The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • North holds record, South bears blame for change

    North holds record, South bears blame for change

    By Gloria Adebajo-Fraser

    Since Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the political trajectory of the country has been overwhelmingly dominated by Northern leaders, both military and civilian. Yet, over six decades later, the North remains the most underdeveloped region in the country, grappling with chronic poverty, lack of infrastructure, poor education indices, and endemic insecurity.

    This report examines the historical imbalance in political leadership, the outcomes of this prolonged dominance, and why the clamor for sustained Southern leadership is not only justified but critical for Nigeria’s long-term stability and growth.

    A Historical Breakdown of Nigeria’s Leadership by Region (1960–2025)

    Leader Years in Power Region

    Tafawa Balewa (PM)   1960–1966      North

    Aguiyi Ironsi     Jan–Jul 1966    South

    Yakubu Gowon            1966–1975      North

    Murtala Mohammed  1975–1976      North

    Olusegun Obasanjo (Military) 1976–1979      South

    Shehu Shagari 1979–1983      North

    Muhammadu Buhari (Military)          1983–1985      North

    Ibrahim Babangida     1985–1993      North

    Ernest Shonekan (Interim)      1993    South

    Sani Abacha    1993–1998      North

    Abdulsalami Abubakar            1998–1999      North

    Olusegun Obasanjo (Civilian) 1999–2007      South

    Umaru Yar’Adua          2007–2010      North

    Goodluck Jonathan     2010–2015      South

    Muhammadu Buhari (Civilian)           2015–2023      North

    Bola Ahmed Tinubu    2023–Present  South

    Total Years in Power (as of 2025):

    North – Approx. 47 years

    South – Approx. 18 years

    The North has dominated Nigeria’s leadership for over 70% of the country’s post-independence history. Despite this, it is the most impoverished and insecure region.

    The Paradox of Power Without Development

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    The long years of Northern leadership did not translate to tangible development for the region. Consider the following indicators:

    Poverty:

    According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), over 80% of the population in the North-West and North-East live below the poverty line, compared to much lower figures in the South.

    Education:

    The highest number of out-of-school children is concentrated in the North, despite trillions in education spending. The school feeding program and other federal education interventions were largely mismanaged.

    Security:

    Insurgency and banditry ravage the North, despite over N15 trillion spent on security during Buhari’s 8-year tenure. The situation worsened under his leadership.

    Infrastructure:

    Major federal infrastructure investments during Northern-led governments disproportionately favored power retention over regional development. Many parts of the North still lack basic roads, water supply, and healthcare.

    Buhari’s Trillions and the Rent-Seeking Culture

    Under President Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023), the federal government engaged in large-scale distribution of cash and interventions, especially targeting the North:

    Over N1 trillion was claimed to be spent on agriculture support and rice farming.

    Aides like Bashir Ahmad have openly admitted these funds were widely embezzled.

    The Humanitarian Ministry under Buhari was responsible for distributing unquantified billions to the North under social intervention programs that lacked transparency and yielded no measurable results.

    This pattern of rent-seeking—receiving federal allocations and grants without building local productivity—has made the North economically dependent on oil revenues generated in the South.

    Tinubu’s Administration: Performance vs. Sentiment

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, despite the economic headwinds, has actively invested in Northern development:

    Creation of the Federal Ministry of Livestock, focused primarily on resolving the farmer-herder crisis in the North.

    N60 billion agro-processing hub in Gombe.

    Construction of multiple irrigation dams to promote dry-season farming.

    Distribution of fertilizer and agricultural grants at a level surpassing his predecessors.

    Increased school development initiatives in Northern states.

    Expansion of the North-East Development Commission (NEDC) and other regional projects.

    And yet, rather than acknowledge these contributions, some Northern elites claim marginalization—a familiar strategy used during Obasanjo’s and Jonathan’s administrations to pressure Southern governments.

    Why the South Should Retain Power for the Next 30 Years

    Given the historic imbalance, many argue that power should remain in the South for at least three decades—rotating between the South-West, South-South, and South-East—to:

    Correct historical injustices – leaders like Obafemi Awolowo and MKO Abiola were denied their rightful place in Nigeria’s leadership.

    Promote competence and innovation – the South-West is the most educated, entrepreneurial, and urbanized region in Nigeria and has historically driven policy innovations.

    Break the dependency cycle – shifting power away from rent-seeking interests in the North may force structural reforms and economic accountability.

