Category: Commentaries

  • Governor Lawal’s lamentations

    Governor Lawal’s lamentations

    Zamfara State Governor Dauda Lawal recently said he had capacity to end banditry in the state within two months if given direct control of the security agencies.

    The governor spoke on a live media chat with local radio stations at Government House in Gusau, saying a major obstacle to tackling insecurity challenge in the state was that security operatives take instructions from Abuja and not the state government. “I can tell you the whereabouts of every bandit kingpin in Zamfara, even with my phone. I can point to you where they are right now. But I do not control security agencies, and that is the problem,” he lamented. Lawal argued that with his knowledge of the terrain and locations of criminal leaders, he could swiftly eradicate the menace if he had the necessary powers.

    Zamfara is a hotbed of banditry in the North-west zone, with the insecurity crisis accounting for scores of killings, abductions and desolation of rural communities from where residents have been forced to flee by bandit attacks. Since he assumed office in May 2023 on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Lawal has repeatedly alleged lack of enthusiasm by security operatives under the control of federal authorities to fight the bandits. He often fingered his immediate predecessor and now Defence Minister of State Bello Matawalle, who is of the All Progressives Congress (APC), for impairing efforts to tackle down the menace. He therefore has been in the vanguard of calls for establishment of state police.

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    Shredding up in tears as he recounted recent attacks, the governor cited Shinkafi council area where dozens were killed, saying security forces on ground refused to move because they lacked authorisation from Abuja. “People were under attack, and I kept calling the security agencies. They told me they were waiting for orders from Abuja. How do I save my people in such a situation?” he stated in frustration.

    But the APC in Zamfara dismissed Lawal’s comments, accusing him of harboring bandits and failing to deliver on his campaign promise to end insecurity within two months of assuming office. Spokesman Yusuf Idris said in a statement that the governor’s repeated claims of knowing the locations of bandit leaders without acting on the information amounted to complicity. “We don’t know why he is harbouring them in the state and continues to allow them to kill and abduct innocent citizens, or perhaps because he wants to use them against his political rivals,” the party alleged and accused the governor of politicising insecurity.

    Take out partisan contention, and the positions canvassed by both sides aren’t mutually exclusive. You wonder why Governor Lawal awaits when he takes over the control of security agencies before putting the vital information he allegedly possesses at their disposal. But also, it makes profound sense that the control of security agencies – at least, the police – be devolved to the states. When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.

  • Obi’s new fixation

    Obi’s new fixation

    Just as well: President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima serenaded each other at the Vice President’s 59th birthday.  That is good presidential breeding, away from the mutual brickbats of President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

    Again, this presidential court politeness is ode to the Muhammadu Buhari-Yemi Osinbajo partnership, which imposed a civil temper, away from the dog-eat-dog gruffness of the Obasanjo years.  Tinubu-Shettima have earned kudos for sustaining that warm civility.

    It’s another plus to the quiet institutional deepening of the APC years, away from the proud chaos of the Obasanjo years though, to be fair, the Goodluck Jonathan/Namadi Sambo partnership was much more civil than Obasanjo-Atiku.

    Tunde Rahman, a presidential aide, puts the Tinubu-Shettima harmony in perspective: “Their relationship is borne out of mutual respect and trust; and fired by patriotic zeal and the need to promote democracy, good governance, and economic development.”

    Rahman states the obvious.  But the danger here is to presume it is — or should be — routine.  It’s not: just as common sense is seldom ever common!  It’s public conduct to be applauded, entrenched and routinized in our democracy.

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    Still, shove the president and deputy aside.  Bring on their spouses.  Wherever First Lady Remi Tinubu is, look no farther: Mrs. Shettima too would be there! Yes, Hajiya Aisha Buhari, the late PMB’s widow, was arguably less activist with her pet project than Mrs. Tinubu.  But Mrs. Buhari and Mrs. Dolapo Osinbajo enjoyed no less camaraderie. 

    It’s the making of an integrated presidential family, that uses the harmony of its nuclear families, to forge policy unity, that balks at all distractions, in a rare determination to face Nigeria’s onerous challenges.  Again, Obasanjo-Atiku were a diametric opposite.

    Still, not even this clear harmony could keep political hustlers, eying 2027, from portraying the Vice President as some useless “spare tyre” that must be changed if the Tinubu machine were to smoothly purr to victory.

    That was, of course, humbug — and the fiercely loyal, dynamic and effective Borno Governor Babagana Zulum, wasted no time at shooting down that nonsense.  The Borno wing of APC North East also poured cold water on any 2027 BAT ticket without Shettima.  Just as well!  You don’t fix what’s not spoilt.

    But Hardball isn’t really bordered by errant political behaviours — politicians will be politicians, angling and hustling for posts and sinecure, at any cost.  It only pushes a constitutional deepening that inserts clauses to respect and honour the office of Vice President — and in states, Deputy Governors.

