The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • “Nigeria Must Go” and politics of grievance in Ghana

    “Nigeria Must Go” and politics of grievance in Ghana

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: In July, Accra witnessed another rupture. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, chanting “Nigeria Must Go” — not as a call for xenophobic expulsion, but as a cry against unacknowledged harm. Placards bore messages like “Nigerians are kidnapping and using people for rituals,” and “They’ve hijacked our markets.” These were expressions of civic grief.

    One of the loudest complaints from protesters was the alleged takeover of Ghanaian markets by Nigerian traders.

    I witnessed the emotional tension first-hand from a motor park scuffle where a Ghanaian driver questioned a Nigerian’s right to command parking space, to a hotel manager’s hesitation in helping me register a SIM card, fearing misuse.

    But this isn’t just about trade. It’s about economic identity. When foreign traders become more visible than local ones, it triggers a sense of civic displacement; an economic hijack of one’s own country.

    The most chilling protest was over allegation of ritual killings. Protesters cited missing children, mysterious deaths, and fears of spiritual violence.

    While many of these claims remain unverified, they reflect a deep emotional wound, evoke ancestral trauma, spiritual fear, and the sense that life itself is being desecrated.

    This is part of a wider regional pattern in which generational identity and civic participation are tightly linked. From Ghana’s #FixTheCountry protests to Nigeria’s #EndSARS, West African youth are redefining what it means to be citizens; not just subjects of traditional, state, or foreign power.

    There’s a growing form of protest politics across Africa. It’s not just about economic inequality or material deprivation—it’s about symbolic extraction. The kind where diaspora elites or global influencers arrive with prestige, perform cultural rituals, and depart without engaging local realities.

    In South Africa, xenophobic violence against Nigerians, Zimbabweans, and Mozambicans has often been a misdirected outlet for youth frustrations over inequality and poor governance.

    In Kenya, public backlash has emerged against political elites who use tribal symbolism and diaspora endorsements to mask corruption and exclude youth from decision-making. A 2023 University of Nairobi survey showed that over 60% of youth felt “culturally manipulated” by elite power plays.

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    In the Philippines, tensions have flared when foreign dignitaries or diaspora elites are accorded honours that appear to overshadow local sovereignty. The backlash against Chinese influence in ancestral lands has often fused cultural resistance with civic protest.

    These examples show that civic erasure—not cultural diversity—is the real issue. When legitimacy is outsourced, youth often respond with protest.

    The rallying cry of the protest—Nigeria Must Go—is not without historical weight. It echoes a painful chapter from 1983, when Nigeria expelled over a million West African migrants, many Ghanaian, in a brutal exercise of nationalist fervour.

    But in this protest, the cry was repurposed. It wasn’t a call for deportation; it was a metaphorical rejection of cultural imposition and economic domination without civic consent. For many youth, it channelled a deeper frustration: the feeling of being overstepped, overlooked, and overshadowed in their own national space.

    This protest is part of a broader pattern across West Africa, where grievance politics is no longer just about poverty or unemployment, but about symbolic sovereignty. Citizens are asking: Who controls our markets? Who narrates our culture? Who protects our children?

    When these questions fail to find satisfactory answers, protests erupt. That appears to be what Ghanaian youth are saying without mincing words.

    The Nigerian diaspora has extraordinary influence in shaping African narratives—from fashion to music to monarchy. But with that influence must come responsibility. Diaspora leaders must listen to local communities, respect civic space, and understand the emotional terrains they enter.

    This moment demands more than diplomatic calm. It requires civic reckoning.

    For Nigeria, diaspora leaders must engage with host communities, not just celebrate culture. Nigerian traders must respect local laws and licensing frameworks. The Nigerian government must acknowledge the emotional impact of its diaspora footprint, especially in sensitive sectors.

    For Ghana, youth must be included in cultural and economic policymaking. Allegations of ritual killings must be investigated transparently, not dismissed. Civic education must address xenophobia without silencing legitimate grievance.

    For ECOWAS, cross-border civic protocols must be developed to guide diaspora conduct. Cultural diplomacy must be consent-based, not celebratory by default.

    And if future diaspora events forget that?

    Well, expect the hashtags to fly. Expect satire. Expect protest. Because grievance politics has gone digital, and it’s more effective than ever.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Long overdue resolution

    Long overdue resolution

    It is unsurprising that the unreleased girls kidnapped in Chibok, Borno State, in April 2014, continue to make the headlines. The same is true of Leah Sharibu, the unreleased Christian schoolgirl abducted in Dapchi, Yobe State, in February 2018.  The whereabouts of these victims are unknown. The unresolved abductions mean that there is no closure. This is mainly why they remain in the news.

