The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • NASS single-day elections proposal, good but…

    NASS single-day elections proposal, good but…

    Sir: Election is a process governed by the law and its conduct must be both credible and reliable to be accepted by all and sundry. The ongoing electoral reforms is a timely constitutional exercise which, if well-handled and expeditiously executed, could impact positively on the conduct of the 2027 forthcoming elections.

    With a little more than two years to 2027, the National Assembly, (NASS) must work assiduously round the clock to pass the electoral bill and also obtain the presidential assent for the bill to become law before the 2027 elections.

    The current exercise is historic in the sense that this is the first time that such exercise is holding great promises especially for people hitherto constitutionally long forgotten like women, persons living with disabilities, traditional rulers and host of hoi-polloi who receive paucity of attention and care from relevant authorities.

    The single-day elections mooted by the NASS, strikes the right constitutional cord if all attempts could be made by the relevant stakeholders and authorities to make such constitutional proposal a reality. Apart from reducing elections costs, it will also reduce or eliminate outright, the constitutional infractions usually associated with the conduct of scattered elections for president, governors and the assemblies at the federal and state levels.

    For example, in a scattered election, once a political party wins the presidency, it automatically has band wagon effects for all other elections, be it governorship or the assemblies, as no community would want to be in the opposition party to the president.

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    Yet, the single-day elections as proposed by NASS is a gargantuan task which come with its great responsibilities both on their part, and more importantly on the INEC the electoral umpire.

    For most of the complaints of the past about elections are more of poor preparations and abysmal conducts than outright rigging by hoodlums or frausters. The problem of INEC is not just in staff strength, but more especially in the skills, competencies and attitudinal disposition of officials to treat election success as part of the duties they owe their organization and the nation.

    Poverty of ideas and purposes of an election by INEC officials constitutes the gravest problem facing INEC and for a proposal of a single day elections to be a reality, the NASS must be ready to empower INEC by way of training and infrastructural allocation to the body.

    NASS must also endeavour that all relevant stakeholders like the National Orientation Agency (NOA), radio and television organizations and the mass media generally are involved in enlightenment campaign to sensitize the generality of the people from now on until the 2027 general elections.

    Above all, 2027 may seem still far but except greater care is taken and NASS really speed up, it may be impossible to conclude the ongoing reforms, let alone have a bill to present to the president for assent for such proposal of a single day elections.

    This notwithstanding, it is a good idea and whether for 2027 or the future, the idea of a single-day elections must be pursued until it becomes a constitutional reality and a check against perceived electoral infractions of the past.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Lagos demolitions: Accountability and the way forward

    Lagos demolitions: Accountability and the way forward

    Sir: The sound of bulldozers has become familiar across parts of Lagos. Structures fall, dust rises, and residents watch helplessly as homes and offices are reduced to rubble. The Lagos State government says it is enforcing order through pulling down illegal and unsafe buildings to protect lives and the environment. But as the demolitions continue, accusations and counter-accusations have deepened, raising fundamental questions about fairness, planning, and accountability in Africa’s most populous city.

    The Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA) explains that the exercise follows the expiration of an amnesty period on December 31, 2024. Property owners were given a window to regularize their documents, and those who failed to comply are now facing the consequences. The government insists that most of the affected buildings were erected without planning approval, on drainage channels, or on flood-prone land. In its view, the demolitions are necessary to safeguard lives and restore environmental order.

    However, many residents and developers have rejected that narrative. They claim that their properties had valid approvals and that government agencies not only inspected but in some cases collected statutory payments before construction. Some accuse the state of selective enforcement and poor communication. Yet, despite these public claims, no property owner has so far made full documentation public or approached the courts to test their validity. On the other hand, the state government has not promised any independent investigation into whether some of its officials may have erred in granting or verifying approvals.

