Category: Commentaries

  • TINUBU IN BRASILIA: Nigerian, Brazilian Leaders deepen ties during historic State visit

    TINUBU IN BRASILIA: Nigerian, Brazilian Leaders deepen ties during historic State visit

    By Keem Abdul

    There is something about Brazil that any Nigerian with some knowledge of the world can relate with – and that is the many commonalities the two countries share. These commonalities exist in almost every area – but especially in those of geography, history and culture. 

    And they’re not skin-deep, either; indeed, they are profound.

    The Federative Republic of Brazil is the most populous country and largest economy in S/America, just as the Federal Republic of Nigeria is the most populous country and one of the largest economies in Africa (a position which has conferred on each country enormous clout within its region). Both countries’ commercial hubs, Sao Paulo and Lagos, are the largest cities on their respective continents. Both countries, whose populations are roughly the same, boast a staggering demographic diversity – Nigeria with its over 200 ethnic nationalities, and Brazil with its racial diversity, from aboriginal ‘Red Indian’ tribes in the Amazon, to descendants of European (especially Portuguese) colonizers  and migrants, to descendants of former African slaves – most of whom, especially in the state of Bahia in the country’s northeast, have retained their African identity, cultural and even traditional religious practices (such as traditional Yoruba  practices such as Ifa divination).

    Both countries belong to the so-called Global South – emerging economies seeking a place on the global stage commensurate with their growing aspirations as far as economic growth, industrialization and sustainable development are concerned: Brazil as a leader in the club known as BRICS (acronym for ‘Brazil, Russia, India, China and South’) and Nigeria as the arrowhead of ECOWAS, the West African sub-regional economic grouping. Both countries’ experiments with demographic governance have been frequently interrupted by long spells of military rule in the past. And at different times, Nigeria and Brazil saw fit to move their respective capitals from bustling coastal cities to virgin locations in the interior; Brazil from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia in 1960, and Nigeria from Lagos to Abuja in 1991.

    And in their respective Presidents – Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Luis Inacio da Silva (better known by his nickname, Lula) – each country is led by a political maverick with a history of activism and a penchant for bold reform. The engagement between Tinubu and Lula on the occasion of the former’s state visit to Brazil can, therefore, be said to be a meeting between two kindred spirits.

    More importantly, though, it was a meeting between two nations who, apart from the commonalities cited above, also share a desire to cultivate strategic global partnerships and broaden their alliances in a multipolar world and an increasingly uncertain geo-political environment. Though this is Tinubu’s third trip to Brazil since his assumption of office, it was far more significant than the previous two, which were centered around international summits like the G20 and BRICS meetings, while the latest was focused on bilateral agreements. It was an opportunity for Nigeria to derive tangible and intangible benefits from Brazil’s global leadership in mechanized agriculture, agribusiness and renewable energy in its quest for economic diversification, and its desire to engender mutually-beneficial investments to boost Nigeria’s growth and global standing.

    Speaking of agreements and deals, it was a visit of many highlights. Five MOUs were signed in the areas of foreign affairs, aviation, science and technology, agriculture, and cultural exchange.  One highlight, for example, was the Bilateral Air Services Agreement (BASA) which henceforth would enable direct commercial flights between Nigeria and Brazil – a development which is projected to reduce  travel time between the two countries from over 24 hours to just seven; already, an inaugural symbolic flight by the Nigerian carrier Air Peace took the Nigerian delegation from Brasília to Lagos shortly after the Tinubu/Lula meetings. Signed by the two Presidents and their respective ministers of aviation, the agreement, according to the Presidency, was an unequivocal demonstration that Nigerian carriers can compete on global routes, and that Nigeria’s partnerships – especially under Tinubu – can deliver immediate results.

    Indeed, in the aftermath of the BASA agreement, Air Peace and Caverton, another Nigerian carrier, will commence passenger and cargo services, respectively, on the Lagos-São Paulo route from the last quarter of 2025; a clear signal of their readiness to operationalize this potentially profitable corridor. ‎In a further strengthening of aviation and trade ties between the two nations, Air Peace ordered 21 Embraer jets from Brazil on the sidelines of the President’s visit.

    All in all, according to insiders, the trip is set to unlock $30bn in new Brazilian investments in the Nigerian economy – which is a key component of the Nigerian leader’s Renewed Hope Agenda, aimed at opening new markets, strengthening Global South cooperation, and creating opportunities for Nigerian businesses and travellers.