    Foster national balance – no region should monopolize power in a federal democracy.

    A Word on National Unity

    True federalism means competition, equity, and accountability. All regions must be free to contest power, but no region should blackmail others into relinquishing theirs. Political legitimacy comes from competence, not ethnicity.

    If the North wants to return to national leadership, it must:

    Develop its people.

    Create a productive economy.

    Build institutions of trust, not entitlement.

    Until then, it is both logical and fair for the South to lead Nigeria into a new era—one built on merit, performance, and national renewal.

    Final Thoughts

    Nigeria’s North has had its time. 47 years at the helm should have produced more than widespread poverty, insecurity, and an entrenched culture of entitlement. Leadership is not a birthright—it is a responsibility.

    If the truth must be told, the South deserves a prolonged opportunity to lead, particularly the South-West, whose leadership legacy—Awolowo, Abiola, and now Tinubu—has consistently emphasized vision, education, and development.

    It’s time to reward performance over populism, and results over rhetoric.

    Princes Adebajo-Fraser is the founder of The National Patriots.

  • Message from Southeast to Tinubu

    Message from Southeast to Tinubu

    By Fredrick Nwabufo

    Like the sons of Hermes in Greek mythology, the National Communication Team, led by the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Alhaji Mohammed Idris Malagi, delivered President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s scintillating message of hope, unity, peace, and progress to the South-East in the past week.

    It was the federal government’s first citizen engagement tour to the South-East this year, and as expected, it was a thrilling spectacle. The tour took off from Enugu State with a courtesy call to Governor Peter Mbah and then to various federal and state government projects.

    The emissaries of Renewed Hope have come to the land of the rising sun.

    The delegation, comprising the spokespersons to the President led by Chief Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy; all the directors-general of agencies under the Ministry of Information and National Orientation, Barrister Chioma Nweze, Senior Special Assistant to the President on Community Engagement (South-East), and leaders of media-affiliated associations visited the federal government’s Oncology Centre at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka Teaching Hospital, a top-tier facility equipped with advanced diagnostic and radiotherapy technology; the massive Eke Obi-nagu flyover; Enugu-Port-Harcourt road being dualised; Enugu-Onitsha road; the 9th mile Umulumgbe Ukehe-Opi junction road under rehabilitation, and the state government’s Government House Control Centre and Owo Smart School.

    At the Government House, Governor Mbah rendered an eloquent and dispassionate testimony on the Tinubu administration’s economic cures. He commended President Tinubu, revealing that fuel subsidy removal had helped make funds available for infrastructure projects in the state: He said: “For us in Enugu, we have been able to deliver on all the promises we made to our people during the campaign, thanks to the courageous decision by President Bola Tinubu, which has unlocked resources required to implement massive capital projects.”

    The lead emissary of hope on the delegation, Alhaji Idris, reeled off the many projects and interventions of the Tinubu administration in the South-East, and more recently, the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme, an initiative conceived by President Tinubu to advance inclusive development across the 8,809 wards in the country.

    The town hall at the International Conference Centre, Enugu, was a powwow of pure emotions and uninhibited expression of gratitude to the Tinubu administration. It was also a source of feedback to the government on areas for improvement.

    The head of the Traditional Rulers Council in Enugu, Igwe Samuel Ikechukwu Asadu (Ogadagidi), amplified the voices of many of those present with a vehement oration.

    He said: “I want to thank him (President Tinubu) for providing a level-playing field for the appointment of a new Vice-Chancellor for UNN. When the President came to Enugu, he said he is not considering party affiliation; that he will work with our governor. We thank him for that. We thank him for the South-East Development Commission. We also thank him for providing an oncology centre at UNTH. We have no alternative in Aso Rock. President Tinubu is the man.”

    His bold declaration: “We have no alternative in Aso Rock. President Tinubu is the man,’’ — an implied reference to the 2027 elections received a thunderous ovation from the crowd.

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    In Ebonyi State, where Governor Francis Ogbonna Nwifuru played the good host, the federal government delegation inspected the 118km Ebonyi section of the Trans-Saharan Super-Highway in Afikpo North Local Government Area of Ebonyi, where work is in progress. This project will have a far-reaching impact on the infrastructure and economic experience of the South-East, North-Central, and South-South zones – opening up arteries of agricultural activity and commerce.

    The project will cover Cross River, South-East, North Central – Apo, Abuja Super-Highway — spur of Lagos-Port Harcourt — crossing Enugu State and passing through Ebonyi to Ogoja in northern Cross River State.