    This mutual silence feeds a larger question: why are demolitions happening now? Lagos is not a new city. It has existed for centuries and has been Nigeria’s commercial capital for decades. One would imagine that such an old, well-mapped city should no longer be grappling with confusion about where buildings can or cannot stand. If houses are springing up on waterways or under power lines, who issued the permits? Who turned a blind eye during construction? If the government now calls these structures illegal, does that not also expose weaknesses within its own approval and monitoring systems?

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    The situation also blurs the line between legality and enforcement. Many Lagosians now ask whether the demolitions are truly about protecting the public or about covering institutional lapses. Ironically, some who once justified the demolitions have later found their own properties marked for removal. Having lost their buildings, they now admit that those who were first affected might also have held valid documents. Such reversals have eroded confidence in the fairness and transparency of the exercise.

    Urban experts argue that while building control is essential, enforcement must be guided by due process and humane execution. When demolitions occur suddenly, without adequate notice, or without visible channels for redress, they create resentment and social distrust. The absence of compensation or alternative housing arrangements compounds the hardship. In a city already struggling with housing shortages, every demolished structure represents not just a personal loss but an addition to Lagos’s housing deficit.

    The challenge now is how Lagos can balance order with justice. Clearer communication is a start. The government could publish a verified list of all affected properties, the specific infractions involved, and the agencies responsible for approvals. Independent technical assessments, by professional bodies outside government, could help verify claims from both sides. Where officials are found to have approved illegal constructions, accountability should be pursued openly.

    Equally, developers and homeowners must embrace transparency. Those who claim to have valid papers should be willing to release them for scrutiny. Taking legitimate cases to court could clarify the limits of government authority and strengthen public trust in the process.

    Beyond enforcement, Lagos must also improve urban planning at the preventive level. Building control should begin long before foundations are laid, with accessible digital systems that clearly mark restricted zones and drainage paths. Regular public education about building regulations would help citizens understand where not to build and why.

    For now, the dust from the bulldozers is gradually settling on deeper issues: trust, planning, and the rule of law. Demolitions may clear the skyline, but they also expose cracks in governance that paperwork alone cannot cover. Lagos must not only enforce order—it must also demonstrate fairness, transparency, and foresight. Only then will its rebuilding be more than the destruction of walls; it will be the reconstruction of confidence in how the city is run.

    •Michael Abioye,Lagos.

  • Bauchi’s education and health sectors are dying

    Bauchi’s education and health sectors are dying

    • By Yasir Shehu Adam

    Sir: When development is defined only by the number of new buildings or high-profile summits, we lose sight of what truly matters — people. True progress is not about how many conferences a state hosts or how many investors it attracts; it is about how well its citizens are educated, how healthy they are, and how much opportunity they have to live with dignity.

    Recently, the Bauchi State government launched the Bauchi Investment Summit and inaugurated the Ahmadu Bello International Conference Centre (ICC) — both described as historic steps toward economic transformation. The government says these initiatives will attract investors, create jobs, and open new doors for growth.

    While this may sound impressive, the reality on the ground tells a different story. In Bauchi today, both the education and health sectors are gasping for survival.

    Across the state, schools are struggling. In many communities, children sit on bare floors or broken benches in overcrowded classrooms. There are not enough qualified teachers, and where they exist, they work under difficult conditions with little motivation.

    There are schools without roofs, libraries without books, and students without learning materials. How then can we talk about investment in the future when the very foundation of knowledge has been neglected?

    The governor himself — like many leaders before him — is a product of education. His opportunities came not from wealth or connections, but from the quality education he received. Today’s children deserve that same chance. They are the future leaders, engineers, doctors, and innovators Bauchi will depend on. But without investment in their minds, there will be no future to inherit.

    The situation in the health sector is no better. Bauchi’s hospitals, including the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Teaching Hospital and the Specialist Hospital, are overstretched and understaffed. There are not enough doctors, nurses, or modern equipment to cater for the growing population.