    In a further affirmation of Brazil’s deep cultural affinity with Africa (and especially Nigeria), President Lula also hosted one of Nigeria’s foremost literary icons, the Nobel laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka in a meeting at the presidential palace in Brasilia that highlighted a unique Afro-Brazilian heritage.

    In the meeting, during which Soyinka presented the Portuguese language version of his seminal essay, Myth, Literature and the African World to Lula (a latter-day bibliophile who, according to his bio, did not learn to read until he was 10 – no thanks to his poverty-stricken childhood) the two men shared their views on the role of literature, history, and education in bridging cultures and fostering mutual understanding. Sources say the Soyinka visit is part of a broader effort by Lula to deepen intellectual and cultural cooperation among the nations of the Global South, with Brazil leading the charge through engagements with African thinkers, artists, and cultural institutions.

    Along with the successes recorded with Tinubu and his team, the Soyinka engagement was very much in line with Lula’s vision of Brazil’s ‘soft-power’ role on the world stage. When, in 2007, Brazil won its bid to host the 2014 FIFA World Cup, and followed that up, just two years later, with the right to host the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, Lula – then serving his first term – saw it as an affirmation by the global community of his country’s pedigree. He declared triumphantly on one of those occasions, “We are now a world-class country.”

    In spite of its current challenges, Nigeria, too, has the makings of a world-class country, and it is only to be expected that, in partnership with Brazil, the realization of Nigeria’s global aspirations is only a matter of time.

    • Keem Abdul, a public relations guru, publisher and writer, hails from Lagos. He can be reached via +2349046303816 or Akeemabdul2023@gmail.com

  • From Baba Iyabo without malice!

    From Baba Iyabo without malice!

    Baba says he writes without malice.

    Which Baba?

    Which Baba?  The Ebora Owu now!

    O, that one!  What has he done this time?  Floated another “third force”?

    He just wrote another letter.  No, another book, actually: claiming his public letter-writer career was with no malice to anyone, senior or junior.

    Really?  He said that?  Are you sure?

    Of course, I’m sure!

    How old is Baba now?

    He turned 88 in March.

    I see!   People still tell themselves honest lies at 88?

    What do you mean?  You say Baba is lying?

    Didn’t say that — and don’t put words in my mouth.  Still, for Baba to claim his letters bore no malice is rather stretching the truth.  Everyone knows he has a mortal fear of anyone — before or after — towering over him.  It’s simply insane paranoia!

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    What do you mean?

    Well, take IBB.  Baba swore and swooned at him without end, claiming he was no model of governance.  I can’t defend IBB.  But as soon as Baba completed his term as elected president, he built himself a hilltop mansion — just as IBB.

    But …

    Not only that!  But for the stiff opposition from us, he plotted a third term — another hidden agenda that he accused IBB of.  So, we smoked him out as we smoked IBB.

    Okay, but aren’t you being too harsh on him?

    Harsh!  On Baba Iyabo?  Don’t make me laugh!  I hear he claimed — in his new book: or is it extended letter? — that Buhari’s government was the worst ever.  Yet, Buhari and Osinbajo, his deputy, never tore at each other, as Obasanjo and Atiku did, at times over using government money to buy cars for girlfriends!

    True.

    Baba earned good revenue — oil windfall.  Yet, his deepest thinking was “debt forgiveness” (whatever that meant), not public works.  He left no legacy, aside his OOPL — a personal vanity shrine.  Buhari had an empty till.  Yet, he built roads and rail — one of the rail stations face-to-face with his OOPL.  Now who’s the failure, here?

    Yes, that.  I hear he says Tinubu is only marginally different from Buhari?

    Another vanity.  Baba did “reforms” but everything else collapsed — roads, rail and power. On power, he spent billions of Naira, with little returns.  Tinubu too is doing reforms, but is also building roads and rail, vital arteries, long neglected.  Yet Baba crows to suggest he’s better than anyone. Look, the old man is just delusional!

    True.

    If his delusion keeps his bitter soul happy at his departure lounge, so be it.  But we know him, even more than he knows himself.  No malice?  Give me a break!

  • Varsity teachers deserve a living wage

    Varsity teachers deserve a living wage

    • By Peter Ovie Akus

    Sir: I was shocked by the recent disclosure by Professor Oluwatoyin Ogundipe, immediate past vice-chancellor of the University of Lagos (UNILAG), at a public forum where he lamented the poor pay of lecturers. He stated that no fewer than 239 first class graduates of UNILAG employed as lecturers left the institution within seven years.

