in the social media, there are no (longer) editors in the television sub-media.

    While the argument may be obvious in respect of the social media, that of the television is still debatable. But because television show hosts tend to generally give the impression that they are entirely on their own, there is the temptation to think that the television – in the Nigerian context, still – no longer has gate keepers, just like the social media. For example, television show hosts seem unrestrained on the type of questions they could ask their guests. Quite often, they interrupt the guest in the middle of giving an answer to a question with clearly opinionated interjections.

    The other principal factor is the fading attraction and influence of the print media, arising from the revolutionary advent of the social media. Before the television became ubiquitous in our clime and the coming of the social media, the print media was the main arena for public discussions and debates. Opinion, features articles and no-holds-barred interviews were the most formidable avenues for interrogating critical issues. Media handlers of politicians and public office holders fell on each other to get reputable newspapers and magazines to interview their principals; and newspaper and magazine editors on their own would also run after prominent public figures to get their views on important matters.

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    Indeed, going on television was not quite popular because, aside that television outfits were few – television in Nigeria was a state monopoly until the mid-1990s – people did not bother since the newspapers and magazines gave them what they wanted. Not anymore. While newspapers and magazines have lost much of the attraction they held yesterday, the television is everywhere; and even though appearances are mostly commercialized, the elite – the political elite mostly – has no option except, perhaps, to go to the social media.

    Enter the practitioners, the impeccably dressed young men and women on our television screens and the toasts of every political actor and his handler. Now, the big question: Are these TV boys and girls too conscious of their status as beautiful brides? You’d wait forever if you want a plain “yes” or “no” answer but suffice it to say, in the time being, that the ladies and gentlemen we see on our screens appear too sophisticated to fit into such an imagination. I have known and associated with some of them personally since I also once savored in the ‘stardom’ of television appearances.

    That was the period I used to appear on AIT’s Kakaaki for newspaper reviews every Monday. I did it for about two years but after the first three months, I discovered that I could hardly walk for a few meters in Abuja, especially, without being recognized as “AIT Man” and in such a manner that conveyed great admiration. Many would call me by name as if they knew me from Adam. Being a shy fellow, I was at unease most of the time but the benefits were there. One fellow that was completely unknown to me paid for my buffet breakfast at the Bukka restaurant of the Hilton Hotel, Abuja, one morning. Another paid for my plate of fresh fish pepper soup at a joint in Jabbi even though I stopped going there after that day.

    The incident I cannot forget was the day I was ‘accosted’ at Mama Ada’s place in Wuse 2, a make shift eatery where I used to go for white rice with Ofe Akwu, complete with my faviourite Kponmo (cow skin). As I approached the entrance of the eatery one morning, I was greeted with “See Oga AIT”. I retreated immediately and never went there again. But before you say “you too like food”, see this also: A top politician from my state once refunded me the money I paid for a return ticket to Owerri at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja with the remark, “we are proud of you”.

    At a point, I was forced to ask my friend, Utibe Umoren, one of the anchors of the Kakaaki show, whether those of them whose faces appear on television everyday ever walk the streets; if I, who appeared only once in a week, could be having the type of experience I have just related. But I was just asking to fulfill all righteousness since I knew the answer to my question: Television men and women are celebrities, greatly admired and even adored.

    That being the case, it goes without saying that such a status brings about a lot of expectations and responsibilities. To be sure, our television hosts in Nigeria show a lot of brilliance and an amazing grasp of issues but that on itself requires that they need to be more comported and less emotive than their guests. The reason is simple. The slightest display of emotion by the host may be mistaken for bias. While that cannot be ruled out completely, I believe that it is incumbent upon the television show host to deliberately ensure that he or she is not perceived as such. But this deliberateness or caution does not seem to hold much attraction for many of them. More often than not, the host is so persistent over a particular issue or line of argument to the point of being seen as bullying his guest; the overall result being that the guest may walk away with the impression that he or she was ambushed

    Agreed, the host or presenter might be an epitome of classroom knowledge but the point is that in practical terms, the growing incidence of  near shouting bouts between television hosts and their guests is creating an impression – falsely, I hope – that something is missing in the professional upbringing of some of the “stars”. In a bid to show mastery of the subject, many a hosts ask unnecessarily windy questions, thus taking up the time that should have been allowed the guest. They interject even when the host is yet to make a full sentence. Then the next thing you will hear is, “we are running out of time but tell me in thirty seconds, how you will solve the security problem in the country if elected?” Haba! Thirty seconds?

    At other times, the hosts would ask questions whose answers are given but which they pose, nonetheless. One anchor of a popular evening show in a particular television station is fond of raising his voice to the point of suggesting that he believes or thinks that both his guests and viewers are deaf! More often than not, some anchors completely exhaust the time allocated to their show and eat into the next one simply because the questions are repetitive. And you asked, where are the producers even though it is said that in some cases, the anchors are also the producers. It would, of course, be preposterous to argue that television show hosts should be asking patronizing questions but I am of the candid opinion that there is need for a reappraisal of the modus operandi and general conduct during television shows in order to make them look less like trial courts than seems to be the case currently.