    The National Coordinator of the National Counter Terrorism Centre, Maj. Gen. Adamu Laka, brought up the matter again during a multi-agency meeting on anti-kidnapping, organised in collaboration with the United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency in Abuja, on June 29. He made an effort to reassure the public that the authorities had not forgotten these unresolved abduction cases, and were still pursuing freedom for the victims.   

    Eleven years after Boko Haram abducted a total of 276 girls from the Government Girls Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State, 87 of them are still believed to be in captivity.

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    Also, Leah Sharibu was among the 110 schoolgirls kidnapped by Islamist terrorists from the Government Girls’ Science and Technical College, Dapchi, Yobe State, more than seven years ago. Sadly, five of the kidnapped girls reportedly died in captivity. Others abducted with Leah were set free a month after the incident. Those released were Muslims. Leah, the only Christian among them, was not released because she refused to renounce her faith and convert to Islam.

    On the Chibok and Dapchi incidents, Laka said: “Since when they were kidnapped, those who were rescued were not just rescued one time; It was a gradual process. Negotiations were conducted to get them out. Operations were conducted… I was in the theatre, and I know what the military and intelligence agencies put in to rescue the initial set of the Chibok girls.” He added: “We haven’t given up hope on them; some of them were married to some of the insurgents. Some have come out.”

    He continued: “There is the issue of this lady, Leah Shaibu. We are not always talking about it. It doesn’t mean we don’t care. It doesn’t mean we’ve forgotten about them. We are still on it. Our prayer is that the whole 87 or 80 plus that are left will be rescued by God’s grace.”

    Talk is cheap! The authorities must recognise the time factor, and that the resolution of these kidnap incidents is long overdue.

  • Still on the Anioma State question and equity

    Still on the Anioma State question and equity

    Sir: Recent articles advocating the creation of Anioma State as solution to perceived historical marginalization within Nigeria deserve rigorous response, especially from those who are Ukwuani. While they appeal to emotion, historical grievances, and intellectual authority, many, unfortunately, are riddled with historical oversimplifications, cultural distortions, and dangerous attempts to submerge distinct identities under a pre-packaged Igbo label, without consent or consideration. Let it be stated emphatically: Anioma is not synonymous with Igbo, and Ukwuani is not Igbo.

    The most troubling aspect of the advocacy for Anioma State as presented by Senator Ned Nwoko and Pat Utomi is the subtle and at times overt, intellectual coercion employed to promote the Igbonization of Anioma, and particularly the Ukwuani people. Utomi, in particular, appears to assume the role of arbiter of Anioma identity, attempting to flatten the richly diverse ethnic composition of Delta North into a monolithic Igbo narrative. This is intellectually dishonest and culturally insensitive. His perspective is not informed by lived Ukwuani realities but rather by external sentimentality, post-war trauma, and a nostalgic political project rooted in collective Igbo memory, not Ukwuani experience.

    Yes, Ukwuani language may share lexical items with Igbo, just as Yoruba shares similarities with Itsekiri and Nupe with Gbagyi. That does not equate to shared identity. Ethnic identity is formed by history, worldview, cultural practice, self-definition, and political alignment, not just language. Ukwuani people have a distinct origin, socio-political structure, and historical trajectory. We have never, as a people of Ukwuani, subscribed to the impression that we are part of Ndigbo. While certain cultural elements overlap due to proximity, intermarriage, and trade, we have consistently maintained our Ukwuani uniqueness, independent of both the Southeast Igbo and the South-south minority blocs.

    The Asaba Massacre, while undeniably tragic and worthy of remembrance, did not occur in Ukwuani territory. It is not part of the collective Ukwuani trauma. It is disingenuous to emotionally blackmail a people into joining a political project that is not rooted in their own historical pain. The references to “identity crises” and “I’m not Igbo” narratives are themselves proof that there exists ambiguity and resistance to forced inclusion in the Igbo project. That resistance must be respected, not pathologized.

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    The term Anioma, meaning good land, is a not an ethnic identity. It encompasses diverse groups: Ukwuani, Ika, Aniocha, and Oshimili, each with distinct histories and internal dynamics. To reduce Anioma to “Igbo” is a lazy generalization. It disregards the linguistic diversity – Ukwuani is not Ika; Ika is not Oshimili, the historical boundaries- Ukwuani communities existed independently and even had historic alliances with Bini and Urhobo, not just the Igbo, the cultural distinctiveness- Ukwuani festivals, belief systems, age-grade traditions, and even names differ markedly from those of core Igbo communities. The push for Anioma State, if it must succeed, should acknowledge this pluralism, not bulldoze it under “Ndigbo” umbrella. The idea that Anioma must be the “sixth Southeast state” is already an admission of annexationist intent, not development logic.