    In a country where the labour market is saturated, I can only imagine the depths of frustration that must have pushed these young, academically, and intellectually gifted lecturers to quit academia in exchange for seeking greener pastures elsewhere.

    The persistent low pay for lecturers and the concomitant strikes that often follows it, has become a recurring decimal which disrupts the country’s higher educational system. Yet, successive administrations have paid lip service to this critical issue.

    Emmanuel Osodeke, the immediate past president of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), once declared that Nigerian lecturers were among the lowest paid in the world. He pointed out that in some African countries, no lecturer earns less than $2,000 (about N3.3 million) monthly, with professors earning up to $10,000 (around N16.5 million) monthly. Professor Ogundipe on his part, revealed that as vice chancellor, he earned a monthly salary of just N900,000 (approximately $580).

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    Still a professor in the system, his salary is slightly above N700,000 before tax deductions.

    I am not unaware that there are people who would read these figures and see nothing wrong with them. But if you look at it from the perspective of wages being a reward for value, you would see the danger ahead of us. Teaching is the foundation of every profession in the world. Without teachers, you cannot have doctors, lawyers, engineers, etc. If we continue to pay lecturers peanuts, what will happen is that we would begin to attract low-quality lecturers while the high-quality lecturers either go overseas or pursue careers in other sectors. Low-quality lecturers inevitably means low-quality doctors, low-quality lawyers, low-quality engineers, etc. which will ultimately result in a low-quality nation.

    I doubt if there is any millennial or Gen Z who has gone through the public university system in Nigeria and did not suffer from the effects of strikes by lecturers. A four-year course would automatically be studied in five or six years without failing any course due to strikes for better pay by lecturers.

    Now we are hearing of another impending strike that has been dubbed as “the mother of all strikes”. President Bola Tinubu should ensure that no ASUU strike occurs during his tenure, as he promised. The easiest way to do this is 100 per cent implementation of the 2009 MOU with ASUU. Education is a vital sector that deserves adequate funding. Lecturers deserve a living wage.

    •Peter Ovie Akus,

    Ontario, Canada.

  • Fall of Ansaru leaders is a giant leap against terrorism

    Fall of Ansaru leaders is a giant leap against terrorism

    • By Ya’u Mukhtar Madobi

    Sir: Nigeria recently recorded a historic victory in its war against terrorism, underscoring the growing strength of the country’s intelligence network and operational capabilities. A few weeks ago, security agencies successfully captured two top commanders of Ansaru, an Al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist group that has long terrorized Nigeria and its neighbours. This breakthrough is more than just another win against non-state actors—it is a decisive step towards dismantling one of the most lethal terror franchises in West Africa.

    The arrest of these kingpins, achieved after months of coordinated intelligence operations, signals that Nigeria is increasingly adopting proactive and intelligence-driven strategies that disrupt threats at their roots rather than merely reacting to attacks.

    Ansaru emerged in 2012 as a splinter faction from Boko Haram. From inception, it aligned itself with Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and operated through covert sleeper cells and forest hideouts across northern Nigeria.

    The two men captured between May and July stands out as some of the most dangerous figures in Nigeria’s recent history. Mahmud Muhammad Usman, better known as Abu Bara’a, served as the self-proclaimed Emir of Ansaru and was long considered the spiritual and operational head of the group. His deputy and Chief of Staff, Mahmud al-Nigeri, also known as Mallam Mamuda, was notorious for overseeing training camps and operational logistics.

    Both men had evaded capture for years, topping Nigeria’s most-wanted list while simultaneously appearing on international watch-lists for masterminding high-profile terrorist attacks and kidnappings. Their trail of atrocities is long and bloody—from the 2022 Kuje Prison break, to the attack on a uranium facility in Niger Republic, the abduction of French engineer Francis Collomp in 2013, the 2019 kidnapping of Alhaji Musa Umar Uba, Magajin Garin Daura, and the abduction of the Emir of Wawa in Niger State.

    Beyond these incidents, intelligence reports confirm that the duo maintained active ties with terrorist groups in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso—connections that link Nigeria’s insurgency to the wider jihadist networks destabilizing Africa’s Sahel region.