    An earlier version of this article was published sometime in October 2022 and which I gave a few instances of hostilities between television show hosts and their guests. However, the recent exchanges between the Minister of Works, Mr. Dave Umahi and one of the hosts of the popular Arise TV programme, The Morning Show, Mr. Rufai Oseni, brought the matter to the fore once again. That incident attracted attention because Mr. Oseni has since cut out for himself the reputation of the “hard hitter” among the crew.

    Before the encounter with the Works Minister, Oseni had had an encounter with Mr. Lere Olayinka, media aide to the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mr. Nyesom Wike. The Oseni-Umahi matter has been variously interpreted but methinks that it is high time something is done about the prevalence of hostilities on our television screens. Is there nothing managers of the stations or the regulatory authorities can do about this state of affairs? My view, quite frankly, is that some of our TV stars need to do better.

    Some commentators have raised the issue the professional training. Olayinka in his exchanges with Oseni claimed that the latter studied Animal Science and, therefore, has no business on television. He is right if there evidence that Mr. Oseni does not have additional training in Journalism or Broadcasting even though he might not be the only non-journalist practicing the profession in our clime. In other words, it is incumbent upon Oseni and the regulatory authorities to provide evidence that he got additional training that qualifies him to be a broadcaster. Agreed, many personalities go ahead to excel in areas they are not initially trained in but at a time when the system is saturated with people who are both trained and talented in specific fields, non-trained practitioners in sundry fields should be encouraged to go for proper training. In any case, would the Rufais of this world have allowed a non-trained Lawyer, for instance, appear on their show to speak as a lawyer?

    Conversely, I believe that something is wrong where a Minister asks a reporter – the generic nomenclature for journalists – “Who Are You?” or “You Know Nothing”. A Minister of the Federal Republic should be able to overlook any real or perceived excesses of his or her interrogator in public. Such a scenario, as was witnessed, is unedifying to our collective national psyche. Over all, we need to improve on the standard of our public debates from both the side of public officials and their interrogators.

  • Climate change: Youths to the challenge of leading climate action

    Climate change: Youths to the challenge of leading climate action

    By Adebayo Adeleye

    In every corner of the world, a quiet revolution is underway. One led not by presidents or CEOs, but by students, innovators, and young activists determined to save the planet they will inherit. From the streets, to classrooms and tech hubs all over Lagos, Nairobi, Accra, London and New York, young people are standing at the forefront of the global fight against climate change. Their message is clear: the time for talk is over, the time for action is now.

    A Generation Awakens: The youth led climate movement gained international momentum in 2018 when Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg began her solitary school strike for the climate outside Sweden’s parliament. Within months, millions of students world-wide joined her call for urgent climate action under the banner of Fridays for Future. However, beyond protests, a deeper, more diverse movement is emerging, one that combines science, activism, and innovation. In Africa, where climate change impacts the most despitee contributing the least to global emissions, young leaders are responding with creativity and resilience. Nigerian environmentalists; researchers and activists have developed projects and public education campaigns, part of which is this weekly Climate change column hosted by none other than the newspaper with the  widest reach in Nigeria; TheNation’ss Newspaper. There’s also a  youth championed “eco-feminist,” project, empowering women and girls in rural communities to lead reforestation and clean energy projects. Als,o another loud voice is that of Dr. Odetokun’s “William and Miriam climate change initiative”. In Kenya, Elizabeth Wathuti founded the Green Generation Initiative, planting thousands of trees while inspiring youth to reconnect with nature. These voices represent a new wave of environmental consciousness one that sees sustainability not as a choice, but as a duty.

    Innovation as Climate Action: Beyond rallies and awareness campaigns, young people are turning science and technology into powerful climate tools. Across universities and startups, youth innovators are designing affordable solar lamps, developing biodegradable packaging, and creating digital apps that track pollution or manage waste recycling.

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    In Nigeria, student engineers have designed simple biogas systems that convert organic waste into cooking gas, and a  huge green energy source. A good example is Architect Olaiya Bisirodipe’s patented invention; “the  FAST-TRACK e-waste disposal device system”. In Ghana, youth-led enterprises are recycling plastic waste into building materials, turning environmental problems into business opportunities. These ideas don’t just cut emissions, they create jobs and strengthen local economies. Digital activism is also changing how climate action spreads. Through social media, young people are educating peers, organisingg clean-up programs, and calling out polluters with unprecedented reach. Their energy, creativity, and digital fluency are giving climate advocacy a voice that is impossible to ignore.

    Challenges of a Youth-Led Movement: Despite their passion, young activists face real challenges. Many lack funding, political support, or platforms to influence policy. In some countries, youth climate advocates are dismissed as “too young” or “too idealistic.” Others operate in regions where climate data, research, or public awareness are limited. Yet, they persist; building networks, forming alliances, and refusing to be silenced. Across the world, youth movements are demanding not just inclusion in discussions but a seat at the decision making table. As one young Kenyan activist recently said, “We don’t want to inherit promises; we want to inherit solutions.”