    In rural areas, people still travel miles to access basic healthcare. Many die from preventable illnesses because facilities lack medicine, electricity, or clean water. When a society cannot guarantee health and education, it cannot guarantee development.

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    The new conference centre and investment summit may look impressive on the surface, but their long-term success depends on the quality of the people who will run the system. Investors will not stay in a state where education is weak, where hospitals are failing, and where skilled labour is hard to find.

    If Bauchi wants to attract and sustain real investment, it must start with its people. Build the schools before the skyscrapers. Equip the hospitals before the hotels. Train the teachers before signing trade deals.

    To Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed — this is not an attack; it is a plea. As one of the lucky sons of Bauchi who benefited from quality education and good governance in the past, the same opportunity that shaped your path must be restored for today’s youth.

    Education and health are not expenses; they are the strongest forms of investment any government can make. No summit, no project, and no investor can replace the value of a well-educated child or a healthy citizen.

    Before we talk about millions of dollars in foreign investment, let us first talk about the broken classrooms in Misau, the crumbling clinics in Dass, the unpaid teachers in Toro, and the empty laboratories in Ningi. These are the real issues that define the quality of life in Bauchi State.

    If Bauchi truly wants to build a strong, competitive economy, it must begin by rebuilding its human capital. Prioritize education: recruit qualified teachers, improve infrastructure, and provide learning materials. Reform healthcare: equip hospitals, motivate health workers, and ensure access to rural communities. Invest in the youth: through training, scholarships, and skill development programs.

    Once the people are empowered, every other form of investment will naturally thrive.

    Development is not about the beauty of our buildings but the strength of our minds and bodies within them. A state that neglects education and health cannot sustain any investment — because the greatest investment is its people.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

    Bauchi.

  • Kano Censorship Board and content creators

    Kano Censorship Board and content creators

    • By Salaudeen Soliu Olamide

    Sir: In the age of TikTok trends, YouTube skits, and viral Facebook videos, Kano State finds itself wrestling with a new kind of moral and cultural challenge — the rise of digital content creators. At the centre of this debate is the Kano State Film and Video Censorship Board, an institution tasked with regulating creative expression within the state. While the board insists it is protecting cultural and religious values, many young creators argue that it is stifling innovation and free speech.

    Over the years, the board has grown in influence, especially with the rise of Kannywood, Northern Nigeria’s vibrant film industry based in Kano. Through this platform, thousands of actors, producers, and scriptwriters found fame — but also strict oversight.

    With the rapid growth of social media, a new generation of entertainers has emerged outside the traditional film industry. TikTokers, YouTubers, and online comedians have captured millions of followers by producing short, often humorous videos that speak to everyday life. However, this new wave of digital freedom has brought them under the radar of the censorship board, which now insists that all content creators operating in Kano must register with the board. According to officials, the move is meant to ensure accountability and prevent the spread of “immoral and indecent” content online.

    However, many young content creators see the policy as a form of censorship designed to suppress free expression. Some argue that the new rule could discourage creativity and push talented youths to relocate to other states where regulations are more relaxed.

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    The tension between tradition and technology is not new in Kano. For decades, the state has struggled to balance its deeply religious identity with the pressures of modernization. From the early controversies surrounding Kannywood films to recent restrictions on music and dance events, the censorship board has often found itself at the centre of cultural battles. But the digital era presents a far more complex challenge — one that transcends physical borders and thrives in the virtual world.

    At its core, the controversy reflects a broader question about identity and progress. Can Kano embrace the opportunities of the digital era without losing its moral compass? Or will the push to control online expression drive its youth away from creativity and entrepreneurship? The answer, many say, lies in balance — a middle path where culture, religion, and modern innovation coexist.

    As young people in Kano continue to navigate the crossroads between expression and regulation, one thing is certain: the struggle over who defines morality in the digital space is far from over. In a world where smartphones have become the new stages and cameras the new pulpits, the clash between content and censorship may well define the next chapter of Kano’s social evolution.