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    So when National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu announced the arrests on August 16, he rightly described the operation as a “decisive blow” against Ansaru and a major milestone in Nigeria’s war on terror. Neutralizing the group’s central command, he emphasized, has significantly degraded its ability to plan and execute large-scale attacks.

    Recall that prior to the arrest of Ansaru top commanders, the operatives of the Department of State Service (DSS) had earlier arrested a terrorist kingpin, Abubakar Abba, the suspected senior commander of the Mahmuda terrorists’ group, operating across states in the North-central.

    Abba, believed to be the supreme leader of the group, who had been active along the Borgu Local Government Area of Niger State and its suburbs and parts of Kwara State in the past months, in particular, was said to have been arrested in Wawa town in Borgu. This is yet another significant milestone as per as counter-terrorism is concerned.

    While these feats deserve national celebration, it also calls for sober reflection. Arresting high-profile leaders is only one layer of defeating terrorism. Sustainable security requires dismantling the foundations that enable such groups to survive and regenerate.

    This means blocking their financial lifelines—whether from kidnappings-for-ransom, smuggling, or illicit mining revenues—while addressing their recruitment pipelines by countering extremist narratives through education, community engagement, and de-radicalization programs.

    Equally vital is strengthening border surveillance to curb arms trafficking, while leveraging drones and data analytics for predictive intelligence. These steps must form part of Nigeria’s wider counter-terrorism strategy.

    By doing so, Nigeria will not only safeguard its territorial integrity but also reinforce its emerging role as a regional leader in counter-terrorism. Already, the capture of Ansaru’s leaders has sent a strong signal across terrorist camps in Africa that Nigeria is no longer a safe haven for jihadist networks.

    Nonetheless, terrorism remains an adaptive threat. Groups splinter, mutate, and re-emerge if pressure eases. That is why the arrest of Abu Bara’a and Mallam Mamuda must be treated not as the end of a struggle but as the beginning of an intensified campaign.

    What must follow is the complete dismantling of their remnants, disruption of their financing structures, and the strengthening of governance in vulnerable communities. If Nigeria sustains this momentum—combining intelligence precision, military might, and socio-economic resilience—terror groups will not just be weakened but dismantled beyond recovery.

    •Ya’u Mukhtar Madobi,

    Kano.

  • Clean energy future hinges on affordable naira loans

    Clean energy future hinges on affordable naira loans

    • By Clement Chisom John

    Sir: Nigeria stands at a turning point. With ambitious targets for universal electricity access and clean energy adoption, the country’s renewable energy sector must scale up fast. But one stubborn obstacle continues to slow progress,  the lack of affordable, naira-based concessional financing, especially for women, low-income consumers, and emerging enterprises.

    While policymakers talk up renewable energy and pilot projects show promise, the ecosystem for local-currency concessional loans remains weak and underfunded. Institutions like the Bank of Industry, the Development Bank of Nigeria, and the Central Bank have rolled out some concessional facilities, but these remain a fraction of what is required. Industry estimates put Nigeria’s renewable energy financing gap at a staggering N11.4 trillion.

    The shortfall is felt most sharply by early-stage developers and mini-grid operators working in rural communities. They often face high interest rates (running at high as 19 – 23%), short loan maturities (mostly below three years), rigid collateral demands, and repayment schedules that make long-term project viability difficult. Consumer finance schemes targeting bottom-of-the-pyramid households and women-led businesses exist, but they are either too small or difficult to access.

    One major problem is that Nigerian lenders, from commercial banks to microfinance institutions, often lack the capital, and the appetite to issue large or long-term naira loans for renewable energy projects. Many financiers remain unfamiliar with the business models, viewing them as risky.

    That perception is compounded by the profile of many developers who are mostly young, undercapitalized firms with limited collateral. Policy shifts and regulatory delays also add uncertainty, making banks even more cautious.

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    Projects aimed at last-mile rural electrification tend to deliver low returns in the short term, which is unattractive to profit-driven lenders unless external de-risking tools are in place. And with Nigeria’s renewable energy market still relatively young, the lack of proven, bankable projects only deepens investor hesitation.

    A further gap exists in financial sector expertise. Many lenders have no in-house staff trained in renewable energy project finance. Data that captures the distinct needs of women entrepreneurs or poor consumers is rare, leading to products that inadvertently exclude them.

    Some projects have bucked the trend. In 2023, four solar hybrid mini-grids in Osun State, developed through a public-private partnership between Aradel Renewables Limited and Concerto, brought reliable power to 1,200 homes. The scheme relied on blended finance, community engagement, and risk-sharing – demonstrating what is possible with the right mix of support.