    You can’t claim a presidential or governorship ticket is incomplete without a running mate, only to win the election and demote your electoral partner as a serf, fated to the whims and caprices of others — including presidential appointees.  That’s simply not right.

    Still, the APC two presidencies so far have started building a powerful convention that gives the Vice President his due.  That should do for the long run.  Bravo!

  • Ikoyi Ile needs an Oba

    Ikoyi Ile needs an Oba

    • By Adewuyi Adegbite Adegbite

    Sir: Ikoyi Ile is an ancient kingdom in Yorubaland. It is the headquarters of the Oriire Local Government, Oyo State. In the ancient times, the kingdom played significant role in Yoruba history as one of the defenders of the vast Yorubaland right from Ile Ife. It was the capital of one of the four provinces of the old Oyo Empire. Onikoyi, the Oba of the kingdom was one of the classical Obas in Oyo State with original beaded crown. The ancient kingdom has been without an Oba in the last five years due to the demise Oba Yekini Ayinla Oladipo 11. 

    As the largest local government in Oyo and an area harbouring majority of herdsmen in Oyo State, the role the Onikoyi in maintaining cordial relationship among various ethnic groups and foreigners in the local government cannot be overemphasized. Besides, Ikoyi Ile is the home of about 16 Ikoyi towns spread across Yorubaland and the Republic of Benin and there is a social cultural relationship among all Ikoyis hence the yearly gathering in Ikoyi Ile in form of Eso Day. This gathering fosters unity and understanding among Ikoyis worldwide.

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    Since the demise of Oba Yekini Ayinla, the meeting has been put on hold. Not only this, absence of an Onikoyi has stifled the development that could have been witnessed in the town. Also, being the chairman of Oriire Local Government Traditional Council, the meeting of the council has not been held as it supposed to be. Issues affecting the local government traditional institution that are usually settled at Ikoyi have equally been put on hold.

    From the information gathered at Ikoyi, the traditional kingmakers responsible for the appointment of an Onikoyi has sat and appointed an Oba among the princes of the ancient kingdom and forwarded the name of the king to the Oyo State government for approval. Since the submission has been done, everyone is looking up to the governor, Engineer Seyi Makinde to approve the name so as to give the ancient kingdom an Oba.

    Makinde is reputed to be a lover of tradition and since assuming office, there has been smooth succession process in most of the vacant thrones in Oyo State as exemplified in the rancour-free succession in Ogbomoso, Ibadan, Eruwa and other towns. Onikoyi throne is highly significant than to leave it without an Oba this long.

    I appeal to Engineer Seyi Makinde to expedite action in filling the vacant stool of Ikoyi Ile as he had done for other towns. What is sauce for goose is also sauce for gander.

    •Adewuyi Adegbite Adegbite,

     ayekooto05@gmail.com

  • Citizen Amaye: Time to end mob justice

    Citizen Amaye: Time to end mob justice

    • By Peter Ovie Akus

    Sir: For far too long, the issue of mob justice has become a recurring decimal in our national life such that many have become inured to it and accepted it as the norm. Contrary to what many may think, these extrajudicial killings are not limited to Northern Nigeria alone, but are also prevalent in Southern Nigeria where alleged armed robbers, ritualists, witches and wizards, etc. are also routinely set ablaze by angry mobs. The recent lynching and setting ablaze of Citizen Amaye, a food vendor and alleged Muslim in Niger State, for blasphemy has brought to the fore the need to arrest this ugly trend of mob justice in our society.

    Mob justice gained currency in many parts of Nigeria during the era of military rule as most citizens lost confidence in the ability of the police and other security agencies to bring criminals to book after apprehension. However, this doesn’t make it right in any way. Now that we are in the era of democracy, where the rule of law is sacrosanct, the proper thing for the mob to do was to hand over Amaye to the law enforcement authorities for prosecution.

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    The police are also complicit whenever incidents of mob justice and extrajudicial killings occur. Their well-worn saying is always that they were overwhelmed by the mob and that their reinforcements arrived late. But we know that if it was a policeman that was about to be lynched by an irate crowd, they would find a way to save him no matter the cost. A situation where police officers who are supposed to enforce the law, become spectators of mob justice doesn’t augur well for our nation.

    Under Nigeria’s federal law, blasphemy is not recognized as a criminal offence. And extrajudicial killings are clearly prohibited by the 1999 Constitution and the Criminal Code. However, it is an offence under Sharia law which is applicable in 12 states in Northern Nigeria. Why was Amaye and others who have been victims of mob justice for blasphemy in times past not tried under Sharia law and made to face the music if found guilty?

    The number one reason why I oppose mob justice is that many innocents could be victims. What about those of other faiths who might be ignorant of the dictates of the Islamic faith? While some have said that sharia doesn’t apply to non-believers, the extrajudicial killings in times past have shown otherwise. Consequently, in the event that there is a clash between federal law and sharia law, which would prevail taking into account the volatile nature of religion in our national life?