    •Salaudeen Soliu Olamide,

    University of Maiduguri.

  • Protecting the coastline along Lagos-Calabar coastal highway

    Protecting the coastline along Lagos-Calabar coastal highway

    • By Surajdeen Alabede

    Sir: As Nigeria charts a new trajectory toward becoming an economic powerhouse in Africa, critical infrastructure projects like the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway represent a beacon of hope and progress. This 700-kilometre standard highway, now advancing simultaneously across several states of the federation, including Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Edo, Akwa Ibom, and Cross River, embodies the vision of a connected and unified nation. This lofty and ambitious project has the potential to transform our coastal regions into hubs of commerce, tourism, and innovation, much like major infrastructural developments seen in nations such as Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates.

    The true beauty of this project lies in its vast potential to boost economic growth by facilitating faster trade, reducing transportation costs, and creating thousands of jobs both during construction and long after completion. Imagine seamless travel along our stunning Atlantic coastline, unlocking opportunities for ecotourism, aquaculture, and blue economy initiatives capable of generating billions in revenue while showcasing Nigeria’s natural splendour to the world.

    Beyond the economic benefits, enhanced connectivity will not only bridge urban centers but also empower rural communities, fostering inclusive development and attracting diaspora investments that strengthen our global ties. Indeed, this highway is far more than asphalt and concrete; it is a symbol of national unity, visionary leadership, and Nigeria’s unstoppable march toward progress under the present administration.

    However, as stewards of our nation’s resources, we must confront the sobering realities that come with such grand endeavours. The highway’s proposed route through ecologically sensitive coastal ecosystems, including mangroves, wetlands, barrier islands, and biodiversity hotspots in the Niger Delta, raises significant environmental concerns that could undermine the very progress we seek to achieve. Ongoing construction activities such as dredging, land reclamation, and earthworks are already contributing to the degradation of natural habitats, resulting in loss of species, the spread of invasive species, and a troubling increase in roadkill involving fish, birds, reptiles, and mammals.

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    Research shows that coastal erosion is already prevalent at rates up to eight meters per year in states like Lagos and may speed up due to altered sediment dynamics and vulnerability to sea-level rise, leading to saltwater intrusion, subsidence, and heightened flooding risks. Runoff, sediments, heavy metals, and hydrocarbons pollute coastal water, thereby threatening aquatic life, fisheries, and community water sources, with potential for eutrophication and toxicity in lagoons and estuaries. Also, air and noise pollution during construction exceed standards, impacting human and animal health, while long-term traffic could worsen greenhouse gas emissions and urban heat islands without proper offsets.

    These impacts not only jeopardize our rich biodiversity but also affect vulnerable communities, potentially displacing livelihoods and deepening social tensions amid ongoing land disputes.

    This project can still be a model of sustainable development if we prioritize mitigation strategies grounded in global best practices and supported by rigorous environmental oversight. Foremost, it is essential to enforce comprehensive Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs) across all project sections, ensuring full compliance before further advancement, in line with Lagos State regulations and federal environmental guidelines.

    Additionally, the creation of wildlife corridors, mangrove restoration programmes, and artificial reefs will help restore habitats and preserve ecological connectivity. To protect the coastline, authorities should implement soil-stabilization measures, such as ocean-wave barriers, improved drainage systems, and bioengineering techniques, to stabilize shorelines and mitigate the effects of sea-level rise.

    The contractors handling the project should be encouraged to use low-emission machinery, dust-suppression measures, and noise barriers to significantly reduce environmental pollution. Regular monitoring of air, water, and soil quality should also be mandated to ensure adherence to environmental standards. Furthermore, transparent stakeholder engagement involving local communities, environmental NGOs, and diaspora groups is vital for building trust, addressing genuine concerns, and fostering a shared sense of ownership of this project.