    Education and Empowerment: One of the most powerful ways to strengthen youth climate leadership is through education. Integrating climate science into school curricula helps young people understand the problem early and equips them with tools to innovate solutions. Around the world, universities and NGOs are introducing green entrepreneurship programs and sustainability incubators to channel youthful creativity into real impact. The United Nations, the  African Union, and various environmental organisations have also launched youth focused programs to mentor the next generation of environmental leaders. Such initiatives recognise that the energy of youth, when paired with opportunity, can accelerate global progress toward climate goals.

    The climate struggle is, at its heart, a struggle for the future and no group understands that better than the young. While older generations debate timelines and targets, today’s youth are engaging in climate change research, planting trees, building solar farms, and reshaping mindsets. They are proving that climate action is not only necessary but possible. As one young activist put it, “We might not have created this crisis, but we will be the generation that ends it.” Their courage, innovation, and determination offer a glimpse of a greener, fairer world; one where hope itself becomes a form of resistance.

    The future, it seems, is not waiting. It is already being built, by the youth.

    • Dr. Adeleye, Ph.D; Ibadan. is a Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450

  • Ekiti, Oct 27: Date with destiny!

    Ekiti, Oct 27: Date with destiny!

    The allegations of contrived mayhem in the State of Ekiti are an acknowledgement that desperation has taken root in the quest to gain entrance into Oke Ayoba.

    This is ominous, but it also reveals the infantile elements in Nigeria’s political paradox, where one addresses a daunting reality, not with a countervailing strategy, but with stones and missiles. Indeed, without relying on scientific opinion polls, it is absolutely clear that unseating the incumbent government will be quite a task.

    For a start, those snapping at his heels within his own party and the opposition have run out of tricks. But they’re still hell-bent on facing him in the general election, absurdly, without a clear alternative position. So far, it has been largely a cacophony of sound-and-fury, all motion and no movement, all grunt and no bacon, all hat and no cattle, ultimately yielding no clear direction. Given its past illustrious history, Ekiti deserves much better than unedifying storylines.

    No strings attached, the incumbent governor, from the perspective of the discerning and the neutral, has a lot going for him. The first Made-in-Ekiti governor, he has a calm disposition which has proved infectious, and it’s affecting the mood of the state in a positive way. Ekiti, at the moment, is at peace with itself. This is a rare feat, especially during this period of economic transition.

    Even for that singular purpose, it is hoped that those wishing to unseat him would take heed, revisit their strategies and present a coherent blueprint outlining why they would outperform a governor who has maintained peace and stability. This is free consultancy, which mere men with narrow loyalty should be grateful to be seeing.

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    That said, the harsh truth is that most politicians fail to resonate with the electorate. Instead, they appear solely focused on grabbing power without a clear programme or strategic thinking. They lack even a tentative budget to demonstrate their readiness to hit the ground running, if elected. Of course, the late Obafemi Awolowo excelled in this area, as he was consistently presenting a clear alternative vision, even if his detractors disagreed.

    Governance beyond party lines! Respectful outreach and mentorship! Voluntary, not coerced performance! Deliberate statesmanship! Again, the point is that the man, Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, aka BAO, has proved to be a diligent administrator who has kept his nose clean, implemented quite good programmes, and has drawn no demur. Not surprisingly, too, the response of the Ekitis appears to be ‘if it’s not broken, why fix it?’ Yes, the people know that there’s still a lot to be done, and neutrals believe it’s imprudent to change a winning team mid-course. This is typical of informed voters who value continuity and progress.

    Undoubtedly, the support for the incumbent governor is not merely political rhetoric but is infused with deeply personal and historical context. For example, former Governor Niyi Adebayo speaks of Oyebanji’s unwavering loyalty, while Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele describes BAO as a man after the hearts of the people, whose leadership style has made the party an attractive brand. These sentiments, echoed by Isaac Kekemeke’s startling declaration: “We have seen you and we have heard you”, strike a chord. They accentuate the call for a unified voice in the ballot, affirming the governor’s connection with the people.

    The Ekiti State Chapter of the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs also appreciates Oyebanji for “actively embodying the true spirit of Nigeria’s independence”, a move that has brought about a dramatic shift, lifting a long-neglected community from the shadows. Tajudeen Olutope Ahmed’s statement on behalf of the Muslim Ummah confirmed “significant progress” towards resolving marginalization, noting the governor’s “sincerity, fairness, and transparency”. Thanks to BAO, Ekiti Muslims now enjoy a “renewed sense of belonging, dignity, and citizenship”, which represents the true essence of independence.

    Given these considerations, the unfolding scenario in Ekiti, as the state heads towards its date with destiny, is that the incumbent governor is on an unassailable position to secure the All Progressives Congress (APC) ticket on Monday, October 27, 2025, and head towards a convincing victory in the governorship election, slated for Saturday, June 20, 2026.