    According to a report from Amnesty International, there were 555 incidents of mob violence between 2012 and 2023 in Nigeria. It is galling that certain communities are willing to discard both Nigeria’s common law and fundamental human rights in the name of religious zealotry. It is my belief that unless the government and other relevant authorities take decisive steps to curb these barbaric, horrific, and inhumane acts, mob justice would continue to be the order of the day. And this must begin with justice for Citizen Amaye.

    Her killers must not go unpunished.

    There are three things that must be done to ensure not only justice for Citizen Amaye but also to put an end to mob justice in Nigeria. One,all suspects arrested by the police must be prosecuted to a logical end. Two, sponsors and inciters of mob justice must be punished no matter how powerful or influential they may be. Three, police officers who fail to protect victims of mob justice must be held accountable and made to face the music.

    •Peter Ovie Akus,

    Ontario, Canada

  • El Rufai, an iconoclast, now politically homeless

    El Rufai, an iconoclast, now politically homeless

    • By Sunday Olagunju

    Sir: As a former Director-General of the Bureau for Public Enterprise, FCT Minister and two term governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El Rufai hasn’t been a pawn in the chessboard of contemporary Nigerian politics. As an actor in the Nigerian politics, and political polemics, both his social stature and political antecedents have continued to expose his expertise and suspicion in equal measure.

    Known for brewing social misgivings and causing political storms, the former Kaduna State governor is today politically homeless, having fallen flat at gimmickry, a political game he knows and plays best. As a founding member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) El Rufai without batting any eyelid, dumped the APC, a party he worked hard for, accusing the party’s bigwigs of denying him a ministerial appointment, having failed security screening by the Department of State Security (DSS).

    Though he appeared unruffled and unmoved as a result of the unfavourable security report, yet the former governor, indubitably, bore unimpeachable grudges against President Tinubu, an erstwhile ally and a pathological hatred for the APC as a political body. After the ministerial disappointment, he told the whole world about his retirement from politics: “Since 2013, I have hoped that my personal values and those of the APC will continue to align until I choose to retire from politics”.

    After a while, the former Kaduna political stormy petrel probably has a re-think to return to politics, and at his earliest convenience pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP). But it didn’t take two long before he was accused of causing disaffection by his characteristic inordinate ambition to hijack the party from its original founders.

    El-Rufai’s defection from APC to SDP on March 10, was announced with characteristic fanfare, but the relief he was seeking was painfully shortlived. He was soon disowned by the Kaduna chapter of the SDP, branding him as a usurper and a political interloper. But unmindful of his demonstrable political misdemeanour, El Rufai immediately began frolicking with the African Democratic Congress (ADC), towards a blind coalition with the sole aim of unseating the president come 2027.

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    In a swift reaction in early August, the Kaduna chapter of ADC warned El Rufai to steer clear of the party, charging him with undue attempts to sway the locus of the party towards personal advantage. They accused El Rufai of trying to undermine the unity of the party based on his brazen yeoman actions and warned ADC members to be wary of Rufai’s imperceptible politics. Today, El Rufai’s gallivanting across political parties, searching for relevance and political homestead, has ironically ended in utter deficits.

    With the likes of El Rufai hopping around political parties, ostensibly to hatch their political ambitions, there is palpable danger on the horizon that in the absence of a clear-cut ideology and cherished values, the country’s political development will continue to be taken for granted. The sort of political macabre dance around political parties by the likes of El Rufai, who are hell-bent on hijacking any party to push their selfish political agenda for 2027, has called for an inevitable deepening of the otherwise fragile party system presently the vogue in the country. 

    More than ever before, party discipline and values must be further deepened and jealously guarded to stem the likely escapades by political do-gooders like El Rufai who are trying to reap where they have never sowed.

    But sadly for now, El Rufai, the political stormy petrel and iconoclast, is politically homeless and socially disillusioned.  

    •Sunday Olagunju,

    Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Africa’s food future lies in the hands of its young entrepreneurs

    Africa’s food future lies in the hands of its young entrepreneurs

    By Alice Ruhweza

    Ending hunger in Africa is not about growing more maize or producing more milk. It demands a balance that involves scaling agronomic solutions such as fertilizer, improved seeds, and irrigation, while mobilising young people to deliver the systems that make these tools work. Fertilizer, for example, only works when it reaches farmers at the right time, and seeds achieve their promise when distributed through trusted channels and planted with the right advice. Irrigation also boosts yields only when markets can absorb the surplus.

    What ties these elements together for a transformative output are reliable actors, without whom even the best technologies risk sitting idle. This is where Africa’s demographic advantage comes into focus. With a vastly youthful population, the continent has the human capital to drive agricultural transformation. However, for this potential to be realized, systemic constraints that have long undermined African farming must be dismantled.

    For starters, we must acknowledge that, too often, input supply chains are broken by adulteration and weak distribution. Farmers, uncertain of what they are buying, hesitate to invest. Strengthening quality control and enabling youth to run distribution franchises could restore trust and ensure genuine products reach the all-important last mile.