    The team also visited the Abakaliki/Enugu road dualisation project, Oferekpe road, and several state government projects.

    President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda on infrastructure is on full throttle, and the infrastructure development is across all zones.

    The town hall at the Ecumenical Centre, Abakaliki, was electric, colourful, and packed with a vivacious crowd. President Tinubu’s message, as delivered by the Minister of Information and National Orientation, was resounding: ‘’No region in Nigeria will be left behind.’’

    From my perspective as a citizen, the unambiguous and bold statement of the South-East to the President is one of gratitude and support. And as Igwe Asadu puts it: ‘’President Tinubu is the man.’’

    Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement

  • Moratorium on establishment of tertiary institutions

    Moratorium on establishment of tertiary institutions

    Sir: A few days ago, the federal government announced that it has pressed the pause button on the bewildering speed at which tertiary educational institutions are being established for seven years. Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, explained that the action was informed by the fact that, unlike before now, the issue of access is not much of a challenge but rather the matter of building the capacities of the existing ones and making them much more efficient.

    He put it lucidly thus: “What we are witnessing today is duplication of new tertiary institutions and a significant reduction in the carrying capacity of each institution and degradation of both physical infrastructure and manpower “. He said further: “If we do not decisively act, it will lead to marked decline in educational quality and undermine the international respect that Nigerian graduates command “.

    Before the federal authority also became neck deep in over proliferation of tertiary educational institutions, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) had stridently called on the federal and state governments to apply the break for the dangers the trend portends. However, believing that access was desirable then and that it could be pursued with moderation, some well-meaning Nigerians including yours sincerely supported further expansion. This was reinforced by the country’s huge population and our thirst for higher education which has accelerated our cross borders search for higher education at humongous costs.

    Since this policy has been pronounced, some commentators have seen it as another harsh policy coming from the Tinubu’s administration. However, methinks it is not for the following reasons parts of which have been mentioned by the minister.

    One, the break is desirable because the processes of establishing them have been over politicized. As the minister has revealed, more than 200 bills on creation of new tertiary institutions are pending in the National Assembly. Proposing a bill for the establishment of a tertiary educational institution seems perhaps, the easiest legislative duty today in Nigeria for a lawmaker.

    Every constituency if not ward wants a federal tertiary educational institution, As a result of this political pressure, the processes and criteria of establishing them have been abused and breached thereby leading to unnecessary duplication with all its adverse effects on resources allocation and utilization. We need to pause and relate the quest for access to the available resources so that we don’t slide irredeemably in quality

    Two, this moratorium will also give us the time to carry out the desirable reforms of the rots, structural deficiencies, funding and mismanagement that have bedevilled our tertiary institutions today.

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    For example, the minister cited the case of an institution in the North where the staff strength is 1,200 as against students’ population of about 800.  Indeed, it is not only in the North we have this trajectory; it abounds all over the country. In fact, many of the tertiary institutions especially polytechnics and colleges of education with low students enrolment but higher staff strength, still, against their need, have more non-academic staff on their nominal rolls than the much needed academic staff.

    In another example, an institution in the South with student population of about 300 and staff strength of about 800 allegedly has 26 chief accountants among other categories of accountant on the accountant cadre! It is of course sad to note that in both federal and state owned institutions, people are ironically employed into joblessness. In recruitment, conditions of service, scheme of service, merit and federal character principles have all been replaced with the whims and caprices of the political class, the traditional title holders and the bureaucratic job merchants.

    Third, we need this moratorium to enable us to convene stakeholders’ conferences to review and reset the criteria for the establishment of new tertiary institutions in the country in national interest. No doubt, we also need this conference to discuss international best practices on the matters of university autonomy, funding and personnel management and to prepare grounds to key into them.

    It is true that we are in a democracy. As such, the public can make demands on the National Assembly and the executive duly elected by it. However, for the sake of national development, equity, and fairness, it is imperative that policy makers and policy carriers always endeavour to balance national interest with political discretion in matters of public policy.

    •Dr. Ademola Adebisi, Elizade University, Ilara-Mokin Ondo State

  • INEC and leadership test Nigeria must not fail in 2027

    INEC and leadership test Nigeria must not fail in 2027

    Sir: In every democracy, the ballot is sacred, but never neutral. Its credibility depends entirely on the integrity of those who manage it. Around the world, electoral commissions have proven to be either the guardians of democratic will or the architects of its betrayal.