    A key observation here is that, for Nigeria’s politics to be of benefit to the people, it must become more issue-based and aspirants must learn a lesson or two, especially from India, where incumbency is actually a curse and not an advantage. This accountability has been a key factor in its rise to become the world’s fifth-largest economy, with projections suggesting it will be the world’s largest economy by 2050.

    In India, they talk about the power of incumbency. In Nigeria, we talk about the curse of incumbency. This contrast is telling, as evidenced by the fact that Prime Minister Narenda Modi’s government was the first to be reelected into office for the first time in 32 years.

    The political wannabes struggling to unseat incumbents would do Nigeria a favour by emulating India’s approach, which has driven significant economic growth and sustainable development. If achieved, this would lead to better governance and more even development, as incumbents would be keenly aware that, despite their performance, the odds against them remain high.

    Kaushik Basu, a renowned Indian economist, has indeed spoken about the democratic aspect of India’s progress. He’s quoted as saying that India is in a better shape today than anybody had envisaged fifty to sixty years ago because the electorate would always throw out the incumbent. This speaks to his faith in India’s democratic institutions and the accountability of politicians to the people.

    Basu argued that this democratic accountability had driven economic growth and helped India thrive despite its heterogeneity and low per capita income. He also believed that India’s focus on enhancing trade and implementing economic reforms could further realize its great power potential.

    As Ekiti State charts its course, Oyebanji certainly has a date with destiny. In times like this, Jawaharlal Nehru’s iconic ‘Tryst with Destiny’ speech, delivered on August 14, 1947, comes to mind, as it bespeaks the solemn responsibility that accompanies national freedom. Drawing inspiration from this essential moment in history, BAO’s leadership could be the catalyst for Ekiti’s transformation.

    As Nehru aptly observed, “We should not think about the next elections alone. We should think about the next generation.” This timeless wisdom raises a crucial question: how can Ekiti prepare its next generation to thrive in today’s globalized world and the rapidly evolving Fourth Industrial Revolution?

    Generally speaking, governors are expected to think about long-term investments in their states or communities, for they are not just helping today; they’re building a stronger tomorrow. Oyebanji, a colourful character, exemplifies this expectation. He has demonstrated his commitment to thoughtful and impactful leadership. He has restored trust and financial prudence, transforming Ekiti into a model of prosperity and stability. Salaries and pensions are being paid on time, gratuity arrears have been cleared, and local salaries have been aligned with federal levels – all without large-scale borrowing.

    Lots done! Lots more to be done!

    All things considered, if Oyebanji lives up to expectations, he will join the ranks of Lateef Jakande and Sam Mbakwe, who were decisively re-elected based on their proven, positive impact on Lagos and Imo States. The duo had only three months of their second term when the military struck recklessly and avoidably on December 31, 1983. Nevertheless, four decades later, the memory of their rare and uncommon achievements continues to resonate, guard, guide and inspire. History beckons BAO to seize the opportunity!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Oborevwori stops contract cost abuse, restores fiscal discipline

    Oborevwori stops contract cost abuse, restores fiscal discipline

    By Cyril Akpomedaye

    In a country where the cost of public projects often doubles or triples long after contracts have been signed, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori’s recent decision to abolish the upward review of contract sums in Delta State is a bold and refreshing move.

    It is a reform that cuts straight to the heart of one of Nigeria’s most persistent governance problems: the silent sabotage of accountability through inflated contracts. By taking this decisive stand, Oborevwori is not only promoting prudence and transparency but also sending a strong message that the era of easy loopholes in public contracting is coming to an end.

    Hitherto, it was prevalent that contractors usually asked for upward review of their contracts. Most times, the contractors cited increase in costs as an excuse. While this is a tenable excuse, for fraudulent contractors, it creates an avenue for fraud. Every Nigerian knows the story — sometimes too well. A borehole project that should cost N5 million ends up gulping N20 million. A 10-kilometre road drags on for six years, and when completed, it begins to crack within months. The problem often begins not at the point of execution but at the point of approval, where contractors underquote deliberately just to secure the job, confident that they can later return to the government to demand “variation” or “upward review.”

    Thankfully, Oborevwori disclosed this abolishment at the thanksgiving service marking the opening of the 2025/2026 Legal Year of the Delta State Judiciary, held at Emmanuel the Saviour Catholic Church, Asaba.

    “We have ended the old practice of arbitrary review of contract sums and variations after agreements have been signed,” Oborevwori said, putting an end to the fraudulent scheme.

    “Today, every state contract contains a clause that prevents such adjustments, and no contractor receives payment without a duly executed agreement. This is a major step towards transparency and responsible financial management in line with the Delta State Public Procurement Law of 2020.”