    Markets also fail farmers when prices collapse or buyers vanish, destroying livelihoods. Youth-led aggregation businesses and contract farming could stabilise incomes and provide dependable off-take for smallholders.

    Extension services remain another glaring weakness, with too few government officers serving millions of farmers. This leaves wide gaps for misinformation to persist. Digitally savvy youth extension workers can bridge this divide, delivering localised guidance at scale.

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    And without rural roads, cold storage, or functioning market centers, even bumper harvests can rot before they generate value. Investments in infrastructure, covering roads linking villages to towns and cold chains preserving perishables, would not only reduce waste but also create fertile ground for youth-led enterprises.

    Meanwhile, across the continent, young entrepreneurs are already reshaping food systems. They are building climate-resilient farms, launching agri-tech and agri-finance start-ups, and modernising value chains from seed to shelf. Consider Arabuko, a Kenyan enterprise run by young entrepreneurs. The company sources produce from smallholder farmers and has grown into a certified exporter, meeting international standards while employing youth and training hundreds more to become agripreneurs. Arabuko connects farmers to inputs, aggregates produce for markets, ensures compliance with export standards, and creates jobs along the way.

    For widespread impact, such initiatives must be empowered to scale, facilitated by deliberate investments to keep the entire system connected, rather than leaving entrepreneurs to fight in isolation. In this regard, youth-targeted blended finance with first-loss guarantees to de-risk private investment, land tenure reforms that enable long-term leases, pluralistic extension models and peer networks, stronger input quality controls, and youth employment targets embedded in national agricultural plans, are mandatory.

    This year’s Africa Food Systems Forum in Dakar will be my first as the President of AGRA. With AGRA also marking its 20th anniversary, the drive across the continent to democratise agriculture, especially for smallholder farmers, has been both inspiring and instructive. Over the years, we have seen how access to better seeds, markets, finance, and knowledge can shift not just harvests but entire communities. Yet the work is far from done. As we gather in Dakar, my focus is on how we can accelerate these gains by placing young people at the center of food systems transformation, ensuring they have the tools, trust, and opportunities to lead Africa into a more secure and nourished future.

    I look forward to celebrating the continent’s excellence through the Africa Food Prize, the Women Agripreneurs of the Year Awards and the energy of the Youth Dome.

    These commemorations are not just events, they underscore a larger truth, that transformation will only come when we empower Africa’s young people to drive systemic change, backed by reforms in finance, land, inputs, and infrastructure. Dakar is our chance to act with urgency and unity to turn that promise into progress.

    • Ruhweza is the President of AGRA (Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa)

  • The bond between President Tinubu and VP Shettima

    The bond between President Tinubu and VP Shettima

    By Tunde Rahman

    Long before President Bola Tinubu decided on Vice President Kashim Shettima, who turned 59 last week, as his running mate in the last presidential election, both of them had first collaborated across boundaries and different political parties several years ago to the present, when they are working together at the helm of Nigerian affairs. President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima continue to march on in harmony and deep partnership. Their relationship is borne of mutual respect and trust and fired by patriotic zeal and the need to promote democracy, good governance, and economic development. That bond has continued to wax stronger.

    I do not feign any knowledge regarding the exact time the two leaders encountered each other. It’s on record, however, that both worked together, alongside other like minds, to merge the legacy parties that eventually formed the APC in 2014. Indeed, the torchbearers of the merger were President Tinubu – leading the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria from the South-west – and the late President Muhammadu Buhari, who led the Congress for Progressive Change from the North-West. However, Vice President Shettima of the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party and other party leaders, among others, also played an important role in the consummation of the merger that brought together progressive forces from across Nigeria’s North and South.

    By the time of that historic event, the relationship between Shettima and his political leader and former governor of the state, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff (SAS), had gone frosty. Although up until that point, SAS dominated the ANPP structure in Borno State almost to the total exclusion of then Governor Shettima, a battle line was being drawn between supporters of the Godfather and the Governor. The merger therefore emerged like a rescue avenue for Shettima, and Asiwaju supported him greatly to successfully wrest the party structure and assume full leadership.

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    Asiwaju also came to his support when the Chibok girls were abducted, and the Goodluck Jonathan government saw Shettima like a villain. Shettima had to take his story and efforts to rescue the abducted girls to the international community. Asiwaju helped in all of that and also facilitated his quick return to Maiduguri. Many will recall that celebrated interview Shettima granted CNN’s Christian Amanpour at the time.

    As governor of Borno State, Shettima’s admiration for Asiwaju Tinubu and his politics was well known. He would often invite him to inaugurate some legacy projects of his administration, even while they were in different parties. On one such occasion, Asiwaju arrived in Maiduguri, Borno State capital, along with his entourage, in the heat of the Boko Haram insurgency. He spent two days in that city, inaugurating the Doctors’ Quarters, which were built by Shettima and named after Tinubu, among other projects.

    With that visit, it was evident that both leaders had become political soul mates – akin to a political father and son.