    Even in mature democracies, the referee matters. The United States, once considered a gold standard, now grapples with declining trust in its electoral infrastructure. The UK has faced criticism over voter ID laws and disenfranchisement. These examples reveal that elections are won or lost not just by candidates, but by the credibility of those who oversee them.

    Nigeria’s electoral calendar has become increasingly fragmented. Off-cycle elections, once anomalies, now dominate the political landscape. While legally valid, they have created a perpetual campaign season that exhausts voters, strains institutions, and destabilizes

    The question of who leads INEC and how they are chosen is central. The rhythm of democracy is set not just by the calendar, but by the character of those who oversee it. And unless Nigeria rethinks how it selects and evaluates the leadership of its electoral commission, the 2027 elections risk being compromised before they begin—not by fraud alone, but by fatigue, distrust, and the slow erosion of civic faith.

    Succession within INEC must be guided by more than political calculation. It must be anchored in ethical screening that evaluates not just competence, but character. The individuals who oversee our elections must be shaped by civic purpose, not partisan loyalty. They must understand that their role is not to manage outcomes, but to protect the process.

    Leadership transitions within INEC occasioned by retirements, reappointments, or reshuffles are not mere administrative footnotes. They are constitutional inflection points. Yet too often, these successions unfold in silence, negotiated behind closed doors, shielded from public scrutiny. This opacity undermines trust.

    Nigeria must move beyond substitution toward institutional transformation, anchoring succession as a civic covenant in integrity, transparency, and accountability. While INEC operates within a hierarchical civil service culture, the process can be incrementally democratized.

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    Nominees may first be vetted internally for technical competence and ethical track record, then reviewed by a multi-stakeholder panel that includes civil society, legal experts, and electoral scholars.

    Public-facing elements such as panel’s findings, written public submissions, or candidate profiles introduce transparency without forcing bureaucrats to abandon internal protocols. Over time, these hybrid mechanisms build both institutional habit and public confidence.

    Candidates must be assessed not only for technical skill but ethical formation. Their record should demonstrate defence of institutions, reckoning with electoral history, and leadership that listens to and treats voters not as data points, but as citizens whose dignity is sacrosanct.

    INEC itself should institutionalize a leadership ethics charter, binding commissioners to transparency, empathy, and historical accountability, with promotions tied to public scorecards tracking performance annually.

    The credibility of our elections begins long before the ballot is printed. It begins in the moral spine of those who oversee them. As 2027 approaches, Nigeria cannot continue to treat electoral leadership as a technical function, managed through quiet substitutions and opaque procedures.

    INEC’s leadership must become our first election—an election judged not by party loyalty but by integrity, empathy, and civic dignity.

    For a nation, the referee is not a bystander; the referee is the result. If we fail here, every ballot cast in 2027 will already be stained. But if we succeed, we will give voters not only the right to vote, but the reason to believe again.

    •Lekan Olayiwola. lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Flood warnings deserve action, not just alerts

    Flood warnings deserve action, not just alerts

    Sir: Every year, the rains come. And every year, Nigeria is caught unprepared. This August, the federal government has again issued an alert: at least 19 states and 76 communities are at risk of flooding. It’s not the first time we’ve heard it, and sadly, it won’t be the last.

    Beyond the headlines and media statements, where are the physical preparations—cleared drainages, pre-positioned relief materials, early evacuation protocols?

    Lagos State has already advised residents in flood-prone areas like Lekki, Ajegunle, and Ikorodu to relocate. A necessary warning, yes, but relocation is not a simple task. Where should people go? Who is providing transport? Where are the safe havens?

    It is easy to issue warnings, but far harder to build infrastructure that keeps people safe. Most flood-prone communities in Nigeria are chronically underserved. Drainage systems are blocked or non-existent, roads are poorly maintained, and no proper flood barriers are in place. Flooding is not just a natural disaster. In Nigeria, it is a product of neglect. A disaster made worse by poor planning, poor enforcement of environmental laws, and a consistent failure to act until lives and properties are lost.

    We cannot continue to act like flooding is an unpredictable event. Every year, it happens. Every year, communities are displaced. Every year, emergency agencies scramble—after the damage is done.