    While many critics may not like the person of President Tinubu, some discerning ones cannot shy away from the strength and beauty of some of his reforms. Of particular importance here is the foreign currency reforms. For nearly three years, foreign airlines were owed millions of dollars. Local businesses often relied on black market to access dollars in the course of doing business. That was till the Tinubu administration cleared and stabilised that stable. Unlike in the recent past, where the dollar swung unpredictably, a situation which made foreign currency speculation a full-time job of some, things have changed. Now, the Naira is stable and Nigerians can easily pay for little transactions abroad with their Naira cards. The difference between trading dollars via the banks and the black market is very marginal. The stability of the Naira in terms of the dollar has extended to businesses, many of whom have begun to consume imported goods or services to fulfill their obligations.

    But what is the connection of dollars to contract cost reviews? Simple. In an import dependent country like Nigeria, the dollar has an overwhelming way of influencing daily life, helplessly inflating costs, if swaying wildly. But as the foreign exchange machinations are stabilising and the Naira is stabilising, it would be difficult for contractors to cite wide fluctuations in prices as an excuse for upward reviews of contract sums. Hence, the abolishment by Oborevwori is not only welcome in the Big Heart state, it would be considered genius by watchers.

    The governor, who led the immediate state Legislature as Speaker, also used the occasion to reiterate his belief in democracy and the partnership that should exist among the three arms of government.

    “Our efforts in justice infrastructure, procurement, and law-making reflect our belief that democracy thrives best when there is synergy among the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary,” he said.

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    “The executive, legislature, and judiciary are partners in service. Each arm depends on the other to function effectively. Together, we must continue to uphold the rule of law and ensure that every Deltan can live, work, and dream in a society governed by justice and fairness.”

    At the event, Sheriff highlighted some of his administration’s reforms in the public service to include a 158 percent increment in Delta’s minimum wage. Also, his administration paid over N70 billion to clear state pension arrears, including a fresh N10 billion intervention to the State Pensions Board, with an additional N2 billion released monthly to sustain payments. According to the governor, the move is part of a broader commitment under his MORE Agenda — Meaningful Development, Opportunities for All, Realistic Reforms, and Enhanced Peace and Security.

    He listed some interventions like the launch of a Widows’ Welfare Scheme, to provide free healthcare and monthly stipends to 10,000 widows across the state. Other youth empowerment programmes such as MORE Grant Scheme, MORE WISE-Up, MORE ICT, and MORE Biz-Up, have transformed thousands of small businesses and artisans to self-reliance.

    As it stands, Oborevwori deserves kudos for how he is devoting more than two-thirds of the state’s 2026 budget to capital projects. Roads and infrastructures like hospitals, schools are taking centre-stage in addition to social services like healthcare and education. But, without ensuring proper fiscal methodology, there would not be funds to produce adequate public goods and services.

    Nigeria’s fiscal landscape is riddled with leakages — from inflated payrolls to duplicated projects. But few leakages are as pervasive as contract inflation. Once a project cost is reviewed upward, it rarely comes down, even if market prices later stabilize. And because these variations are often approved quietly within bureaucratic corridors, they escape public scrutiny. By abolishing upward reviews in Delta, Oborevwori has effectively blocked one of these hidden drains. The move will likely save the state billions over time — funds that can be redirected to social services, healthcare, education, or youth empowerment.

    Oborevwori’s approach brings back an ethic of accountability that has been sorely missing. It tells civil servants that due diligence is not optional. It reminds contractors that government work is not a lottery ticket. And it assures citizens that the state’s resources are being protected. But for too long, Nigerian states have paid premium prices for substandard output. By eliminating the habit of revising contract sums upward, Delta State is aligning itself with the global best practice of cost certainty. Contractors now have every incentive to sharpen their pencils, negotiate better with suppliers, manage timelines efficiently, and adopt modern methods that reduce waste.

    The governor’s move is not just administrative housekeeping. It is political courage. In a system where many would rather maintain the status quo to please vested interests, he has chosen to disrupt it. By abolishing the upward review of contract sums, Oborevwori has taken a stand that every Nigerian who desires good governance should applaud. And better still emulate. Because it is not just good for Delta. It is good for Nigeria.

    •Akpomedaye writes from Asaba

  • Sanwo-Olu’s wife restates commitment to inclusivity, others

    Sanwo-Olu’s wife restates commitment to inclusivity, others

    Wife of Lagos State Governor, Dr  Ibijoke Sanwo-Olu has  reaffirmed her commitment to inclusivity, stressing that Lagosians, regardless of their  ability, deserves a chance to thrive.

    She spoke at the  grand finale of the Committee of Wives of Lagos State Officials (COWLSO) Johnson Era’s Special Needs Community Outreach, a programme which had the  theme:  “No Limits, Just Possibilities – Redefining Inclusiveness.”

    The event attracted   dignitaries and stakeholders from around the state, including Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Mr. Gbenga Omotoso, whose words of encouragement underscored the government’s support for initiatives that put vulnerable communities at the centre of development.

    Also present were the Secretary of COWLSO Johnson Era, Mrs. Oyinda Ogunsanwo-Emmanuel, the Treasurer, Mrs. Kehinde Ajala, and the Coordinator for Ikeja Division, Mrs. Funmi Omotoso, who hosted the closing ceremony.

