The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Long overdue resolution

    Long overdue resolution

    It is unsurprising that the unreleased girls kidnapped in Chibok, Borno State, in April 2014, continue to make the headlines. The same is true of Leah Sharibu, the unreleased Christian schoolgirl abducted in Dapchi, Yobe State, in February 2018.  The whereabouts of these victims are unknown. The unresolved abductions mean that there is no closure. This is mainly why they remain in the news.

    The National Coordinator of the National Counter Terrorism Centre, Maj. Gen. Adamu Laka, brought up the matter again during a multi-agency meeting on anti-kidnapping, organised in collaboration with the United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency in Abuja, on June 29. He made an effort to reassure the public that the authorities had not forgotten these unresolved abduction cases, and were still pursuing freedom for the victims.   

    Eleven years after Boko Haram abducted a total of 276 girls from the Government Girls Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State, 87 of them are still believed to be in captivity.

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    Also, Leah Sharibu was among the 110 schoolgirls kidnapped by Islamist terrorists from the Government Girls’ Science and Technical College, Dapchi, Yobe State, more than seven years ago. Sadly, five of the kidnapped girls reportedly died in captivity. Others abducted with Leah were set free a month after the incident. Those released were Muslims. Leah, the only Christian among them, was not released because she refused to renounce her faith and convert to Islam.

    On the Chibok and Dapchi incidents, Laka said: “Since when they were kidnapped, those who were rescued were not just rescued one time; It was a gradual process. Negotiations were conducted to get them out. Operations were conducted… I was in the theatre, and I know what the military and intelligence agencies put in to rescue the initial set of the Chibok girls.” He added: “We haven’t given up hope on them; some of them were married to some of the insurgents. Some have come out.”

    He continued: “There is the issue of this lady, Leah Shaibu. We are not always talking about it. It doesn’t mean we don’t care. It doesn’t mean we’ve forgotten about them. We are still on it. Our prayer is that the whole 87 or 80 plus that are left will be rescued by God’s grace.”

    Talk is cheap! The authorities must recognise the time factor, and that the resolution of these kidnap incidents is long overdue.

  • JAMB, technology, and the business of cheating

    JAMB, technology, and the business of cheating

    Sir: When nearly two million young Nigerians filed into computer-based test centres this year, they carried with them the weight of ambition, sacrifice, and hope. But for 6,458 of them, those dreams were frozen under suspicion—not due to laziness or lack of preparation, but because of high-tech fraud.

    In August, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) launched a probe into thousands of UTME results after uncovering evidence of sophisticated malpractice. Out of the 1,931,467 candidates who sat for the exam, many now face disqualification over allegations of identity manipulation, image blending, and even attempts to hack the local networks of test centres. Nineteen accredited centres were implicated in collusion, revealing a disturbing truth: the very institutions meant to uphold fairness are now part of the problem.

    The numbers tell a sobering story. In 2022, only 94 cases of malpractice were reported. In 2023, that number dropped to 84—seemingly a sign of progress. But by 2024, cases surged to 2,157, and in 2025, thousands more are under scrutiny. This exponential rise marks a shift from crude impersonation to coordinated, tech-enabled fraud. What was once the domain of dishonest students has evolved into networks of actors—some insiders—weaponising technology to bend the rules.

    JAMB’s introduction of computer-based testing (CBT) in 2013 was meant to shut the door on traditional malpractice. For decades, “miracle centres” had defined Nigeria’s exam fraud industry, leaking papers or providing answers mid-exam. CBT was supposed to end that. But these centres mutated, infiltrating CBT networks to access questions before test time.

    Today’s methods are alarmingly advanced. Impersonation has morphed into “finger pairing,” where fraudsters register with multiple fingerprints or use prosthetics to bypass biometric verification. Some candidates even exploit albinism claims to evade biometric cameras. The leak of exam questions has shifted from physical scripts to digital breaches—attempts to infiltrate Local Area Networks, often aided by insiders, resemble cyber-attacks more than schoolyard cheating.

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    The most troubling development is the role of accredited centres. The 19 flagged this year show that malpractice is no longer just a candidate issue—it’s institutional. When exam administrators collude with candidates, the system is compromised from within. Unlike individual cheats, corrupt centres can taint the results of thousands.

    The crisis at JAMB’s doorstep is not just about education—it’s a mirror of Nigeria’s digital fragility. If exam cheats can breach CBT networks and clone fingerprints, what does that say about the security of voter databases, banking systems, or national IDs? A society that tolerates cheating in education is effectively training its next wave of cybercriminals.