    In 2025, off-grid solar giant, Sun King secured the naira equivalent of $80 million in local-currency loans for product deployment – a rare large-scale deal in the sector. Meanwhile, the African Climate Foundation and Konexa combined technical support with guarantees to unlock over $34 million in capital for Nigeria’s first private renewable energy trading platform.

    Yet such examples remain exceptions rather than the norm.

    Nigeria must act decisively. One proposed solution is a “Nigeria Renewable Energy Credit Facility” a Central Bank-led fund pooling capital from public, donor, and pension fund sources to provide long-term, low-interest naira loans. Incentives for banks, such as regulatory mandates or preferential reserve ratios for renewable lending, could also push capital toward the sector.

    Expanding credit guarantee schemes, introducing partial risk guarantees, and combining donor grants with private capital through blended finance models could further de-risk investments. Dedicated “Gender and BoP Renewable Bonds” could earmark funds for women-led enterprises and community cooperatives, while pay-as-you-go models could help rural consumers afford clean power.

    Capacity-building will be key. Financial institutions need training in renewable energy risk assessment and business models, while market aggregation platforms could pool smaller projects into portfolios that attract bigger investors. Policymakers are also urged to fast-track frameworks for green bonds and securitization, collect gender-disaggregated financing data, and offer tax breaks or interest subsidies for inclusive projects.

    Experts stress that intentional gender inclusion is not just a fairness issue but a growth driver. A minimum share of concessional and blended finance could be directed to women-led projects. Partnerships with civil society could help women entrepreneurs build investment readiness, increasing their success rates and community impact.

    Unlocking naira-based concessional finance will not be easy, but the rewards are significant. Done right, it could close Nigeria’s energy access gap, create jobs, stimulate sustainable economic growth, and position the country as a leader in Africa’s clean energy revolution. The question now is whether policymakers and financiers are willing to take bold, targeted action – before the opportunity slips away.

    •Clement Chisom John,

    Renewable Energy Association of Nigeria, Abuja.

  • Why Nigerians fear talking positively about their nation

    Why Nigerians fear talking positively about their nation

    Sir: There is a curious tragedy that runs deep in the Nigerian psyche: the fear, even shame, of speaking well about one’s own country. It is a paradox that in a land blessed with immense human capital, cultural creativity, entrepreneurial resilience, and a natural resource base that many nations envy, Nigerians recoil from affirming these blessings. Instead, they repeat, without interrogation, tired clichés about “corruption” and “failure,” often borrowed from outdated headlines.

    One explanation lies in our inurement to entrenched narratives. For decades, the word “corruption” has been the most convenient description of Nigeria, and it has become the default lens through which many interpret every action of state and society. It does not matter that positive reforms or development are taking place in sectors like digital banking, creative arts, agriculture, transportation, non-oil export, manufacturing, education, information and technology; the elite and ordinary citizens alike cling to yesterday’s headlines. We do not ask for evidence before believing the worst, but we demand unassailable proof before believing the good. And even when proof is provided, we eye it with suspicion, as though good news were a conspiracy.

    Why this attitude? Part of it is psychological convenience. It is easier to wallow in cynicism than to accept the responsibility that comes with hope. To affirm Nigeria’s progress is to be compelled to contribute to its continuation. To declare that reforms are working is to implicate oneself in sustaining them. Thus, cynicism functions as an escape—an excuse for passivity. By condemning the nation wholesale, one absolves oneself from the duty of incremental personal change.

    Another layer is hypocrisy. We are quick to lambast “public corruption,” yet rarely confront our private corruption: examination malpractice, nepotism, tax evasion, inflated contracts, violation of traffic rules, or the silent bribery of everyday interactions. To commend those in public life who have acted with integrity would expose our double standards, for it would force us to reckon with our own moral compromises. Nigerians are often stingy with deserved commendation, preferring instead the “safety” of unrelenting condemnation.

    There is also the curious phenomenon of glorifying the foreign while demonizing the familiar. Nigerians exaggerate the virtues of societies they admire—whether in Europe, North America, or Asia—while downplaying the struggles, corruption, and inequities that plague those same societies. In the desperate bid to validate one’s dream of “japa” (emigration), Nigerians paint their country in the darkest shades, dispatching horror stories abroad as passports to sympathy. Yet in so doing, they unwittingly sabotage their own identity and de-market the very nation that could have been their pride.