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    In 2022 and 2023, thousands of people lost their homes to floods. In 2024, entire farming communities were wiped out. Already this year, Niger State’s Mokwa flood disaster claimed over 500 lives and left thousands homeless. That flood, like many others, wasn’t caused by rain alone. Poor water management, dam overflow, and the absence of preventive structures all contributed to the scale of destruction. And still, we see no urgency in building the Dasin Hausa Dam to mitigate the impact of Cameroon’s Lagdo Dam release.

    If the government is serious about protecting lives, then action must follow warnings. That means equipping NEMA and state emergency units with funds, personnel, and tools to prevent, not just respond. It means treating flood mitigation the way we treat elections: with preparation months in advance, a clear strategy, and the political will to enforce rules—even if it means demolishing structures built on waterways.

    We also need to educate communities. Many Nigerians still dispose of waste in drainages. Urban planning must be enforced, and environmental education must go beyond jingles to real engagement.

    The truth is that we cannot stop the rain—but we can stop the tragedy. Other countries face storms and survive because they prepare. We cannot afford to wait until every rainy season becomes a national emergency. Climate change is real, and it is intensifying our flood seasons. Forecasts will get worse. The time to act is not tomorrow. It is now.

    •Ugwu Augustine,University Of Maiduguri

  • Trump’s tariffs war

    Trump’s tariffs war

    Nigeria was named among 67 countries on which United States President Donald Trump recently slammed new tariffs purportedly aimed at correcting perceived trade imbalances, but which many perceived as a weapon being used by his administration to force its way with other countries on the global stage.

    The new tariff regime imposed 15 percent tax on exports by Nigeria to U.S. markets. The tariffs are varied as per countries, and other countries in the 15 percent band in Africa include Angola, Ghana, Cameroon, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Côte d`Ivoire, Botswana, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Equatorial Guinea, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Countries affected outside of Africa include Afghanistan, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Fiji and Guyana. Others are Iceland, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Liechtenstein, Nauru, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Papua New Guinea, South Korea, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, Vanuatu and Venezuela.

    China, Washington’s most formidable trade rival, got hit with 30 percent tariff alongside additional product-specific duties. Brazil faces a staggering 50 percent tariff, but key industries like aircraft, energy and orange juice come under reduced charges. Other major economies are also targeted. Canada faces 10 percent duty on energy products, and 35 percent on goods not covered in the US-Canada-Mexico Agreement. India’s exports will attract 25 percent tariff, with a further 25 percent threatened to take effect from 28th August.

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    When the trade tax blitz dubbed “reciprocal tariff” was initially announced, the U.S. administration gave a 90-day window to negotiate deals, with the deadline set for 1st August. Most negotiations, however, failed to produce new pacts, triggering the rollout of the hiked tariffs. “This is about fairness. For decades, other countries have been taking advantage of America’s markets. Those days are over,” President Trump declared while announcing the measures. The White House insisted the policy is necessary to “level the playing field” and hoped the new tariffs will boost American manufacturing. Analysts outside of the administration, however, argued that the measure would disrupt supply chains and drive up consumer prices globally.

    The policy sleight of hand comes at a time Nigeria is working to expand its non-oil exports, particularly agricultural and manufactured goods, into North American markets. Industry stakeholders fear the new U.S. import duty could hinder the efforts, while trade analysts described the measure as an aggressive use of tariff policy that risks igniting disputes at the World Trade Organization (WTO).

    Options open to Nigeria include imposing counter-tariffs on American imports. This would be hurtful to Nigerians. But it should also promote consumer distaste for imported items, which is a good thing. Besides, Nigerian authorities should explore new trade alliances that will de-emphasise trade with the U.S. and open up new market frontiers for the country. And the earlier that is done, the better.

  • When time leapt: A tribute to Evelyn Osagie

    When time leapt: A tribute to Evelyn Osagie

    “Time is not the fancy clock on the wall, or the tolling of a church bell at dawn. It is not even the famous chime of Big Ben…”

    Time, as my father once wrote in a poem in honour of Wole Soyinka’s 90th birthday, which was presented at the Uyo Book Club, is the cry of a cradle that grows into footsteps, into voices, into memories worth celebrating.

    That is how I remember Evelyn Osagie. Not in the number of her years, but in the moments that leapt with meaning.

    Our own time began with a chance encounter at Oduduwa Secondary School, Ladipo, during the Nation Journalism Foundation’s anti-bullying campaign. I had just started writing for the foundation. Evelyn was on stage, her words rolling like a tide. She rounded off her presentation with a poetic call to action.