    Solving this requires more than committees or mass result cancellations. Nigeria is in a digital arms race between regulation and fraud. To win, we must stay ahead. JAMB must invest in stronger digital infrastructure. Biometric verification alone is insufficient. Multi-layered authentication—combining biometrics with behavioural analysis, keystroke recognition, and AI-driven monitoring—should become standard. Accredited centres must undergo rigorous audits. Staff rotation and external oversight can reduce insider collusion. Cybersecurity partnerships are essential. Collaborations with edtech firms and global testing bodies can bring in expertise Nigeria currently lacks.

    But JAMB cannot fight this battle alone. Agencies like the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) must become active partners. Exam malpractice has crossed into the realm of cybersecurity and demands the same vigilance used to protect banks and government databases.

    Technology alone won’t solve this. The deeper battle is cultural. Integrity must be valued as highly as grades. This means harsher penalties for cheats—but also celebrating honest success. Schools should teach digital ethics, helping students understand that hacking an exam is no different from stealing a future.

    Speed matters. Innocent students should not suffer months of uncertainty. Swift investigations, transparent appeals, and clear resolutions will help restore public confidence. Without that, every rumour becomes a stain on the entire process.

    This is not just about JAMB or the 6,458 results under suspicion. It’s about whether Nigeria can still guarantee that talent and hard work are rewarded in a digital age where even honesty feels hackable.

    The real exam before the country is not multiple choice—it’s a test of integrity. If Nigeria fails to adapt its education system to the realities of modern technology, it risks nurturing a generation brilliant at beating the system but wholly unprepared to build the nation. And that is a result we cannot afford.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka, Kano.

  • Need for scrutiny of subnational governments

    Need for scrutiny of subnational governments

    Sir: The three tiers of government which consist of the federal, state and local governments have roles attached to each of them which are found in the second and fourth schedules of the 1999 constitution. However, the local governments have been practically encumbered in the discharge of their basic functions and reduced to appendages of state governments through the instrumentality of the state/local government joint account. Recent intervention by the current administration gave a glimmer of hope for their autonomy. Though, they still remain hobbled.

    Despite substantial resources, remarkable improvements on the material conditions of the people remain elusive. The state governments have practically elevated power over good governance which has affected the quality of governance, level of fiscal transparency and accountability. Their power is such that they are major deciding factors of election outcomes.

    For the most part, public resources are deployed as veritable vehicle for trampling on the will of the people. The constitutional check on the activities of states is completely debilitated. It easily explains the reason for the shambolic state of public services and infrastructure since they can indulge their whims with reckless abandon.

    When the federal monthly allocation tapered off during the past administration due to shock in oil prices, massive borrowings became the soft option instead of having recourse to the Internally Generated Revenue (IGR). 

    The monthly allocation remains the be all and end all for some states. Little imagination is hardly brought in, to improve IGR. Pathetically, inefficiency, incompetence and corruption are in full parade.

    The monthly federal allocation has remarkably improved from around N9 billion during the past administration to an average of N1.6 trillion in the last two years according to a report. 

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    However, a recent report by the Nigeria Extractive industries  Transparency Initiative titled, “Beyond Federal Allocations:  The Cost of Borrowings and Debt Servicing at State Level in Nigeria” revealed the negative impact of borrowings  on state government ability to  carry out their responsibilities of ensuring the  provision of  public  services, infrastructure and initiatives for amelioration of poverty and hunger. According to the report, between 10 and 30 percent of the states’ federal allocation are deducted at source for debt servicing.

    The profligate spending and poor priorities are evident by the decision of many to execute vanity projects in the face of hunger and privation at staggering cost. It was echoed by the comment by the United States embassy in Nigeria: “Nigeria’s ruling class splashes billions on government houses.”

    While citizens are asked to adjust to the present realities, the ruling class continue to carry on heedlessly. They lack plans to deal with the challenges of huge out of school children, potable drinking water, rumbling healthcare facilities and classrooms etc.

    There’s need for citizens’ participation in interrogating the activities at the subnational level. It means proper enlightenment on their functions and place in the nation’s development. Equal amount of fervour in the scrutiny and demand for accountability on the federal government needs to be directed to the authorities at the subnational. A proper oversight is needed over their activities to engender good governance, fiscal transparency and accountability.

    As things stand, the state of affairs of most of the Houses of Assembly is a travesty, which calls for financial independence and freedom from the clutch of governors for effectiveness in carrying out their responsibilities as enshrined in section 128 of the constitution.

    •Abachi Ungbo, abachi007@yahoo.com

  • Child abuse in the name of God

    Child abuse in the name of God

    Sir: Not a few Nigerians were outraged when a video surfaced on the internet recently which portrayed children being abused by a so-called pastor in a church in Port Harcourt under the guise of exorcism. Profoundly distressing is the fact that the mothers of these children (about 25 in number, aged five to ten) were not only physically present when their children were being whipped with palm fronds, they have gone on record as defending the individual responsible for this heinous crime in their statements to the police after his arrest.