    In the run-up to the 2023 election, Shettima pitched his tent with Asiwaju Tinubu. He rooted for Tinubu during the APC primaries and criss-crossed the country with him while the campaign lasted. Given his competence, leadership experience, dynamism, and loyalty, it was no surprise that Asiwaju picked him as his running mate. Indeed, it is an affirmation of his competence and good qualities that the committee set up by Asiwaju to recommend a suitable running mate for him had Shettima at the top of its list. Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and former ally of President Tinubu, Babachir David Lawal, headed that committee. Importantly, Shettima’s choice was reportedly blessed by the late President Buhari.

    In the end, the APC won the election. Asiwaju and Shettima were inaugurated as president and vice president.

    After more than two years in the saddle, they are moving on, united by a shared vision to engender a strong economy, deliver prosperity, and improve the living standards of Nigerians based on the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    This relationship has not been without its challenges. However, the union has continued to weather the storms.

    It is always the case in a political environment that power mongers and schemers will seek to throw spanners in the work to upset political relationships or any union, for that matter. Indeed, relationships between a principal and deputy, like that between governors and their deputies or presidents and vice presidents, can be very testy, as suspicion and mistrust can sometimes creep in.

    Deputies are endangered species. Like Caesar’s wife, they must be above board at all times, politically correct, and ensure they do not swim against the tide.

    Writing in “Deputising and Governance in Nigeria,” former deputy governor and later two-term governor of Kano State, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, contends that “the role of a vice president in government depends largely on his relationship with his boss, and could be expanded to make him influential, if positive and collaborative.”

    According to the constitution, the vice president chairs the National Economic Council. However, the vice president has no special powers except those delegated to him by the President, which is entirely at the President’s discretion.

    The marriage between President Tinubu and VP Shettima is strong and vibrant. There is no doubt that Shettima has demonstrated absolute loyalty to President Tinubu. He has shown he is a worthy partner who believes that both of them must work together for the good of the country they both love.

    If anyone doubted the bond between them, President Tinubu cleared the doubts in his 59th birthday message to Shettima on September 2, 2025. VP Shettima also responded with matching words of gratitude.

    In the stirring message, the President said, among others, “Every day as vice president, you have justified that choice by strengthening our work, bringing fresh perspectives, and upholding our commitment to Nigerians. Your dedication reassures me that I did not make a mistake in choosing you as my deputy.”

  • Aregbesola and the journey of Brother Tortoise

    Aregbesola and the journey of Brother Tortoise

    By Gboyega Amoboye

    In Yoruba mythology, tortoise is an animal credited with immense wisdom but considered dishonorable.

    Viewers might remember the Oloja of Oja, Oba Adenle in the vintage but now rested Village Headmaster in one of their episodes, dancing to  a solo, in mockery  of a chief thus: “Brother tortoise when will you return from this your journey?”  Tortoise replied;”Not until I have been disgraced”.      

    There is a Yoruba folklore ‘Eebu alo ni ti ahun (tortoise), ti abo ni ti ano re’ that seems to agree with the solo by ‘Kabiyesi, as Oloja was fondly addressed by his subjects.  While still searching for an appropriate translation it goes thus: Mr tortoise went to steal yams from his father in-law’s farm and was caught red handed. To humiliate him, his in-law tied him to a stake along a busy market road.   In the morning, he was mocked by market women on their way to the market for his shameful act. But on their way back in the evening, the same market women still met tortoise at the stake. In annoyance, they turned their abuse on his inlaw. ‘Do you want to kill him? After all, he’s your in-law! One could find a correlation in Rauf Aregbesola’s rebellion against his mentor President Bola Tinubu in this shameful story of brother tortoise.

    Aregbesola a former protege of President Bola Tinubu was former governor of Osun State. That Aregbesola was made politically by the President is said to be incontrovertible. That he was made governor by his mentor is also incontrovertible. According to political observers  Aregbesola use to be  lord of the  largest local government in the country, Alimoso and also by the courtesy of Bola Tinubu.

    That Aregbesola could rebel against his mentor and even now leading a gang of politicians to stop him in 2027 is considered a puzzle carried too far.

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     But what could have led to a case of Chinua Achebe’s ‘Falcon not hearing the Falconer?’. A well informed Yoruba leader told me recently that Aregbesola’,’ grievance was that he had been marginalised in Osun and Lagos State by the President. But to political observers this was the same Aregbesola who was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs by the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari apparently on the recommendation of President Bola Tinubu.

    Unless if he were one of the ‘born to rules’ said a critic, one should be surprised that he could not stay out of power for a while to allow for fairness to others.  It has equally been argued that there was no way he could have been left in the cold by the President if his loyalty had not been in doubt.  My informant spoke of attempts being made to  reconcile him with the President except that his’Omoye has already danced naked in the market Square’  But Marrie Correli in her novel Ziska said ‘,”even with a late repentance love pardons all.”. Will this be true of Aregbesola? “Time will tell”, says Jimmy Cliff.