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    The programme featured  interactions with beneficiaries from institutions such as the Federal Nigeria Society for the Blind, Down Syndrome Foundation Nigeria, and the Centre for Citizens Living with Disability. These groups received empowerment gifts ranging from assistive devices to electronics, laptops, mattresses, wheelchairs, freezers, televisions, and fans, tailored to their specific needs.

    Mrs. Oyinda Ogunsanwo-Emmanuel described the outreach journey that began in Badagry, touched Ikorodu and Lagos Island, and culminated in Ikeja, as “a powerful reminder that compassion and service are the true essence of leadership.”

    For Mrs. Funmi Omotoso, the host and Ikeja Division Coordinator, the day was about impact.

    “We are not just giving items; we are giving hope, dignity, and a message that our brothers and sisters with special needs are valued members of society,” she said.

    With smiles, songs, and tokens of love exchanged, the grand finale was more than an event—it was a celebration of possibility, inclusiveness, and the enduring power of community.

  • New admission policy and the slow death of merit

    New admission policy and the slow death of merit

    Sir: The federal government’s new reform to “streamline” tertiary admission requirements sounds lofty on paper but dangerous in practice. Under the banner of the Renewed Hope Agenda, the Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, announced sweeping adjustments to admission requirements, aimed at expanding access and “democratizing” education. But in trying to cure the illness of limited admission slots, the government may just be infecting the system with a more chronic disease: the death of merit and the dilution of standards.

    Let’s be clear, no one disputes the need to reform our educational system. The bottlenecks are real. Each year, millions of young Nigerians write the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), and only a fraction gain admission. But the real question is not how to admit more students — it is how to ensure that admission remains a product of merit, competence, and fairness.

    It’s undeniable that JAMB, with all its imperfections, remains the only national institution that has managed to balance diversity, merit, and accountability in admissions. It ensures that a student in Gombe competes fairly with another in Lagos or Anambra on a common national scale. Without JAMB, admission becomes a matter of luck, influence, and negotiation or a market of favouritism where standards are as flexible as those who apply them.

    Those who argue that JAMB limits access forget that the examination itself is not the barrier; the scarcity of facilities, funding, and institutional capacity is. You can lower the fence, but if the field remains too small, not everyone will play.

    So instead of dismantling JAMB’s regulatory relevance, the government should have focused on expanding institutional capacity, building more polytechnics, funding colleges of education, improving ICT infrastructure, and supporting distance learning. That is how to democratize education sustainably, not by diluting its entry gates.

    The new policy’s promise to increase annual admissions by 250,000–300,000 students sounds like music to populist ears, but every melody needs rhythm. If the system admits more than it can accommodate, the quality of instruction will fall, facilities will collapse under the weight, and certificates will lose value in the marketplace of knowledge.

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    Education must be inclusive, yes — but inclusion without integrity is chaos. You don’t democratize education by eroding its foundation; you strengthen it by building new ladders for those who cannot reach. Reducing entry standards to “open the gates” is like declaring everyone fit to fly because planes are expensive. Compassion must never replace competence.

    If the government truly wants to embody the spirit of Renewed Hope, it should modernize, not marginalize, JAMB. Let the Board expand its testing to measure not only academic capacity but vocational readiness as well. Let our polytechnics and colleges of education be respected and well-funded as genuine alternatives to universities. Admission methods may vary, but merit should remain a shared foundation.

    Alausa’s intentions are, presumably, noble. But noble intentions don’t guarantee wise outcomes. His policy risks giving us an illusion of progress, growth in numbers without growth in quality. Hope is not renewed when fairness is compromised.

    The truth is simple: Nigeria’s educational problem is not that JAMB is too strict; it’s that our system is too unprepared. JAMB, imperfect as it is, still stands as the last line of fairness between the poor boy in Kaltungo and the rich girl in Ikoyi. Once that wall collapses, admission will become a playground for privilege.

    Reforms should refine systems, not wreck them. A country that cheapens its standards just to look inclusive will soon produce graduates excluded from global relevance. True Renewed Hope begins not by lowering the bar but by lifting people until they can meet it.

    JAMB must not be abolished or side-lined. It should be strengthened, respected, and trusted, because in the fragile world of Nigerian education, it remains the thin line between opportunity and anarchy.

    •Hisham Saleh Gidado,Gombe State.

  • Why our farmers are still losing the harvest war

    Why our farmers are still losing the harvest war

    Sir: Go to any rural community, any farm gate, any market in our country, and you’ll find the same thick, suffocating reality: the dusty disappointment of our farmers. This is not just the dust of the field; it is the sediment of shattered hopes, broken promises, and economic injustice. This pervasive sense of loss is a silent, creeping national crisis that demands immediate government interest and urgent action.

    The core tragedy facing our farmers is a vicious, unyielding paradox. We see two economic forces colliding, and our producers are always on the receiving end: Agricultural inputs keep rising bad; the costs for essential items—fertilizer, high-yield seeds, quality pesticides, and fuel for tractors—are skyrocketing. These are non-negotiable expenses. Farmers are forced to take on greater debt just to begin the planting season.