    The Child Rights Act of 2003 explicitly prohibits acts causing severe physical or emotional harm to children. Those who act in breach of this law are subject to imprisonment or payment of fines upon conviction, depending on the role that they played. In this scenario, the pastor, his lieutenants, and the parents of the abused children are all complicit in this barbarous act and should be hauled before the courts to account for their actions.

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    Ignorance is the number one reason why child abuse still persists in our society despite laws against it. Many parents still hold on to the African and Biblical belief that to “spare the rod, is to spoil the child”. Hence, acts which clearly border on torture are viewed as disciplining a child so that he/she can turn out well in life. What the pastor has done isn’t unique. Many years ago, a leading Pentecostal Bishop publicly slapped a child in his church under the guise of exorcism. When he was confronted by the media and civil society, he promised to do it again if given another opportunity. In 2008, over 15,000 children were branded as witches in Akwa Ibom and Cross River States. Many of them faced chaining, starvation, beatings, burnings, or worse in efforts to exorcise them of witchcraft. Sadly, some of these cases of abuse are even portrayed in Nollywood movies.

    The time is ripe for the government to begin some form of regulation of religion in Nigeria. Churches and other religious houses where these abuses occur must be monitored and made to pay a steep price if they run afoul of the law. Also, corporal punishment should be outlawed in schools and homes. Teachers and parents should explore alternative means of cautioning children whenever they err. Government agencies responsible for the prevention of child abuse must work with NGO’s, the media, and civil society to conscientize the citizenry on the dangers of child abuse.

    •Peter Ovie Akus, Ontario, Canada.

  • Atiku, no desperado

    Atiku, no desperado

    Now, don’t you laugh: Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President of the Federal Republic (1999-2007), says he’s not desperate to be president!  Don’t laugh!

    You still guffawed, didn’t you?  Even after near-stifling to violently repress a good laugh?  Sympathies!  The truth is Atiku may well tell that fib to the marines!  Why do conceited politicians feel the rest of us have saw dust for brain — why?

    Indeed, since his ungraceful tussle with his principal, the graceless bully who tried to crush his No. 2, during their best-forgotten presidency, Atiku has been the living proof of extreme desperation to become president.

    Now, that’s no crime.  Being president or any other office is within Atiku’s constitutional rights.  But what rankles is the hypocrisy of denying such open secret, behind some silly modesty.  It can only wash with the naive, with the simpleton.

    “Atiku Abubakar’s plan is to build a better Nigeria.  So, it’s not about him being the president,” an Atiku proxy, Prof. Ola Olateju, of Achievers University, Owo, Ondo State, told an African Democratic Congress (ADC) crowd in Lagos.

    The snag is Atiku feels such a government is virtually impossible without him — and there lies the humbug.  It’s mere cant because all his post-2007 actions paint the perfect picture of a political desperado, which got worse as the years rolled by.

    In 2007, he teamed up with the defunct Action Congress (AC), when the vengeful President Obasanjo tossed him out of PDP: an internally displaced person (IDP).

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    Shortly after, he left AC to gobble his old vomit, going to prostrate for old nemesis, Obasanjo, to be admitted back into PDP, turning his back on his old AC benefactors.

    President Goodluck Jonathan won the PDP ticket in 2011, and won own term, after completing the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s, who had died in office.  But when Jonathan had ideas of a fresh term, the “non-desperate” Atiku stormed off and “ported” to APC, the new merger.  Muhammadu Buhari (Allah bless his soul!) won the APC ticket and the presidency.  That was 2015.

    Again, that “non-desperate” crave for power saw Atiku scramming back to PDP, which gifted him its ticket for 2019.  But PMB beat him black and blue!  Against President Bola Tinubu, the APC candidate in 2023, it was as Jimmy Cliff, reggae ace, sang: the bigger they come, the harder they fall!

    But the Atiku damage came well before his umpteenth defeat.  To sate his power desperation, he re-christened himself the “candidate of the North”.  Thus, with the help of Peter Obi, a fellow opportunist, they smashed much of PDP bastion in southern Nigeria — with Obi’s LP triumph, which was PDP’s loss essentially.  Another loss for Atiku.

    Now, ahead of 2027, peripatetic Atiku has not only rebranded as “pan-Nigerian” from the northern candidate of 2023, he has also scuttled into ADC, just because he knew PDP wouldn’t again waste its ticket on a serial loser, obsessed with power.  But for all PDP has done for him, all Atiku could repay the poor party is preening betrayal, just to grab power!

    Yet, he says he’s not desperate?  Toh!

  • NEMA and the push to prevent another flood tragedy

    NEMA and the push to prevent another flood tragedy

    Sir: Floods have once again crept into the Nigerian conversation as the rains gather momentum. Each year, communities brace for impact and each year, the losses remind us that preparedness is not optional. The scars of recent disasters remain fresh: submerged villages in Kebbi, washed-out roads in Niger, and families in Yobe who still live under tarpaulins long after the waters receded. These are not distant tragedies; they are lived realities for millions of Nigerians.