    The federal government must integrate sustainable funding and long-term maintenance plans that prioritize green infrastructure, such as cool pavements and the integration of renewable energy along the route. Nigeria’s legacy depends on balancing ambition with responsibility. By heeding this call to duty, the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway can become a triumph of progress that preserves our environment for future generations to come. Let us build not just a road, but a sustainable future.

    •Surajdeen Alabede,

    Canada.

  • Utomi’s shadow

    Utomi’s shadow

    Prof. Pat Utomi of the Lagos Business School (LBS) just got a DSS judicial pin fall, in his well-earned failure to impose a so-called shadow cabinet on a presidential — as against a parliamentary — constitution. 

    But might that be cheap cant and frothy bluster to bad-mouth the 2023 presidential election, which his candidate Peter Obi lost? 

    The same Utomi, far younger then, had rallied for that travesty of 1983.  The late President Shehu Shagari and his National Party of Nigeria (NPN) “won” that election.  Compared to 2023, nevertheless, 1983, with its contrived “space-slide”, was well and truly rotten!

    But that neither stopped the young, idealistic Utomi — who loves to pronounce ethics and value as his twin-middle name — from dry-cleaning that clear fraud on the NTA network; nor landing a job with the ill-fated Shagari government, before the equally rotten military kicked that government out, after three months, on 31 December 1983.

    Segun Ayobolu, The Nation Saturday back-page columnist on October 11, did that 40-year tie-back between 2023 and 1983.  Utomi’s unapologetic defence of Shagari’s rotten mandate of 1983 blights Utomi’s pretences to electoral reforms.  It’s a grand pretence that utterly corrupts that virtue!

    Still, over the years, might Utomi’s Saul (of hailing an insane election), have turned Paul (the no-nonsense patron saint of sane polls)?  To be fair to Utomi, he was prominent among the Concerned Professionals (CP) that junked narrow professional comfort zones to rally for Basorun Moshood Abiola’s June 12 presidential mandate of 1993.

    If he had found redemption, away from the Shagari howler, in MKO’s Hope ‘93, what is it with Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope mandate of 2023 — 30 years later — that lurched him back to old vomit, as a callow youth of 1983?  Simple: thick, base bias, hiding behind highfalutin ideas! 

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    This same rabid bias launched him into his shadow cabinet gambit.  Just as well: he got his well-deserved comeuppance from DSS, via the same due process.  Sweet!

    Make no mistake: 1983 was rotten on all scores.  That’s a fact.  Yet, Utomi would hail 1983 but nail 2023, prompting him to propose a shadowy “shadow cabinet” — whatever that means — choosing confederates, who in bitter defeat, have been telling lies about 2023. Brazen cant! But again, DSS just checkmated all that!

    Sundry activism today is that populist vanity that projects brazen bias as idealism, but easily scams the messiah-craving younger population, who have near-zero knowledge of national political history. 

    Whoever would have thought the sacred St. Patrick openly hailed the seediest of elections in 1983 — and profited from that by earning government appointment as a young “technocrat”, long before that term became notorious for comfy opportunism: highfalutin freeloaders for public appointments, masquerading as experts!

    Thank God the government has not only reinstated history in the school curriculum, it has also grafted civics — contemporary politics and governance — with heritage studies, which is conventional history, at senior secondary school level.

    When youths can ask the right questions, activism as crass opportunism should vanish.  Shadow cabinet, indeed!  What a shadow!

  • Monarchs at war

    Monarchs at war

    Among the Yoruba, kings are regarded as semi-deities because they are deemed representatives of the gods. The air of sacredness that they carry is such that they are typically esteemed beyond the realm of the mundane. That is why it sucks when royal fathers descend to the gutters like ordinary folks, as was the case recently with their royal highnesses in Osun State Council of Obas.