    When the story was published, however, that poem was missing. Cut out in the rush of editing. I told her this the following Monday. She smiled knowingly and said, “The heart often gets cut in the rush for space.” That single line was so Evelyn – accepting, witty, yet holding on to the truth of what mattered. And just like that, our conversations began.

    I introduced her to my father not long after. Their shared love for Konga became an interesting side attraction in our conversations.

    What stood out most was her heart for mentoring. Her interns were like her own self. She poured herself into them, correcting gently, celebrating loudly. It was what first drew my admiration.

    Once, I asked her to teach me how to write. She laughed and threw her head back. “You are doing just fine. I have read a couple of your reports. As you grow, it will get better.” That laughter carried belief. I left feeling taller.

    Another time, someone came to her for help publishing a story. What began as a simple request soon turned into a debate about ideas, and we found ourselves discussing Orwellian philosophy, particularly 1984 and Animal Farm, which describe dystopian themes of totalitarianism, surveillance, propaganda, and the manipulation of truth.

    Evelyn was in her element. She listened deeply, pushed back when necessary, and always brought the conversation back to people and their lived realities.

    The next time we met in the office, she surprised me with kind words about my contribution. I felt appreciated.

    Then came her promotion to Assistant Editor, Arts. She told me in a whisper, eyes shining. I was about to shout in excitement when she pressed her finger to her lips.

    Days later, I teased her that she must “wash” the promotion. She asked what I wanted. I said, “Corn is in bloom this season.” With a chuckle, she sent one of her interns to buy me the fattest cob. That was Evelyn. Making even the smallest moment rich with joy.

    There were the road trips, too. At the close of work, I would sometimes drop her off. Those drives through Lagos nights, headlights sweeping across the road, radio humming softly, and our chatter filling the car became a rhythm of their own. Ordinary, yet unforgettable.

    Our last outing together still feels like yesterday. The Foundation had gone on a courtesy visit to the Lagos DSVA. Our meeting point was at the Ikeja City Mall, from where other members of the team all proceeded.

    On the steps of the mall, I teased her Konga-style dressing and asked after the trademark jacket. With that playful smile of hers, she said it was in her bag, waiting for the right moment. True to her word, just as we approached the DSVA building, she pulled it out with a wink.

    We parted at the bus stop after about ten minutes talking about nothing in particular – small things, everyday things; wishing each other a good weekend afterwards. That was it. That was the last time. Time closed the chapter quietly, like a curtain falling.

    But Evelyn’s life was never quiet. She was a journalist, poet, actor, photographer, mentor, and advocate. She wrote not just news but advocacy. Her story of Indian Ayuba, the teenage girl caring for her mentally challenged mother, touched the nation.

    Yes, our time together was short. But time with Evelyn was never small. It leapt. She often spoke of her journey in the newsroom, with useful advice on how to navigate the Nation newsroom and grow.

    She spoke of her associations with art clubs and troupes, her ties with the Wole Soyinka organisation, the women’s page she curated, how her ideas often arrived unannounced, and the reactions her columns always stirred. It was a mosaic of her life: journalism, poetry, advocacy, art…all in one breath.

    And in that leaping, she became timeless.

  • Airline passengers, poor service, and regulatory conundrum

    Airline passengers, poor service, and regulatory conundrum

    Sir: The Nigerian aviation industry sits at a crossroads. While air travel is still viewed as a premium mode of transportation, it is also one of the most stressful experiences for many Nigerians. Delays, cancellations, shifting schedules, missing luggage, opaque refund processes, and poor communication are now routine. Against this backdrop, frayed tempers frequently spill over into unruly behaviour—shouting matches at boarding gates, confrontations at check-in counters, and, increasingly, in-flight altercations that go viral.

    The regulatory agencies the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) and the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) often respond with threats of sanctions or announcements of new measures. Airlines, for their part, issue lifetime bans on passengers who misbehave. Yet, the fundamental question remains: why is the system producing so much friction in the first place?

    The answer lies in the conundrum at the heart of Nigeria’s aviation sector: passengers who feel abandoned, staff who are poorly equipped to manage conflict, and regulatory agencies who oscillate between pronouncements and selective enforcement. The president through the aviation minister must drive enforcement and the National Assembly should wake up to their legislative and oversight function to safeguard public interest and the common good.