    Official figures tell a sobering story. Already in 2025, floods have claimed over 200 lives and displaced tens of thousands across 17 states, including Adamawa, Yobe, Anambra, Kebbi, and Kogi. These numbers echo the devastation of 2022, when more than 600 lives were lost and 1.4 million people were displaced. For many farmers, traders, and schoolchildren, the floods are not statistics but personal catastrophes — harvests swept away, shops reduced to rubble, and classrooms turned into makeshift camps.

    At the heart of the response is the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA). Under the leadership of its Director General, Mrs. Zubaida Umar, the agency has shifted from a posture of reaction to one of preparedness. Instead of waiting for disaster to strike, NEMA has been issuing early warnings, mapping flood-prone communities, and working with state and local authorities to establish contingency plans. Relief stockpiles are being pre-positioned, while volunteers and first responders are undergoing training in high-risk areas.

    This shift is vital because the old model of scrambling after tragedy has proven costly and unsustainable. Each year that the rains overwhelm communities, billions are lost in destroyed infrastructure, food insecurity deepens, and families are thrown into cycles of displacement and poverty. The tragedy of 2022 should not just have been a wake-up call; the years ahead must be about staying awake.

    Still, preparedness is not NEMA’s burden alone. The challenges of climate change, rapid urbanization, and poor drainage go beyond what any single agency can manage. State governments must invest in proper waste management to prevent blocked waterways, while local authorities need to enforce building regulations that discourage construction on flood plains. Communities, too, have a role to play in heeding evacuation warnings and adopting safer practices. A collective response is the only way forward.

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    The stories from the field underline the urgency. In Yola, displaced families recount how entire farmlands were consumed overnight, leaving them with no means of survival. In Birnin Kebbi, children trek long distances to temporary schools after their classrooms collapsed in the floods. In Oguta, Imo State, small-scale traders mourn the loss of their shops, which represented their only source of livelihood. These human tales highlight why flood preparedness must go beyond policy statements — it is about securing lives, livelihoods, and dignity.

    Encouragingly, partnerships are beginning to emerge. NEMA has been engaging with international agencies, civil society groups, and the private sector to mobilize resources and expertise. Early warning messages are increasingly being broadcast in local languages through radio, town criers, and community leaders, ensuring that vulnerable populations are not left in the dark. Such grassroots communication can mean the difference between safe evacuation and tragic loss.

    Yet, the road ahead is steep. Funding constraints, weak infrastructure, and the unpredictability of weather patterns remain formidable hurdles. For many rural Nigerians, relocation is not an option because their entire existence is tied to the land, however flood-prone it may be. This is why preparedness must be coupled with long-term adaptation — investing in resilient infrastructure, supporting farmers with climate-smart agriculture, and providing social safety nets for displaced families.

    What is at stake is not just survival but the ability of Nigerians to live with dignity in the face of recurring floods. NEMA’s evolving approach shows that lessons are being learned, but the task is bigger than any one agency. As the rains continue to fall, the question is whether we, as a nation, will rise above the cycle of panic and pity, and finally embrace a culture of preparedness.

    For the families already displaced this year, the answer cannot come soon enough.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,<abdulhamidabdullahiali@gmail.com>

  • Nigeria and the illusion of the “good old days”

    Nigeria and the illusion of the “good old days”

    Sir: It has become almost a national pastime in Nigeria to look back wistfully at the “good old days.” The Nigeria of the 1960s and 1970s is often painted as a lost paradise of honesty, communal spirit, and progress. In contrast, today’s Nigeria is lamented as hopelessly corrupt, unsafe, and unredeemable — so much so that “japa”, the quest to leave the country at all costs, has become the dream of millions. A suffocating hopelessness has settled like a fog, breeding the dubious belief that nothing good can come out of Nigeria anymore.

    But such sentiments are not uniquely Nigerian, nor are they new. Across cultures and centuries, every generation has glorified its own time while condemning the present.

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    Nigerians who glorify the past forget that the Nigeria of the 1960s and 1970s was also scarred by a brutal civil war, widespread poverty, military coups, and oppression of dissent. Corruption did not begin with “this generation.” In every age, there have been leaders with “teeth as swords,” who devoured the poor and needy, and elites whose lofty eyes looked down on the masses.

    Yet because memory is selective, we often see the past through rose-coloured glasses, while dismissing the present as irredeemable.

    This kind of nostalgia is dangerous. It feeds despair. It convinces young people that the Nigeria they inhabit is already beyond redemption. It justifies the flight of millions in search of hope elsewhere. While “japa” may offer individual escape, it also drains the nation of talent and accelerates the very decay we mourn. When everyone agrees that “Nigeria don spoil finish,” then no one feels responsible to repair it. Hopelessness becomes self-fulfilling.