    Yet, when the harvest finally arrives, the market collapses. Prices are driven down by an “uncalled factor”—a chaotic, unregulated, and often exploitative market structure.

    Farmers, having invested their all, are then compelled to sell at rock-bottom prices during the harvesting season. They prioritize immediate cash flow to service urgent debts, rather than storing their produce to attract higher, fairer prices later. This necessity is the address service they provide to the public—the immediate flood of cheap food—but it is also their undoing.

    From the villages of   Gwagwalada Area Council of the Federal Capital Territory Abuja, to the produce fields of Kaduna, the story is consistent.

    The real profit is not made in the fields, but on the margins of the market. Middlemen and bulk marketers capitalize on the farmers’ desperation. They buy cheaply during the harvest glut, store the produce until the off-season, and sell it to consumers at exorbitant rates, pocketing a massive profit margin for simply waiting. The farmer—the one who toiled under the sun—gains nothing but a meagre subsistence.

    This endless cycle of exploitation is eroding the passion and resilience needed for farming. Why would the youth embrace a sector where effort is penalized and risk is not rewarded? The national food security is jeopardized when farming becomes synonymous with poverty and disappointment.

    The government has a moral and economic imperative to intervene. The current “laissez-faire” approach has failed our primary producers.

    What the government could have done is establish a Guaranteed Minimum Support Price (MSP). This will ensure floor price for key staple crops, ensuring that no farmer is forced to sell below the cost of production, regardless of market fluctuations.

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    Secondly, it can build, subsidize, and maintain community-level cold storage and silos. This crucial infrastructure would empower farmers’ cooperatives to store their harvest, enabling them to control the supply chain and negotiate better prices later in the year, breaking the marketer’s monopoly.

    Third, it can intervene decisively to stabilize the prices of imported fertilizers and essential chemicals. Subsidies must be transparent and reach the actual smallholder farmer, not just large corporations.

    Fourth, revitalize local extension services to educate farmers on modern storage techniques, commodity trading, and cooperative management.

    The time for talking is over. The government must immediately embark on these steps: Empower farmer cooperatives. Provide direct financial and legal support to establish strong, democratized farmer cooperatives that can collectively negotiate prices, manage storage, and access credit.

    Create an accessible, low-interest market intervention fund that provides farmers with the temporary capital needed post-harvest, allowing them to delay selling until prices improve. Launch a campaign to show consumers where their food money actually goes, encouraging a direct link between urban buyers and rural producers to cut out exploitative middlemen.

    Until we lift the crushing weight of this paradox—high costs for inputs and devastatingly low prices for output—the dust of disappointment will continue to settle over our most vital industry. The health of our economy, the security of our food supply, and the promise of our future all depend on recognizing that protecting the farmer is protecting the nation.

    It is time to make farming profitable, respectable, and sustainable.

    •Michael Adedotun Oke, Garki Abuja.

  • ASUU: ‘No work, no pay’ threat solves nothing

    ASUU: ‘No work, no pay’ threat solves nothing

    Sir: Once again, the federal government is threatening the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) with no work no pay. It’s the same tired approach used by past administrations. But history has shown that this policy does not solve problems; it only deepens mistrust, kills morale, and pushes our universities further into decline.

    The no work no pay policy was applied during the Muhammadu Buhari administration, particularly after the 2022 ASUU strike that lasted eight months. Lecturers were denied their salaries for the period of the strike, even though the government’s failure to meet its own promises was the reason for the industrial action in the first place. Buhari’s government insisted on punishment rather than dialogue, and what was the result? Did it end the strikes? Did it fix the rot in our universities? No.

    It only created resentment and weakened the relationship between the government and the academic community. The issues that triggered that strike, poor funding, unpaid allowances, decaying infrastructure, remain unsolved today.

    You can’t use the same tactics that might work on transport unions or political protesters on an organization built on principles, history, and intellectual resistance.

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    In 2016, for instance, the South African “Fees Must Fall” movement forced the government to rethink its policies and increase education funding. In the UK, university staff have gone on strikes repeatedly over pay and working conditions, yet the government had to return to the negotiation table, not threaten them. These examples show that dialogue and respect for agreements are the only sustainable paths, not coercion.

    ASUU has endured decades of intimidation and threats. From the military era to the present democratic dispensation, their fight has remained consistent to protect public universities from total collapse. They have been banned, unbanned, and blacklisted, yet they remain because they represent something deeper than just salary negotiations.

    The government’s repeated use of no work no pay is not just short-sighted, it is a confession of leadership failure.  Their struggle is not for personal gain but for the survival of education in Nigeria. Threats won’t work; intimidation won’t help. Only commitment, dialogue, and respect for signed agreements will bring peace to our universities.

    If we truly want to equip our education system for the poor and the future, we must stop treating teachers as enemies and start treating them as partners. A nation that punishes those who fight for education is a nation that has already given up on its future.