    Royal fathers from Ife North council area on the platform of Origbo Meje Obas, last week Thursday, gave the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrosheed Akanbi, a 21-day ultimatum to substantiate allegations he made against the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, or face a lawsuit. At a press conference, the acting vice-chairman of Ife North Traditional Council, Oba Kehinde Adesoji, who is the Salu of Edunabon, accused the Oluwo of denigrating the stool of the Ooni and demanded retraction of all allegations he made against Oba Ogunwusi.

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    The Oluwo had triggered controversy two days earlier when he publicly accused the Ooni of domestic conspiracy by which Oba Ogunwusi allegedly planted his (Akanbi’s) ex-wife in his palace to kill him. According to him, the Ooni conspired with former Queen Chanel to whom he was married for three years to poison him on multiple occasions. Oba Akanbi further alleged that while the marriage lasted, Chanel was in constant touch with the Ooni to plot his elimination. He said after he sent the ex-queen away, Oba Ogunwusi allegedly secured her an apartment and kept an affair with her. The Oluwo promised to soon provide evidence of his claims.

    The Origbo Meje Obas, however, slammed Oba Akanbi for his allegations, which they described as defamatory and “an insult and disrespect” to the Ooni. They expressed deep concern that the Oluwo’s actions were bringing the entire institution of Yoruba traditional rulership into disrepute and ridicule. At the press briefing where he was flanked by the Olulamokun of Yakooyo, Oba Meshach Oyediran, and the Alakinlalu of Akinlalu, Oba Oluwabusola Oloyede, Oba Adesoji accused the Oluwo of a history of misconducts, including once resorting to fisticuffs against the Agbowu of Ogbaagba at a meeting of the Obas’ council upon which his membership was suspended after due investigation by the Ooni, who is the council chairman.

    The Salu further said the Oluwo’s claim that the Ooni conspired with his ex-wife to poison him amounted to a criminal allegation. “He who alleges must prove. On this note, we are giving the Oluwo of Iwo a 21-day ultimatum to write to the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Kayode Egbetokun, or sue our father, His Imperial Majesty the Ooni of Ife, over the allegations. Otherwise, the Origbo Meje Obas will take legal action against the Oluwo at the expiration of this ultimatum,” he stated.

    Ex-Queen Chanel herself issued a statement on her Instagram page in which she described the Oluwo’s allegations as “false, misleading, and damaging to our sacred Yoruba traditional institution.”

    It’s a shame that their royal highnesses are washing their dirty linens in the public.

  • Addressing the housing challenge

    Addressing the housing challenge

    • By ESV Akwarandu Oluchi Ann

    Sir: The deficit in Nigeria’s housing sector remains very huge with some experts projecting that some 28 million housing units will be needed to bridge the gap; yet successive administrations have not demonstrated the will to address the shortfall.

    Next to food and clothing, housing is the next basic necessity, but this appears not to be an issue with government. Right from the colonial times, housing provision has been problematic simply because the authorities than  didn’t see housing as a priority. In fact, colonial masters only got involved in housing in the aftermath of the Bubonic plague that ravaged central Lagos in the 1960s. The colonial government needed a suitable accommodation for the victims hence the development of the Surulere Housing Estate. That marked the first time that the government will build houses for the people.

    This contrasts with Britian where  more than 50 per cent of houses are built by councils. If you take council housing out of the houses in London, the whole place will be empty. Here, they only got involved in the provision of housing for their own officials in Government Reserved Areas.

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    Unfortunately, this trend continued post-independence. Indeed, there was even no ministry for housing for several years, rather it was the ministry of works and housing and the concentration is always on works, with housing treated as a small part until professionals in the real estate industry cried out. 

    It was during the administration of the late president, Shehu Shagari, and Lateef Jakande in Lagos that government began to take housing as priority. Shagari built houses across most states of the federation; unfortunately, politics and corruption marred the project. At the state level, Jakande built houses at prices the people could afford, but then, this proved unsustainable.