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    But perhaps the deepest reason is fear: the fear of being labelled naïve, complicit, or compromised. In Nigeria’s polarized atmosphere, to speak positively about one’s country is to risk being accused of sycophancy, of “eating from the system,” seeking public appointment by the government, or of being blind to reality. This fear silences honest optimism and makes many Nigerians prefer the safety of despair. Good news is treated as betrayal, while bad news is received as patriotic truth-telling.

    Yet this negativity has consequences. Nations are not built by those who despise them. The persistent denigration of Nigeria has robbed her citizens of confidence, robbed her youth of hope, and robbed her image abroad of dignity. No society can advance where its own citizens are its chief de-marketers. By refusing to talk positively about Nigeria, we cripple our own potential.

    To break this cycle requires courage—the courage to believe in our own story. Talking positively about Nigeria does not mean denying her challenges; it means refusing to let those challenges be the sole narrative. It means affirming progress where it exists, and giving commendation where it is due. It means balancing criticism with celebration, exposing corruption while rewarding integrity, and holding leaders accountable without damning the entire nation.

    Nigerians must learn that it is not betrayal to speak well of one’s country. On the contrary, it is betrayal to remain silent when truth and progress deserve to be heard. A nation that cannot believe in itself cannot expect the world to believe in it either.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba, <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • On rising paternity fraud cases

    On rising paternity fraud cases

    Sir: The recent revelation from the 2025 Annual Testing Report by Smart DNA Nigeria, a genetic testing company, has set tongues wagging and exposed the need to combat the rising tide of paternity fraud in Nigeria. In the report, it was revealed that only one in four children tested were confirmed to belong to their assumed biological fathers.

    In other words, only 25 per cent of those tested returned positive. It further states that apart from Jamaica, Nigeria has the highest cases of reported paternity fraud in the world.

    This is deeply troubling and worrisome and portends doom for our society.

    Let it be known that paternity fraud isn’t entirely novel to the Nigerian society. In the days of yore, cultural pressures around lineage and inheritance have sometimes pushed many wives to play “away games” while in their matrimonial homes. Those were the days when male children were prized above female children. Those were also the days when barrenness was seen as a curse from the gods and such women were not only looked down upon but also ostracized from society.

    If most people did an investigation of their ancestors, they would probably discover one or two wealthy and powerful ancestors who have had to accept children that they suspected or knew were not theirs. However, the difference between what we had then and what we have now, is that paternity fraud was very few and far between. And it was a taboo that was rarely spoken of.

    The rise of paternity fraud in Nigeria is a frightening reflection of societal decay and spells doom for the institution of marriage in Nigeria. This is particularly dangerous especially in a country where many youths already regard marriage with scepticism due to financial hardships, unemployment, and mistrust. The high rate of infidelity

    exposed by the report points to a pervasive trust deficit in the country. It portrays the country in a bad light in the comity of nations. This alarming development could lead to family disruptions, dislocations, and divorces.

    One factor that has contributed significantly to exposing paternity fraud is the “japa syndrome” which has gained currency among Nigerians of late. Most western nations due to the need to prevent immigrants from turning their visas into a racket, now demand DNA testing of children to prove paternity.

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    There is a need for a reengineering of our value system if we want to curb this menace. We need to embrace cultural, ethical, and religious values that uphold good conduct, discipline, patience, respect for law and order, and familial cohesion. Our value system today is nothing to write about. Most people today get their values from the negative things that they see on social media, shows like Big Brother Naija that promote nudity, and music and entertainment programmes which promote materialism, the use of hard drugs, promiscuity, etc.

    Going forward, the government must enact a law that penalizes paternity fraud in Nigeria. It must also enact a law that makes DNA testing mandatory, affordable, and accessible to all at the birth of a child. Most developed countries of the world rank low on cases of reported paternity fraud because they have easy and cheap access to DNA testing.

    A concerted effort by government, civil society, and faith groups is needed to raise awareness and educate the public. Parents should encourage their children to marry for love and not money, wealth, and fame. They should teach their children to have respect for the institution of marriage. And that family is very important because it

    is the smallest unit of the society and if family is destroyed, ultimately, society will also be destroyed.

    •Peter Ovie Akus, Ontario, Canada.