    Yoruba drummers are equivocators. One watched Aregbesola recently on the social media dancing to a rebellious gangan drumming, ‘praising him for daring his mentor. While dancing in reckless abandon to the consternation of viewers his apparently remorseful wife, Sherifat, called him to order.

    Paradoxically, this group of gangan drummers are never loyal to anyone. It would not be strange tomorrow for them to turn  the gangan against Aregbesola  in eulogy  of President Bola Tinubu if he wins the 2027 Presidential election thus; ‘Ta nibata ko subu. Aregbesola,  ta nibata ko subu. Aregbesola, Oko Sherifa, ta nibata ko subu. Ojo esin nku si dede, alakori, ta nibata ko subu ‘ ( Kick Aregbesola with your shoe and let him fall down in disgrace).

    • Amoboye, a veteran journalist, is a media consultant.

  • Ekiti State: What? Who will upset the applecart?

    Ekiti State: What? Who will upset the applecart?

    In a Special State Broadcast on Tuesday, Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji of Ekiti State appealed for peace and orderliness ahead of the 2026 governorship election. While condemning recent political thuggery, Oyebanji, popularly known as BAO, stressed his unwavering commitment to protecting lives and property, stating directly: “My aspiration is not worth the precious blood of any Ekiti person.”

    The governor’s call for peace and stability was a direct response to a familiar political challenge: a surge in negative media reports and public scrutiny. For Oyebanji, protecting life is a moral imperative that supersedes political office, as electoral violence can cause widespread harm and societal instability.

    That said, the conventional wisdom is that BAO is virtually strolling his way into a deserved second term. While this may be the case, history has shown that it is always possible, though unlikely, to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. But, as the Yoruba proverb aptly states, “Àgbàrá òjò kò l’óun ò n’ílé wó, onílé ni kò níí gbà fun” (The intent of a heavy storm and flood is to wreak havoc and that of those to be affected is to prevent it).

    In light of this, it is crucial for Oyebanji to address any internal issues, especially within the state chapter of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). While the governor has worked diligently to ensure the party remains coherent and focused, the ambitions of individuals cannot be discounted. Even within the governor’s inner circle, some will have their own aspirations. This dynamic is a common challenge in politics. BAO will therefore need a core group of loyal and trusted supporters to protect his interests and ensure stability.

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    Although securing a second term is not a foregone conclusion, there’s a strong case for continuity in Ekiti State. Oyebanji has begun several widely commended initiatives that he should be allowed to complete. As of now, within the APC and the assortment of opposition parties, there is no coherent, let alone convincing, alternative programme.

    The opposition’s current stance appears limited to simply affirming their democratic right to contest, which is insufficient to mount a credible challenge. This weakness, combined with the conventional wisdom that the governor is not perceived as non-performing or underperforming, makes a strong case for continuity. His not doing so would likely result in a disruptive ‘begin again’ cycle, moving from boom-to-bust. Ekiti deserves better than that!

    Oyebanji’s achievements reflect a strategic focus on enhancing intellectual capital through investments in education and public service. Rather than relying on a large economy or oil wealth, his policies have been geared toward fiscal prudence, accountability, and a meritocratic approach to state affairs. This has translated into tangible results, as seen in the state’s top-tier ranking in the governance index.

    Unlike states whose high scores might be attributed to vast natural resources or sheer economic size, Ekiti’s success is rooted in its human-centric approach to governance. This is particularly remarkable given its relative lack of such endowments, with the state effectively utilizing human and intellectual assets to achieve long-term growth and stability.

    “Politics is never just about elections. It is about people, their culture, values, grievances, and their sense of fairness. When one looks closely, one sees that politics is a reflection of society itself, which is why it makes sense to speak of the sociology of politics. In Ekiti State, this is clearer than anywhere else. The way politics is played in the ‘Fountain of Knowledge’ is tied deeply to how the people think, relate to one another, and respond to questions of power, fairness, and identity.

    “In this landscape, the political environment revolves around Oyebanji, whose position appears unshakable. He enjoys the backing of virtually all the major stakeholders in the state’s politics, including every living past governor. The collective support of these elder statesmen helps to shape the state’s future and serves as a consultative influence on the current government’s power.

    “Furthermore, all members of the National and State Houses of Assembly from Ekiti stand behind BAO, as do the traditional rulers, who serve as both custodians of culture and moral voices in the land. He also has the endorsement of respected elders, the unions, and key organizations across the state. In a society like Ekiti, where endorsements from elders and monarchs carry deep weight, this kind of support is massive.”

    It is also important to note that The Nigeria Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE) has demonstrated its “unshaken confidence” in the governor’s leadership by donating ₦10 million to his campaign. This collective gesture, along with the support of the Local Government Service Commission, is a sign of appreciation for his administration’s achievements.

    These include payment of salary and gratuity arrears, regular payment of deductions, and the implementation of a new minimum wage. This broad backing suggests the governor has secured the support of a key constituency, which may pose a significant challenge to any opposition. 