    The wisdom of Proverbs warns us against this blindness. It calls each generation to examine its own filthiness rather than congratulating itself on imagined purity. For Nigeria today, this means asking hard questions: How do we honour what is good in our heritage while rejecting what is rotten? How do we confront arrogance, corruption, and exploitation in our time without drowning in despair?

    No generation has been free from stain. The “good old Nigeria” was never as pure as memory makes it. And “this generation” is not as hopeless as despair insists. Every era carries both seeds of destruction and seeds of renewal. The challenge is to stop romanticizing the past or demonizing the present, and instead to face our moment with honesty and courage.

    The destiny of Nigeria will not be determined by those who merely shake their heads at “this generation,” or by those who flee with hopelessness in their hearts. It will be determined by those who see clearly — that no age is pure, that every age must be washed, and that each generation has the responsibility to reject self-deception and build what is good.

    If we can see that, then Nigeria is not lost. But if we cling to the myth of the “good old days” and surrender to despair, then we will become exactly the kind of generation Proverbs warned us about: lofty in our eyes, yet unwashed in our filthiness, devouring our own poor, and excusing it all in the name of nostalgia. Then, we will have failed the test of justice, humility, and mercy. We must never surrender to the pull of hopelessness, because hopelessness is a myth built by those who fear effort.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba,shilgba@gmail.com

  • The realism of a new Nigerian constitution

    The realism of a new Nigerian constitution

    Sir: The question: Does Nigeria needs a new constitution is contemporaneous to asking the same question in the 70s whether Nigeria needed a new capital by jettisoning Lagos, the then Federal Capital Territory for a new place entirely. In the 70s, two options were opened to the Murtala Mohammed regime about the advisability of a new capital aside from Lagos.

    One is to remain in Lagos with its chaotic traffic and paucity of space for development befitting a capital of a Nigeria of our dream. Second is to move out of Lagos and be committed to financing a new capital that would be befitting and enhanced the country’s image in the comity of contemporary nations.

    The military chose the latter and today every Nigerian appears eternally proud of Abuja. There is no amount of panel beating by way of amendments by the National Assembly that can make the 1999 constitution promulgated by Decree 24 of 1999 the people’s constitution or mandate. Nigeria as a sovereign nation should have no iota of reason not be able to achieve anything capable of fundamentally moving the nation forward by way of progress, development and enhancement of the happiness of its teeming pluralistic society.

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    The time spent in drafting a new constitution out of the legions of amendments already made to the military-inspired 1999 constitution, should not be regarded as a waste. Prior to 1979, the Murtala regime proactively chose 50 constitutional expert lawyers to draw the 1979 constitution which it tagged “50 wise men”. At the end, they did a very good job and the 1979 constitution was only repealed in 1999 at the behest of the military on the eve of their handling over to the civilians.

    Enactment of a new constitution for the country should not create a new burden. There is no need for sponsoring new bills for the promulgation of a new constitution. Rather, the president should appoint 50 or so constitutional lawyers to look at the provisions of the 1999 constitution, the 2014 National Conference recommendations on fiscal federalism and such other judicial promulgations on constitutionalism and harmonise them to form the bedrock of a new constitution. Such experts could be given the next one full year to do and their outcome could be subjected to debates and people’s referendum.

    The people’s approval can then be sent to the National Assembly for passage and thereafter the president’s assent. Finally, like the issue of state police, we need to be careful not to be a nation of debaters without anything concrete done by way of results and physical outcomes. Nigeria is ripe for a new people’s constitution and achieving it should not constitute a bogey of endless debates and political recriminations.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Strategic framework for Nigeria’s economic growth, social safety net development

    Strategic framework for Nigeria’s economic growth, social safety net development

    By Dr. Donald Peterson

    Nigeria’s economic trajectory under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration presents both significant challenges and opportunities. While Nigeria’s economy grew at the fastest rate in a decade last year, according to the World Bank, and the president has set an ambitious target of 7% annual economic growth by 2027, the reality remains complex. This comprehensive framework outlines strategic pathways for sustainable economic growth while establishing robust social safety nets for vulnerable populations.