  • Uzodimma’s welfarist gestures

    Uzodimma’s welfarist gestures

    Sir: It’s a new dawn for civil servants and the people of Imo State as Governor Hope Uzodimma raised the state’s minimum wage from the nationally approved N70,000 to N104,000 monthly and medical doctors’ entry-level salary to N508,000 monthly.

    Whilst the above presents a gratuitous denouement for Imo citizens in active service, the retirees are also not left out, an immediate clearance of N16bn gratuity arrears were also ordered in one of the most novel and deserving gestures ever displayed by a sitting governor.

    The optics of this munificent initiative goes beyond a populist posturing.  Governor Uzodimma has proven that tectonic empathy towards citizens at the subnational levels of government is what is needed to alleviate the suffering of Nigerians and not the obstreperous decibel of hunger outcry against the president who must address issues of defence, foreign affairs and vestiges of macro-economics.

    Ever since the military’s venture into politics, a unitary mental construct has been foisted on Nigerians and has remained a constant default perception driving the social economic life of citizens. The military’s messianic rhetoric projected through deviant national broadcasts and the impetuous suspension of constitutional order heralding the beginning of such governments have engraved a syndrome of unitary hangover on citizens in a manner that is difficult to reverse.

    Whereas a federal democracy recognizes dividends of governance to be delivered by layers of constituted authorities in a manner prescribed by the constitution, a military paradigm does not only usurp the electoral precursors to such arrangements but also the autonomy of every layer to deliver to the people close to it.

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    A command and control structure expedient for military combat efficiency runs parallel to civil deliverables and therefore contributes to the distortion of civil engagements and muzzling of the rule of law. Be that as it may, Governor Uzodimma’s giant strides will go down in posterity as a bold attempt to deconstruct the military stereotypes of citizens and recalibrate expectations as they pertain to each level of government.

    Whilst the president is held accountable on the macroeconomic outcomes, especially in the context of the exclusive mandates listed in the constitution, governors and council chairmen must not be given a free pass to remain languorously obtuse to citizens’ aspirations.

    As Governor Uzodimma ramped up expenditure on wages and retirement benefits to make life easier for Imolites, so can every governor replicate in healthcare delivery, pivotal investments in education and so on.

    The Nigerian Governors Forum’s concerted efforts at the subnational would not only promote healthy competition among states but accelerate the potential for poverty eradication in the land.

    •ESV Bukola Ajisola, bukymany@yahoo.com

  • Hear El Rufai, after the shellacking

    Hear El Rufai, after the shellacking

    The man Nasir El Rufai always makes a good copy for the journalist only because he is not a man to copy. He is a bombast, a stormy petrel, adept at undermining others. He brandishes statistics of which he himself is the researcher, compiler, promoter and reporter. He has a contemptuous attitude to facts in as much as he bastardises memory.

    He thinks the universe is populated by him all alone, and so he can take liberty with conscience and other people’s dignity. He just stepped out into the spotlight a few days ago for a television interview in which he tried in vain to ride roughshod on his viewers because the fellow who interviewed him either forgot his audience knows one or two about asking a good question and one or two about tendentious questions that coddle an interviewee. Maybe the interviewer just does not care what the audience thinks, or he thinks he can bamboozle the audience because El Rufai always believes he is a good orator.

    The man says he can beat the president in an election next time, and one would expect that he would have had to answer a question or two about the shellacking last time, a few days ago in his homestead of Kaduna State. He was the one who boasted. He was the one who lost, and he was the one who was not asked why he lost and so badly after he lost so terribly. He even said 30 million Nigerians have moved to poverty, and where did he get the figure. Go ask the on-air questioner why he did not ask.

    Rather he was accusing, again without evidence, that his former party, The All Progressive Congress (APC) disturbed the meeting of his party. Hardball would have asked him why that could happen when the African Democratic Congress (ADC) was actually the one who lost. So why would a winner, and confident one at that, want to disturb the meeting of a loser? Maybe he should address speculations that the new baby – not really a baby since it was coerced into a new identity – already has internecine conflicts. 

    He called his successor Uba Sani, now Governor of Kaduna State, his boy – imagine the petulance of calling a man of over 50 years, a governor, a senator, with multiple university degrees, a fighter of human rights credentials “my boy.” He said he was not his friend in one breath and his friend in another, and said he made him. Why not ask him why the man you said you made so disgraced you in public in an electoral contest. Did Sani not just make El Rufai the boy?