    Make no mistake, Ekiti 2026 is shaping up to be a closely watched contest, with potential challenges brewing on the horizon. Despite Oyebanji’s strong support base, internal party dynamics, opposition strategies and economic factors could play a significant role in shaping the outcome. Who will upset the applecart? Could it be a discontented APC member, an opposition party candidate, or a rising politician?

    To manage these complexities and secure his position, Oyebanji should strategically build coalitions with key social and economic groups in the state, including the agro-allied economy, markets, the informal sector, and professional groups, all under the banner of ‘Continuing Ekiti’s Forward March to Prosperity.’

    To address infrastructural deficits in the state, BAO should convey a clear message with short-, medium-, and long-term goals to improve the lives of the residents. This will be supported by facts and figures. Such a clear presentation should compel those who wish to unseat him to present their own detailed alternative positions.

    In 1983, the opposition in both Lagos and Imo States illustrated this point, as they struggled to present a coherent, let alone a convincing, alternative to the incumbent governors, Lateef Jakande and Sam Mbakwe. Both governors had established a reputation for being pro-people, which made them formidable opponents. Their success was not so much a result of personal charisma but rather their ability to effectively communicate to the electorate that they were the most capable leaders to safeguard the people’s interests.

    Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) also have a crucial role to play, particularly in ensuring a level playing field and fair play among all parties, including the police and the electoral umpire. Additionally, the governor should collaborate with CSOs as they are in the best position to independently present his scorecard, identify areas for improvement, and suggest viable solutions.

    As 2026 nears, Oyebanji must increase his efforts and develop a clear media strategy. This effort requires persistence and consistency. At a time like this, as at all times, it is the duty of the media to be dispassionate and analytical, basing their reports on facts and figures.

    Real change requires moving beyond platitudes to forging partnerships that can withstand the political pressures and factionalism that have historically been the norm. That’s what President Bola Tinubu is doing at the centre. However, the pursuit of significant change will inevitably lead to resentment and opposition, even from those within who benefited from the old way of doing things.

    In the final analysis, despite the potential for internal friction, and based on all political scenarios, endorsements, and his performance, the coast appears clear for Oyebanji’s return for a second term, ceteris paribus.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Appraising Wike: A candid political prognosis

    Appraising Wike: A candid political prognosis

    By Mobolaji Sanusi

    “A good example is not the main thing in influencing others, it is the only thing.” — Anonymous

    Nyesom Wike has firmly emerged as a celebrated power broker under the current political dispensation. From historical records, he didn’t just arrive at this destination without fighting battles. Some he won by sheer providential interventions, others with unbridled political resilience. But one thing is clear, he has, within the past ten years, established himself as a political warlord with a big war chest and vast connections in the right places.

    There are several instances to buttress these assertions. For example, his reelection as his home state’s local government chairman, after serving his first term was guaranteed by the accidental meeting and intervention that had a touch of providence of then governor, Dr. Peter Odili, who vetoed the truncation of his second term candidacy for Obio-Akpor Local Government Area when his name was almost removed from the list.

    Later, he moved to join the tortuous battle for the restoration of Rotimi Amaechi’s governorship ticket and after the Apex Court’s miracle verdict that proclaimed him governor, Amaechi compensated him because of his committed roles in his ascension struggles by appointing him as his Chief of Staff. And when they fell apart, he meandered his way to emerge as a minister of the federal republic of Nigeria under the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. He used the opportunity of that position to successfully launch the battle to succeed Amaechi as governor and ruled the state for two terms of eight years.

    Unlike other governors before him in Rivers State who failed to install their preferred successors, Wike set the precedent of handpicking his successor in Governor Sim Fubara. But against his own public pronouncement that after his  governorship duty, he would not jostle for any political appointment having failed to secure the vice-presidential slot to veteran presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, GCON, Wike resurfaced in Abuja where President Bola Tinubu, GCFR, graciously appointed him as the high profile minister of the Federal Capital Territory(FCT). The first southerner to occupy the position.

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    In Abuja, he battled the Abuja mafia that saw him as attempting to unsettle the progress-retarding status quo ante cartel in the FCT. While slugging it out with the cartel, his installed successor in his home state, Fubara, was fomenting the battle for political independence which Wike wasn’t ready to give.

    As a man who is used to fighting battles, even at the shortest notice, he fought Fubara to sustain his domestic political survival and to preserve his inexorably rising political profile in Abuja. In the end, he taught Fubara a great lesson by not only making the state ungovernable for him but in also stimulating a volatile political environment through his foot soldiers on ground that led to the imposition of an emergency rule in Rivers. With emergency rule in place, the contentious local government elections conducted by Fubara was annulled, in supposed obedience to the apex court’s judgment.

    Finally last Saturday, a fresh local government election conducted in the twenty-three local governments in the state returned Wike as the indisputable godfather of Rivers State politics. The exercise adjudged by observers to be peaceful, surprisingly saw the All Progressives Congress(APC) won twenty councils while the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state of which Wike is a member, won a paltry three council areas.