    The issues with housing are manifold. A critical one is finance. It starts with the absence of mortgage system that can enable the public to buy a house.  Documentation is another problem. It takes years to get consent to transfer title on land and one still needs to pay between 10 to 15 percent of the cost of the land. This is aside the high cost of construction, especially in the regime of high exchange rates. With all these problems, how will the common man, people at the low end, have a house?

    No one is suggesting that the houses be made for the people. The truth is that money invested in housing can be recovered from their sale. What the government should begin to do is give consideration to innovative solutions such as modular housing, dry construction and other approaches that have shown promise in addressing the needs of low-income families.

    •ESV Akwarandu Oluchi Ann,

      Lagos.

  • The virus of fake certificates

    The virus of fake certificates

    • By Humphrey Ukeaja

    Sir: Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the nation has been tainted by a persistent and shameful trend of ministers, legislators, and other public officials occupying high offices with fake or forged academic certificates and National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) documents. This disturbing phenomenon has systematically eroded public trust in governance and exposed significant institutional weaknesses within Nigeria’s security agencies, legislative screening committees, and other bodies charged with vetting public servants.

    The recent high-profile resignation of the Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Barth Nnaji, who was forced to step down following credible revelations that he submitted forged certificates, has once again brought this ugly issue to the forefront of national discourse. His case is far from unique but rather a continuation of a long saga of fraudulent practices among public officials that have for decades undermined the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic institutions.

    Central to this ongoing crisis is the inability or unwillingness of the Department of State Security Services (DSS), the National Assembly’s screening committees, and other vetting authorities to perform thorough and impartial background checks. The case of Barth Nnaji painfully demonstrates institutional gaps that allow individuals with forged credentials to slip through official scrutiny. Despite the availability of digital academic records and warning letters questioning his credentials, Nnaji’s documents passed the screening stages, and he served in government before journalists exposed the inconsistencies. This failure reflects systemic weaknesses ranging from incompetence, possible complicity, to political shielding, severely compromising the effectiveness of checks designed to safeguard public trust.

    Moreover, the response to the exposure of such cases has been characterized by a disturbing norm often referred to as the “bow and go” culture. Instead of mounting legal challenges, prosecuting offenders, or imposing lifetime bans, the typical approach has been a quiet resignation followed by an eventual political comeback or continued impunity. This practice not only diminishes public confidence but also reinforces the idea that evidence of forgery does not constitute grounds for serious or lasting consequences in Nigerian public life. Such impunity emboldens future aspirants to use forged credentials as an expedient means to power, confident that they will ultimately escape stringent punishment.

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    In looking outward for potential solutions, Nigeria can and must learn from other nations that have confronted similar challenges decisively. In South Africa, a centralized, technologically driven verification system ensures that all government nominees are thoroughly vetted for academic credentials before approval. Legal provisions in India harshly punish those who submit fake certificates for public office, with expedited prosecution measures that act as a strong deterrent. Even some Western democracies employ background checks backed by transparency and public accountability frameworks that expose fraud swiftly and impose lasting sanctions.

    For Nigeria, the imperative now is to institutionalize such mechanisms. The DSS and relevant screening committees must be provided with access to real-time verification databases from academic institutions and the NYSC headquarters. Legislative hearings need to prioritize transparency, with findings made public and offenders prosecuted regardless of their political stature or connections. Whistle-blower protections must be enhanced to encourage insiders to expose fraudsters without fear of reprisal. Additionally, a dedicated ethics commission or anti-corruption body should be established to oversee and monitor public office holders for any breaches of integrity, producing regular reports and sanctions.

    Nigeria’s democracy demands more than scandal-ridden resignations; it requires robust verification processes, uncompromising accountability, and transparent governance to restore public faith and ensure that holders of public office earn their positions through merit and honesty, not deception. The time for complacency and “bow and go” is over. For Nigeria to truly progress, the government must act with resolve to purge its ranks of fraudsters and affirm that integrity is non-negotiable in public service.

    •Humphrey Ukeaja,

    Abuja.