    Enhanced Revenue Generation:

    – Implement comprehensive tax reforms building on the Nigeria Tax reform 2025 signed by President Tinubu in June 2025

    – Expand the tax base through digital tax administration systems

    – Strengthen customs and excise duty collection mechanisms

    – Develop innovative revenue streams through digital economy taxation

    – Establish special economic zones with competitive tax incentives

    Expenditure Rationalization:

    – The 2025 Federal Budget of N54.99 trillion, nearly double the 2024 budget of N28.7 trillion, requires strategic allocation prioritization

    – Implement zero based budgeting to eliminate redundancies

    – Establish performance based budget allocations linked to measurable outcomes

    – Create dedicated infrastructure development funds

    – Enhance transparency through real time budget tracking systems

    Currency Stabilization

    – Maintain flexible exchange rate regime while building foreign reserves

    – Develop domestic bond markets to reduce foreign currency dependence

    – Implement foreign exchange hedging mechanisms for critical imports

    – Establish bilateral trade agreements in local currencies

    Financial Sector Development

    – Build on the Nigerian Insurance Reform Act (NIIRA 2025) signed on August 5, 2025 to strengthen financial stability

    – Expand financial inclusion through digital banking initiatives

    – Develop capital markets for long term financing

    – Establish development finance institutions for SME support

    Productivity Enhancement:

    – Implement precision agriculture technologies across major farming zones

    – Establish agricultural processing clusters in each geopolitical zone

    – Develop climate resilient crop varieties through research partnerships

    – Create farmer cooperatives with access to credit and modern inputs

    – Build comprehensive irrigation infrastructure targeting 5 million hectares

    Value Chain Development:

    – Establish commodity exchanges for transparent price discovery

    – Develop cold chain logistics networks to reduce post harvest losses

    – Create agricultural industrial parks with integrated processing facilities

    – Implement quality certification systems for export markets

    – Establish agricultural insurance schemes covering climate and market risks

    Import Substitution Strategy:

    – Identify and prioritize 50 critical import categories for local production

    – Establish manufacturing clusters with shared infrastructure

    – Implement local content requirements in government procurement

    – Create industrial parks with reliable power and logistics infrastructure

    – Develop strategic partnerships with international manufacturers

    Export Oriented Manufacturing:

    – Leverage Nigeria’s demographic dividend for labor intensive industries

    – Establish textile and garment manufacturing hubs

    – Develop automotive assembly plants with regional market focus

    – Create pharmaceutical manufacturing centers for West African markets

    – Build electronics assembly facilities targeting continental demand

    Digital Infrastructure Development:

    – Achieve nationwide broadband coverage through fiber optic networks

    – Establish 5G networks in major commercial centers

    – Create technology parks and innovation hubs in each state

    – Develop digital payment systems reaching rural communities

    – Build data centers to support regional digital services

    Human Capital Development:

    – Implement coding and digital literacy programs in schools

    – Establish technology training centers in partnership with global firms

    – Create digital entrepreneurship incubation programs

    – Develop professional certification programs for emerging technologies

    – Build university industry partnerships for research and development

    Power Generation and Distribution:

    – Achieve 25,000 MW electricity generation capacity by 2030

    – Develop renewable energy projects targeting 10,000 MW solar and wind

    – Implement distributed energy systems for rural electrification

    – Establish energy storage facilities to ensure grid stability

    – Create competitive electricity markets with transparent pricing

    Oil and Gas Optimization:

    – Maximize value addition through domestic refining capacity

    – Develop petrochemical industries using natural gas feedstock

    – Implement gas to power projects for electricity generation

    – Establish modular refineries for regional fuel supply

    – Create transparency mechanisms in oil revenue management

    Railway Network Expansion:

    – Complete the Lagos-Kano standard gauge railway

    – Develop regional rail networks connecting major commercial centers

    – Establish freight rail systems for agricultural and mining products

    – Create urban mass transit systems in major cities

    – Build rail connections to neighboring countries for trade facilitation

    Road and Aviation Infrastructure:

    – Rehabilitate and expand federal highway networks

    – Develop state and local road infrastructure through partnership models

    – Establish cargo airports in agricultural and manufacturing zones

    – Create logistics hubs with multimodal transportation integration

    – Build seaports infrastructure for increased cargo handling capacity

    Healthcare System Strengthening:

    – Establish primary healthcare centers within 5km of every community

    – Build specialized hospitals in each geopolitical zone

    – Develop telemedicine networks for rural healthcare delivery

    – Create pharmaceutical manufacturing facilities for essential drugs

    – Implement universal health insurance covering all citizens

    Education Infrastructure:

    – Build modern schools with technology enabled learning environments

    – Establish technical and vocational training centers in each senatorial district

    – Create university research centers focusing on national development priorities

    – Develop teacher training institutes for quality education delivery

    – Implement school feeding programs enhancing nutrition and enrollment

    Direct Cash Transfer System:

    – Expand conditional cash transfer programs to 25 million households

    – Implement digital payment systems ensuring transparent delivery

    – Link transfers to health and education compliance requirements

    – Create graduation pathways from dependency to self sufficiency

    – Establish robust targeting mechanisms using socioeconomic data

    Food Security Programs:

    – Implement strategic grain reserves for food price stabilization

    – Create community kitchens providing nutritious meals in vulnerable areas

    – Establish school feeding programs covering all public schools

    – Develop urban agriculture initiatives for food access improvement

    – Create food voucher systems for market-based nutrition intervention

    Public Works Programs:

    – Implement labor intensive infrastructure projects creating 2 million jobs annually

    – Develop community-based environmental management programs

    – Create rural road maintenance programs employing local communities

    – Establish afforestation and watershed management initiatives

    – Build housing construction programs using local materials and labor

    Skills Development and Entrepreneurship

    – Create vocational training centers aligned with labor market demands

    – Establish microfinance institutions with collateral free lending

    – Develop business incubation programs for youth and women

    – Implement apprenticeship programs linking training to employment

    – Create cooperative development programs for agricultural and artisanal activities

    Child Protection Services

    – Establish child development centers in every local government area

    – Implement birth registration systems ensuring universal coverage

    – Create child protection units addressing abuse and exploitation

    – Develop early childhood development programs enhancing cognitive development

    – Establish foster care and adoption systems for orphaned children

    Elderly and Disability Support:

    – Create pension systems for informal sector workers

    – Establish disability support services ensuring accessibility

    – Develop aging in place programs for elderly care

    – Create assistive technology centers for disabled persons

    – Implement caregiver support programs for family-based care

    Digital Government Services

    – Implement e-governance systems for all citizen services

    – Create single windows for business registration and licensing

    – Establish digital identity systems ensuring universal coverage

    – Develop online platforms for government procurement transparency

    – Create citizen feedback mechanisms for service quality improvement

    Performance Management:

    – Implement result based management systems across government agencies

    – Create performance dashboards for public accountability

    – Establish reward systems for high-performing public servants

    – Develop citizen scorecards for service delivery evaluation

    – Create inter agency coordination mechanisms for policy implementation

    Financial Transparency:

    – Implement blockchain technology for government financial transactions

    – Create public expenditure tracking systems with real-time reporting

    – Establish citizen participation in budget formulation and monitoring

    – Develop asset declaration systems for public officials

    – Create whistleblower protection programs for corruption reporting

    Judicial System Strengthening

    – Establish commercial courts for business dispute resolution

    – Create technology enabled case management systems

    – Develop alternative dispute resolution mechanisms

    – Implement judicial performance measurement systems

    – Create legal aid services ensuring access to justice

    Domestic Resource Mobilization

    – Expand tax to GDP ratio from current 6% to 15% by 2030

    – Develop sukuk and green bonds for infrastructure financing

    – Create sovereign wealth fund from oil revenues

    – Establish public private partnership frameworks

    – Develop diaspora bonds for development financing

    International Partnerships:

    – Negotiate concessional financing for infrastructure development

    – Establish development partnerships with emerging economies

    – Create trade and investment promotion agencies

    – Develop climate financing mechanisms for sustainable development

    – Establish regional economic integration initiatives

    Institutional Coordination:

    – Create National Economic Transformation Council chaired by the President

    – Establish state level implementation committees

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    – Develop monitoring and evaluation systems with quarterly reviews

    – Create stakeholder engagement mechanisms including private sector and civil society

    – Establish knowledge management systems for policy learning

    Timeline and Milestones:

    – Phase 1 (2025-2027): Foundation building and institutional reforms

    – Phase 2 (2027-2030): Scaled implementation and expansion

    – Annual growth targets: 4% (2025), 5% (2026), 6% (2027), 7% (2028-2030)

    – Poverty reduction target: 50% reduction in extreme poverty by 2030

    – Employment creation: 10 million new jobs by 2030

    External Shocks Management:

    – Establish economic stabilization fund for revenue volatility management

    – Develop export diversification strategies reducing oil dependence

    – Create foreign exchange reserves targeting 9 months of imports

    – Implement countercyclical fiscal policies for economic stability

    – Establish regional trade agreements for market diversification

    Climate Change Adaptation:

    – Integrate climate resilience in all infrastructure development

    – Develop early warning systems for weather-related disasters

    – Create climate adaptation funds for vulnerable communities

    – Implement sustainable land management practices

    – Develop renewable energy systems reducing carbon emissions

    Social Integration;

    – Implement national integration programs promoting unity

    – Create youth engagement initiatives addressing radicalization

    – Develop conflict resolution mechanisms for resource competition

    – Establish cultural exchange programs enhancing national identity

    – Create sports and arts programs for positive youth engagement

    Security Sector Reform:

    – Strengthen community policing systems

    – Develop intelligence capabilities for proactive security management

    – Create border security systems preventing illegal activities

    – Establish maritime security systems protecting coastal resources

    – Develop cybersecurity capabilities for digital economy protection

    This comprehensive framework provides a roadmap for transforming Nigeria’s economy while ensuring no citizen is left behind. Success requires sustained political commitment, efficient implementation, and adaptive management responding to emerging challenges. The integration of economic growth strategies with robust social safety nets will create a more equitable and prosperous Nigeria, positioning the country as a continental economic powerhouse while ensuring human dignity for all citizens.