    Globally, the International Air Transport Association (IATA) has raised alarm about a rise in unruly passengers’ post-COVID. Nigeria is not unique, but here the triggers are amplified by systemic service failures. A passenger who has been waiting for six hours with no updates is far more likely to explode when told to “be patient” by an under-trained staff member. Unruliness, in other words, is both a discipline problem and a service failure symptom.

    Passengers are not blameless, but their grievances are legitimate. Nigeria’s NCAA Consumer Protection Regulations (Part 19 of the Civil Aviation Regulations) are clear: in the event of delays or cancellations, passengers are entitled to compensation, meals, accommodation, or rebooking at no extra cost. The NCAA has even published simplified versions of these rights on its website.

    But reality diverges sharply. At Murtala Muhammed Airport in Lagos, passengers routinely complain about being left stranded overnight without hotel arrangements or clear communication. At Abuja’s Nnamdi Azikiwe Airport, flight delays often cascade without airlines offering meal vouchers or updates. Airlines cite “operational reasons” or “weather” as excuses, while regulators appear unwilling or unable to enforce compliance.

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    Interestingly, other countries have faced similar challenges and adopted creative measures. In the United States, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) introduced a “zero tolerance” policy for unruly passengers, with hefty fines and swift prosecution. The UK Civil Aviation Authority requires airlines to submit annual data on complaints and publishes them publicly, creating reputational incentives for good behaviour. The European Union’s EC261 regulation, though controversial, enforces automatic compensation for delays and cancellations, with penalties for airlines that fail to comply.

    Nigeria can draw lessons from these jurisdictions but must adapt them to local realities. The key is certainty: passengers must know their rights, airlines must know their obligations, and sanctions must be swift and credible.

    Going forward, airlines should be compelled to display simple charts of rights at booking counters, boarding gates, and on in-flight screens. Visibility reduces confusion and pre-empts disputes. Every airline should follow a uniform playbook for delays and cancellations: real-time updates, meal vouchers, rebooking, and hotel accommodation where necessary. NCAA audits and public compliance scorecards would enforce discipline. Conflict de-escalation should be mandatory in crew training. Cabin crew and ground staff should also have assurance that the system will protect them when passengers cross the line.

    At its core, aviation is about trust. Passengers trust airlines to deliver safe, timely, and fair service. Airlines trust passengers to comply with safety protocols. Regulators exist to safeguard that trust by enforcing fairness, civility, and accountability. Right now, that trust is broken.

    The conundrum in Nigeria’s aviation sector is not unsolvable. It requires a shift from rhetoric to action: from ad hoc sanctions to systemic enforcement, from opaque processes to transparent remedies, and from conflict to civility. If passengers know their rights will be respected, and staff know misbehaviour will be punished swiftly, the cycle of confrontation can be broken.

    Nigeria and indeed Nigerians deserves an aviation system that is orderly, fair, and respected globally. The skies should not be battlegrounds of frustration but spaces of civility and efficiency. For that to happen, regulators, airlines, and passengers must all play their part.

    •Samuel Akpobome Orovwuje,Lagos

  • When opposition goes clout-chasing

    When opposition goes clout-chasing

     Sir: In every democracy, opposition is meant to sharpen governance, hold power accountable, and deepen national debate. But when opposition is driven not by facts, ideas, or vision, but by ignorance and clout-chasing, it ceases to be the conscience of democracy and becomes the cancer of progress.

    Nigeria is today saddled with an opposition that mistakes noise for logic, Twitter trends for policy, and cheap comparisons for economic analysis.

    The latest shameless theatre is the attempt by the coalition of recycled political elders to compare Nigeria’s economic trajectory with that of Argentina. They raise Argentina as though it were a heaven of reforms, while deliberately ignoring the bitter cries of Argentines battered by Javier Milei’s austerity chainsaw. Argentina has cut nearly 48,000 public-sector jobs, vetoed even modest pension increases, and forced retirees onto the streets to be beaten by police water cannons and rubber pellets. Poverty there is climbing toward 60%, subsidies have been axed overnight, and the government survives only by begging the IMF for lifelines.

    That is not reform; it is desperation.

    This in contrast to the Nigeria reality. Here, we removed the cancerous fuel subsidy, unified exchange rates, and embarked on painful but necessary monetary tightening to wrestle inflation down.

    Inflation, which soared in 2023, is now sliding downwards in 2025, with headline CPI dropping to 21.8% in August. The fiscal deficit has narrowed from 5.4% of GDP to about 3.0%. Electricity sector debts are being refinanced, and the macro-economy, though still rough, is anchored on a foundation of stability.