    •Muhammad Umar Shehu,Gombe.

  • Arms and rank indiscipline

    Arms and rank indiscipline

    Every time that personnel of different security agencies turn on one another in violence, it is like worms in a decaying body feeding on themselves and worsening the putrefaction. Their role under Nigerian law ordinarily is to keep the society safe for the unarmed public. But when they use the arms entrusted to them for that purpose in supremacy battle against one another, they not only grossly misapply the equipment funded with taxpayers’ money, they hazard the very public safety they were enlisted to preserve. And so, they themselves  become security risks.

    A clash was reported between soldiers and policemen in Bauchi metropolis last weekend, resulting in the death of a Constable. The soldiers attached to Operation Safe Haven in Jos, Plateau State, were said to have opened fire on a police patrol team at the Bayan Gari area of the Bauchi State capital following an altercation. Bauchi police command spokesman Ahmed Wakil, a Chief Superintendent of Police, made known that the confrontation occurred last Friday night.

    Wakil said the command received a distress report at about 10:35p.m. concerning a serious altercation involving a patrol team led by Inspector Hussaini Samaila during a routine operation. “The patrol team encountered an assault on one of its members, Constable Ukasha Muhammed, by two individuals in front of Padimo Hotel. The remaining members of the team responded swiftly, resulting in the apprehension of one suspect while the other escaped,” he explained in a statement. The apprehended suspect, he added, was later identified as Private Usman Mubarak, a soldier attached to the Joint Task Force, Operation Safe Haven, in Jos.

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    According to the command spokesman, the situation escalated when two other soldiers — Private Yakubu Yahuza and Private Godspower Gabriel — arrived on the scene armed and partially dressed in military uniforms. “They approached the team and fatally shot Constable Ukasha Muhammed in the left chest before fleeing the vicinity,” he said, adding that the injured policeman was rushed to Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Teaching Hospital where he was pronounced dead by medical personnel. Meanwhile, the command apprehended the assaulters and they are currently being held in police custody. “The Commissioner of Police, CP Sani-Omolori Aliyu, has constituted a team of seasoned homicide detectives to conduct a professional, diligent, and timely investigation aimed at ensuring that justice is served,” Wakil stated, as he called for restraint among officers and men of the command pending the outcome of the investigation.

    The Nigerian Army has not spoken on the incident though detailed identity of soldiers concerned, including their service numbers, were indicated in the police narrative. And it wasn’t an isolated incident of inter-agency clash in Bauchi. In August, a police officer on escort duty with a mining firm shot a soldier at a checkpoint in Alkaleri area of the state. It is high time the authorities of the security agencies called the ranks to order so they don’t hazard public safety.

  • ASUU strikes, symptom of broken promises

    ASUU strikes, symptom of broken promises

    • By Genesis Dansule

    Sir: Once again, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has declared another strike — a two-week warning action that could snowball into a full-blown shutdown of public universities if not urgently addressed. For many Nigerians, this is a familiar and frustrating story: the same accusations, the same promises, and the same cycle of disappointment that has come to define the country’s public education system.

    For over two decades, ASUU has battled successive governments over issues that should have been long resolved. The union’s grievances are well-known: revitalisation of public universities, payment of earned academic allowances, completion of the renegotiated 2009 ASUU-FG agreement, withheld salaries, and the implementation of better welfare conditions for lecturers. These are not new demands; they are recurring issues that successive administrations have pledged to fix but never truly do.

    This tug-of-war has become a tragic routine — one that punishes the very group least responsible for the crisis: the students. Every new strike halts academic progress, disrupts graduation timelines, and pushes young people into idleness, frustration, and even crime. For parents, it means wasted money and shattered hopes. For lecturers, it means more resentment and uncertainty. And for the government, it means another dent in its credibility.

    It is easy to blame ASUU for being “too rigid” or “too confrontational,” but doing so ignores the root causes of their grievances. Industrial action is not the problem — it is a symptom of government neglect. When dialogue produces only empty promises, strikes become the only language that gets attention. The union’s methods may be disruptive, but their frustration is understandable in a system that consistently fails to honour its word.

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    That said, ASUU must also reflect on its strategy. While strikes draw attention, they also erode public sympathy over time. Ordinary Nigerians, especially students and parents, are now weary of endless shutdowns. The union should complement its agitation with creative alternatives — sustained public advocacy, collaboration with civil society, and transparent communication that shows Nigerians the full picture of its struggle.

    The government must rise above token gestures and half measures. A lasting solution requires more than press releases and committee meetings. It requires honesty — to admit the extent of decay — and commitment, to invest in real reform. Education is not charity; it is the foundation of national development. Every delay in addressing these issues is a delay in Nigeria’s progress.

    In the end, the ASUU strike is not merely an industrial dispute; it is a mirror reflecting Nigeria’s broken promises. And until we fix the system that produces these crises, our universities — and our future — will remain trapped in an endless loop of negotiation and neglect.

    •Genesis Dansule,

    University of Maiduguri.