    Wike, with his delicate hybrid brand of politics, is now firmly in control of the grassroots across Rivers state.

    The FCT minister can henceforth reassert his authority over APC and PDP machineries and also be in-charge of the local councils’ chairmen, councillors and more importantly, grassroots mobilisation. He is strategically brainy enough to rename his group after the president’s political shibboleth: Renewed Hope Agenda bloc. By this nomenclature, his loyal tendencies in both APC and PDP are now firmly under his influence ahead of the 2027 general election. Effectively now, Wike, not Fubara, when the emergency rule is lifted, will dictate the modus of delegates’ selection and equally who gets what ticket in the upcoming and subsequent primaries. His national political influence as a strong south-south leader is now gradually, if not already solidified.

    A subregional powerbroker in Wike, if he manages his affairs well, is now in the making. He can now consolidate his networks and loyalty base as a trusted ally of the president. But for how long can Wike play the president’s game? Except he decides to commit self-inflicted political suicide, his loyalty to the president cannot falter between now and 2027. Again. Would he have helped our current president if Atiku had picked him as his running mate in late 2022? After 2027, especially if Wike is not reappointed or that his FCT portfolio, which today stands unlikely, is changed, won’t his current disposition to the president change?

    By 2031, ceteris paribus, apologies to the economists, when the president would have finished his second term in office, won’t Wike turn against him if he thinks political calculations preferred by the president are not favourable to his aspirations?

    Yours sincerely is asking these questions because of the cautionary aphorism of that Chinese philosopher that championed personal and governmental morality, Confucius when he said: “The man who asks a question is a fool for a minute. The man who does not ask is a fool for life.” Because l do not want to be a fool for life in view of Wike’s antecedents in actions and words, which are not favourable to the president and even the APC that is the central government party. His 2022/23 actions and uttered words most especially, lacked political integrity and character.

    Barrister Wike spewed out statements and put up conducts against the president and his party that should make a right thinking person ponder on whether his seeming current “absolute political loyalty to the president” is not something fleeting and for his current political survival? In our assessments of persons, Frank Herbert admonished us to ask: “Do actions agree with words? There’s your measure of reliability. Never confine yourself to the words.”

    For a concise juxtaposition, past and present actions and words should be used if we’re desirous of arriving at an empirically appropriate conclusions on the FCT minister.

    Wike was once caught on camera espousing denigrative statements on our president and APC: Lets highlight two instances and the first being where he alluded to one of our dear president’s campaign statements; he derisively enthused: “I heard people declaring for APC saying that they want to continue the good job of Mr President (Buhari). Is it the good job of people dying everyday? Is it the good job of naira falling everyday? I feel so ashamed that we have gotten to the level of sycophancy. Where people will come and say they want to continue the good job of Buhari….What is the good job of Buhari? Is hunger the good job? Is poverty and insecurity the good job? Or the economy falling the good job? It’s such a shameful thing. I can’t believe that someone will come out in today’s Nigeria and say I want to continue where Buhari has stopped.”

    The second being at a point in time when asked if he’ll leave PDP for APC: He sarcastically declared: “Leave for where? I presently have malaria that can be treated easily and I will go and look for cancer that will kill me immediately?….Is the APC a party? A party that has killed Nigerians? No way, I can’t leave the PDP for such a party. Any fight we engage in the PDP is inside the PDP and that is where I will fight. If they like, they injure me there or I injure them but I won’t ever run away. Though I know they cannot injure me….That is where we will fight our fight but to leave the PDP that has common malaria for the APC that has cancer, no, it can’t happen.”

    Who knows what Wike will say about our current president if they developed strained political relationships somewhere along the line? If for nothing, we have seen and heard words and dispositions of Wike to some of his past political benefactors including Dr Peter Odili, Dr & Mrs Goodluck Jonathan, Rotimi Amaechi and others.

    Yours sincerely is only just being futuristically cautious by drawing our dear president’s attention to what a politically cantankerous Wike could do, after all, Wolfgang Schauble once said that “reliability is the precondition for trust.” Also, Confucius’ disdain for unreliable people under whatever guise is unsparing when he referred to them as “utterly useless.”

    It is necessary to point out that this piece is not out to denigrate Wike who is widely seen, acknowledged and justly celebrated as “Mr Projects” during his 8-year tenure as governor of Rivers State. The same commendable template of projects’ initiatives, he has been implementing in the FCT infrastructural turnaround, as its hardworking minister.

    Most times, habits develop into character and following from this, the reliability of Wike’s political character is somehow questionable and to protect our President, this necessitates the need to advert our minds to this detrimental political temperament of Wike and to prepare an antidote for curtailing him when the time comes.

    Besides the aforementioned, ride on the presidential beloved Barrister Nyesom Wike, the Mr Projects of the FCT.

    • Sanusi, former LASAA MD/CEO is a managerial psychologist and currently the managing partner of AMS RELIABLE SOLICITORS.