    Even Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, no spokesperson of any party, but the globally respected WTO chief, publicly affirmed: “Nigeria has achieved stability; now the task is to drive inclusive growth.”

    Yet, the same opposition that celebrates Argentina’s IMF-borrowed pain and police-clubbed pensioners shamelessly called her “economically ignorant” for acknowledging the obvious.

    This is not to canonize the Tinubu administration; make no mistake, I, too, demand more. There are ministers in this government who are sleeping on duty, and there are loopholes where reforms have not yet trickled down. Nigerians are hungry for impact in their daily lives, health, nutrition, education, civil service efficiency. But unlike the ignoramus opposition, I understand sequencing. You first stabilize the macro-economy, then you build growth on that foundation. What we need now is coordination, urgency, and social interventions that humanize the numbers. And to be fair, signs are there.

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    The launch of the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme, designed to empower 1,000 persons in each of Nigeria’s 8,809 wards, is one right instinct: drilling development down to the grassroots, away from abstract figures, into real people’s lives. As Minister Atiku Bagudu explained, this initiative will stimulate ward-level economic activity, generate employment, enhance food security, and turn stability into grassroots growth. It is precisely the kind of bottom-up complement that the current macro reforms require.

    So yes, the work is far from done. Nigerians need more, faster, and better delivery. But to compare Nigeria with Argentina is intellectual dishonesty or outright ignorance. Argentina is bleeding; Nigeria is stabilizing. Argentina is sacking workers; Nigeria is restructuring debt. Argentina is on IMF life support; Nigeria is financing reforms internally. Argentina is repressing protests; Nigeria is still debating freely.

    The opposition can keep chasing clout, weaponising ignorance, and gathering their fellowship of losers. Just quite unfortunate that we are not getting what we deserve. Nigerians deserve informed opposition, not this company of old cargoes and nitwits parading as saviours.

    The path forward is clear: build on the stability achieved, fasten the trickle-down through real social interventions, empower the workforce, integrate the informal sector, and ignite true growth. That is how nations rise, not through the shallow chants of ignoramus opposition, nor through the empty hunger of clout chasers, but through truth, stability, and hard work.

    •Oladoja M.O, Abuja

  • Doyin Abiola, a journalism phenomenon

    Doyin Abiola, a journalism phenomenon

    Sir: Like a comet, late Doyin Abiola debuted like a meteor in the Nigerian journalism sphere in the 90s and since she quit the stage, her shoe has been too big for other women of her ilk to carry.

    She symbolized the timeless Yoruba adage that  “a child that will be great, will from the cradle reveal the trace of excellence”. Doyin Aboaba, later Abiola, rejected the offer of a Daily Times Woman Editor but instead preferred to accept a lower position of a features writer because what she saw as a budding journalist, the management of the former flagship of Nigerian journalism, failed to see.

    She went ahead to become the paper’s Group Features Editor, a position that prepared her for great journalistic exploits by the time she moved to The Concord newspapers.

    She became the editor of National Concord on merit; her appointment was historic in a predominantly male dominated position. Nigerian journalism began in 1859 with the publication of the Iwe Irohin by an Anglican cleric and missionary, Henry Townsend; till then no woman rose to such enviable editorial position. And ever since she left, no woman has again risen to such quintessential editorial position.

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    In addition to her brilliance and inimitable quick-wittedness, she was suave in editorial judgment and in sporting talented young individuals whom editors usually rely on to make her work easy. She loved intellectual exchanges and challenges and she abhorred cant and so as managing director and editor-in-chief, it was possible for her to raise journalistic stars in the then Concord group of newspapers.

    She was also ideologically inclined and imbued, believing that a newspaper must stand for a purpose. Life entails a fight for something for it to be worth any while. The Concord of her time stood for the clear emancipation of Nigerians through a reformative and perceptible journalism practice.

    The Weekend Concord edited by Mike Awonyinfa and assisted by Dimgba Igwe, was a must read in their days, because it captured the essence of a restive society always on the move.

    Finally, late Doyin Abiola, symbolized the aphorism that the “pen is mightier than the sword”. Without raising any gun or sword, she brought to standstill all the adversaries and malcontents of June 12, 1993 dastardly annulment of her husband’s well deserved victory.

    Finally, the June 12 episode was a generational epic battle of a no mean phenomenon and definitely, she played her role as a general and had departed the stage when the ovation was loudest.  

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State