  • WAEC: When confusion masquerades as reform

    WAEC: When confusion masquerades as reform

    • By Elvis Eromosele

    Sir: The West African Examinations Council (WAEC) has once again stirred public outcry, this time over its newly released subject combinations for the 2026 examination. In what appears to be a hurried and poorly thought-out reform, WAEC reordered subjects in a manner that defies logic, stifles student choice, and risks undermining years of learning.

    At first glance, the new structure appears harmless, perhaps an attempt to align subjects more neatly by discipline. But a closer look reveals an alarming lack of coordination. Under the new arrangement, science students can no longer take Economics, a subject that has traditionally bridged the gap between science and the social sciences. Even more baffling, students in the Humanities are also excluded from offering Economics.

    According to the new subject list, only students in the Business department are allowed to take Economics.

    Make it make sense.

    The biggest question is, why now? The 2026 WAEC exam is barely months away, yet the council expects students to abandon subjects they have studied since SS1. How does that support learning, fairness, or excellence?

    Education reforms, by their nature, should be gradual, well-communicated, and rooted in consultation. This one feels like the exact opposite: hasty, disorderly, and devoid of empathy. No public engagement. No clear transition plan. No explanation of the rationale. Instead, students, parents, and teachers are left scrambling for answers.

    Take, for instance, the case of a science student who has taken Economics since SS1, a student who dreams of studying Agricultural Economics or Environmental Management at the university. Under this new arrangement, the student can no longer sit for Economics in WAEC, despite two full years of preparation. How do you explain to such a student that their effort no longer counts?

    Likewise, students in the Humanities, those in Literature, Government, or History, are also barred from taking Economics. In a world where interdisciplinarity is increasingly valued, WAEC seems to be doing the opposite: erecting walls between knowledge areas instead of building bridges.

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    The question must be asked: Whose interest is WAEC serving with this sudden change? It certainly doesn’t appear to serve the interests of Nigerian students. Nor does it seem aligned with the goals of educational development. On the contrary, it looks like another top-down directive, conceived without sufficient input from the real stakeholders, teachers, students, parents, or curriculum experts.

    Education should open doors, not close them. It should encourage curiosity, not conformity. Yet, this new subject combination does exactly the opposite; it limits opportunity. By narrowing who can take certain subjects, WAEC is effectively dictating career paths for young people before they’ve even had the chance to decide for themselves. This is completely unacceptable.

    WAEC’s mandate is to assess learning, not to restrict it. Its role is to measure what students have been taught, not to alter the structure of learning midway. When an examination body starts dictating what subjects belong to which departments, and does so without adequate preparation or consultation, it crosses into policymaking territory best left to curriculum development agencies and ministries of education. The Minister of Education must step up to the plate and intervene. He can’t allow WAEC to usurp the role of his ministry.

    There’s no denying that reform is necessary. Nigeria’s education system needs periodic review to reflect evolving realities. But reform must make sense. It must be student-centred, data-driven, and inclusive. It must prioritise learners’ needs and ensure that every student, regardless of department, has access to subjects that support their dreams and potential.

    The new WAEC subject combination fails all these tests. It is, at best, an administrative experiment carried out without foresight. At worst, it is an educational injustice that undermines the principles of fairness and equity.

    WAEC must go back to the drawing board. It must engage teachers, parents, and education policymakers across the member countries. It must publish clear justifications for any change and provide enough time for schools and students to adjust. Most importantly, it must restore flexibility, allowing students to select subjects across disciplines in line with their aspirations.

    Any reform of this magnitude should involve proper alignment with the National Universities Commission (NUC), especially as it directly affects university admission requirements and subject combinations. I doubt this is the case here.

    Nigerian students deserve better. They deserve a system that empowers, not limits them. Education is the bridge to opportunity; WAEC should not be the one tearing it down.

    •Elvis Eromosele,

     elviseroms@gmail.com.