    The ambitious targets set by President Tinubu’s administration, including the goal of expanding the economy to four times its current size by 2030, are achievable through systematic implementation of these strategies, leveraging Nigeria’s abundant human and natural resources while building strong institutions for sustainable development.

    Blessed weekend Folks…

  • U. S. Visa applicants, social media disclosure: A risky overreach with dire consequences for Nigerians

    U. S. Visa applicants, social media disclosure: A risky overreach with dire consequences for Nigerians

    By Olufemi Soneye

    The United States has recently implemented a sweeping immigration policy requiring nearly all visa applicants to disclose their social media handles and digital histories. Framed as a tool to bolster national security, counter terrorism, and curb cybercrime, the measure may appear reasonable on paper. But for Nigerians and many others from countries with vibrant, digitally active populations the consequences are troubling and far-reaching.

    Nigeria’s dynamic online culture is marked by satire, political commentary, and spirited debate. In this context, posts that are humorous or culturally specific may be misunderstood by foreign officials unfamiliar with the nuances of local discourse. What may be a harmless meme or satirical remark in Nigeria could be wrongly interpreted as extremist, subversive, or fraudulent by US immigration authorities.

    This does not merely pose a risk to individual visa applicants. It threatens broader societal values such as freedom of expression, cultural authenticity, and civic engagement. It also risks further straining US–Nigeria relations at a time when collaboration and mutual respect are more important than ever.

    The US government maintains that social media activity provides valuable insight into a visa applicant’s character, affiliations, and potential risks. In an age where radicalization and misinformation can proliferate online, there is some logic to this argument. However, in practice, it opens the door to arbitrary interpretations, biased judgments, and significant invasions of privacy.

    Disturbing cases have already emerged. A Norwegian tourist was recently denied entry into the United States after officials discovered a meme referencing US Vice President J.D. Vance on his phone. In another case, a Nigerian businesswoman with a valid visa was turned away at a US border after immigration officers reviewed her Instagram messages and claimed her online activity contradicted the nature of her visa. These examples illustrate how subjective and potentially discriminatory the enforcement of this policy can be.

    Adding to the concern, the US has launched a pilot program requiring visa applicants from select countries to pay a $15,000 bond. The initiative, which began with Malawi and Zambia, reportedly targets nations with high visa overstay rates and could be expanded. It sends a chilling message: that citizens of certain countries are presumed guilty until proven otherwise.

    For Nigerians, the implications are especially severe. Privacy is the first casualty. Applicants must now submit their digital footprints including personal conversations, private networks, and online affiliations to a foreign government. Freedom of expression is the next victim. Young Nigerians, who make up the majority of users on platforms like X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, and Instagram, may begin self-censoring out of fear that political opinions or cultural commentary could jeopardize their chances of traveling or studying abroad.

    This policy disproportionately impacts the very demographic that is driving Nigeria’s innovation, creativity, and international reputation. Students, entrepreneurs, artists, and professionals, the most globally engaged Nigerians are now the most vulnerable to misinterpretation and arbitrary visa denials. What constitutes a “red flag” is alarmingly subjective: a meme, a retweet, or a political statement could be enough to trigger rejection, with little recourse for appeal.

    There are broader implications for the Nigerian diaspora and global mobility. Social media has long served as a bridge connecting Nigerians abroad with their homeland, facilitating civic dialogue, cultural exchange, and philanthropic engagement. If digital expression becomes a liability, this bridge may weaken, silencing a vital global voice and undermining transnational ties.

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    Moreover, the policy risks reinforcing damaging stereotypes. Nigerians already contend with international biases linking the country to fraud or instability. A policy that scrutinizes their digital lives under a security lens could deepen mistrust, alienate young professionals, and diminish goodwill toward the United States.

    The global repercussions are also concerning. If the US, a global standard-setter in immigration policy, normalizes the collection and evaluation of applicants’ private digital histories, other countries may follow suit. This would set a dangerous precedent, where opportunities for global mobility depend not on merit or intent, but on an algorithmic analysis of social media behavior often devoid of cultural context.

    National security is undeniably important. But it must be balanced with fairness, proportionality, and respect for fundamental rights. This policy represents a dangerous overreach one that sacrifices privacy, chills free expression, and penalizes those who should be celebrated for their global engagement.

    If the United States is truly committed to fostering partnerships with countries like Nigeria, it must recognize that sustainable security cannot be built on suspicion and surveillance. Instead, it should embrace and empower the voices of Nigeria’s youth, educated, innovative, and globally connected who could be among America’s strongest allies in the decades ahead.

    Soneye is a seasoned media strategist and former Chief Corporate Communications Officer of NNPC Ltd, known for his sharp political insight, bold journalism, and high-level stakeholder engagement across government, corporate, and international platforms