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    He was not asked properly why the State is so peaceful compared to his time, especially southern Kaduna where he made them hostage to sectarian and ethnic violence. Rather he said they were paying ransom. Nuhu Ribadu, the national security adviser, had an answer: No, sir. No ransom. Just pure efficiency that Nasir didn’t have.

    But the real question should have been, why was he worried about ransom when he El Rufai, by his own confession, paid the predators who kept attacking the weak and vulnerable? This is the making of a pharisaic politician who has not learned how to be sober.

    Was he not the one who has not been able to provide answers to how he devastated the Kaduna finances? Was he not even ashamed that places like Birnin Gwari were prostrate every day he was governor. The cattle market was rattled out of existence by gunmen and he was part of the team that followed then candidate Bola Tinubu with what looked like a battalion to the place. Now no one needs a pistol to wheel into town. Why can’t he address that.

    El Rufai spoke to friendly interview, not an interrogator but a co-conspirator against the facts on the land.

  • As Nigeria Immigration Service and passport fees

    As Nigeria Immigration Service and passport fees

    Sir: On August 28, the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) unveiled a wave of financial burden for citizens. From today,  Monday, September 1, the cost of acquiring a 32-page passport (valid for five years) will leap from N50,000 to N100,000, while the 64-page passport (valid for 10years) jumps from N100,000 to N200,000, a staggering 100 per cent increase across the board. Applicants in the diaspora are spared this hike, with fees remaining at US $150 and US $230, respectively.

    This move  marks the second significant increase within a year. In September 2024, passport fees were already raised, 32-page passports moving from N35,000 to N50,000, and 64-page passports from N70,000 to N100,000, triggering widespread public discontent. Despite the government’s assurances that fee hikes are necessary for maintaining quality and upholding the integrity of the document, the near doubling of fees in under 12months raises serious questions.

    Why is the government increasing passport fees again so soon after a previous hike? What specific factors justify a near doubling of fees in less than a year? What does “maintaining quality and integrity” of the passport mean in practical terms, and how does the fee increase directly contribute to this? How will the new fees impact ordinary citizens, particularly those with low incomes? How does this increase align with the government’s broader economic policies, especially as citizens deal with high inflation?

    For millions of Nigerians, this surge arrives against a backdrop of persistent economic hardship, skyrocketing inflation, high unemployment, dwindling purchasing power, and cost-of-living pressures. Travel, already privileged, becomes nearly exorbitant. A 10-year passport now costing N200,000 is likely beyond the reach of middle- and lower-income earners, effectively creating new barriers to mobility, for work, education, medical care, or reunions with loved ones abroad.

    NIS defends its decision, citing needs such as improving production quality, safeguarding passport integrity, and enhancing service delivery, claims echoed during the 2024 hike. But when citizens have already endured a massive hike last year, the sudden doubling again within months smacks of fiscal recklessness. Without transparency into the actual costs or targeted improvements, these justifications ring hollow.

    It’s notable, and arguably inequitable, that while internal applicants face steep increases, diaspora fees remain unchanged at fixed dollar amounts. The government defends this on exchange-rate stability grounds, citing dollar-denominated production costs, but that reasoning only underscores the suffering of Nigerians in-country, grappling with currency devaluation. It also draws attention to structural inequities between those abroad and those at home.

    This sudden cost increase is unacceptable. To my mind, here are four things that the NIS must do quickly to assure Nigerians that its purpose is not strictly to ‘obtain’ Nigerians.

    Number one, it must offer a transparent cost breakdown. NIS should publish clear accounts showing why fees need to increase, and how additional revenue will be utilised, be it improved printing technology, staff training, or office expansion.

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    Two, these sorts of price adjustments should be gradual. The case here is that, rather than raising fees in large leaps, the government should pursue incremental adjustments aligned with inflation and real cost growth.

    Besides, the service needs to deploy means-based considerations. It has to offer concessions or instalment options for civil servants, students, and low-income applicants to avoid penalising the most vulnerable.

    Lastly, the increase must lead to genuine service improvements. The NIS has a responsibility to ensure that any increased revenue translates into tangible improvements. This is in terms of faster processing, functional local centres, and expanded access, including to rural areas.

    If passports, tools for personal advancement and global mobility, become prohibitively expensive, what message does that send about who truly belongs in the conversation of African opportunity?

    Let this be a call for accountability, compassion, and reform, not further financial burden under the guise of progress.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com.