    While the piece makes a passionate case for Anioma’s economic viability,  citing personalities like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Jim Ovia, Tony Elumelu, and others, it fails to address the issue of communal consent. These individuals represent personal achievement, not ethnic consensus. Their success cannot be used as justification to redraw the cultural map of Nigeria. Greatness does not equate to group alignment. Any move toward state creation must be democratic, inclusive, and respectful of local sentiment. A referendum is the bare minimum. But even before that, there must be truthful engagement, not cultural silencing. Ukwuani people must have the right to say: We are not Igbo. We are Anioma by geography, Ukwuani by heritage.

    The Biafran war scars, as real and deep as they are, do not belong to Ukwuani history in the same way they belong to Onitsha, Nsukka, or Aba. To import that trauma wholesale into Ukwuani narratives is both invasive and inaccurate. As Ukwuani people, we are not against development or justice. We are not opposed to the creation of Anioma State, provided it reflects the plural identity of its people. What we reject is the ongoing attempt to hijack that movement and smuggle us into the Igbo ethnic identity without consultation, consent, or cultural grounding.

    •Chukwunalu Eke, Ogume, Delta State

  • Enhancing agricultural productivity through research

    Enhancing agricultural productivity through research

    Sir: No doubt, Nigeria’s agriculture is struggling to unleash its full capacity despite many efforts. It is worrying, that the overall productivity of the sector hasn’t dramatically improved in the face of growing population, nutritional deficiency, effect of climate change, volatile food prices and pervasive poverty.

    Agricultural production continues to be hobbled by familiar challenges associated with low crop yield, incidence of pest and diseases, post- harvesting losses, plummeting soil fertility etc.

    The poor state of agriculture underscores the necessity for extraordinary approaches and strategies in circumventing the host of challenges to unlock the boundless capacity of agriculture to ensure it serve its purposes.

    In 2013 in Maputo, the African Union (AU) under the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) laid out an elaborate plan for the development of Africa’s agriculture with an agreement by member states for the allocation of 10% of public expenditure to agriculture and an 6% annual growth of the sector. In 2014, under the Malabo declaration, member states reaffirmed their commitment to the vision.

    Interestingly, meeting the goal as enshrined in the CAADP remains a tall order! A case in point is the 2025 national budget. Agriculture was allotted N826.5 billion which constitute about 1.73% of the total budget of N47.97 trillion – a far cry from the agreement. In the budget, 40 research institutes were allocated N126.03 billion while federal universities of agriculture got N54.38 billion.

    The allocation to the institutions is paltry judging from the huge financial requirement inherent in undertaking any meaningful research activity and in running the institutions.  The Pillar IV of the CAADP placed emphasis on agricultural Research and Development (R&D).

    A vibrant research- led approach stands as a conspicuous missing link in the chain of agricultural production. We are witnesses to the infinite human ingenuity which has always been brought to bear in making agriculture responsive to emerging challenges leading to massive revolution in the sector through a multidisciplinary approach.

    Research has always provided answers to challenging questions that has change the trajectory of agriculture.  Agricultural research ensures that new technologies, techniques and practices are developed to improve productivity.

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    Instructively, improving agricultural productivity is a fool-proof strategy for promoting inclusive economic development and reducing poverty. Through the strategy, the income of farm households is ramped up and food cost curtailed which serves as a cushion to non-farm households who are known to expend a massive amount of their income on food.

    Agricultural research has a long history in Nigeria leading to the establishment of many research institutes and universities of agriculture, as well as a body known as Agricultural Research Council of Nigeria saddled with the responsibility of supervising and coordinating agricultural research and extension activities.

    In effect, the country has one the most elaborate National Agricultural Research Systems (NARS) in Africa.

    Through public funding, the institutions have recorded massive achievement. However, they are currently a shadow of their former selves. Their current state tells a sad story of neglect and underfunding. The entire institutions have a similitude of challenges which continue to limit the actualization of their mandate.

    The institutions need to be well funded to promote productivity, sustainable growth and general transformation of the sector. It is against this background, that the recent National Agricultural Development Fund (NADF) report on the baseline survey and need assessment carried out on 16 agricultural institutions and 17 colleges of agriculture requires massive attention in order to place the research institutions on the path of glory.

    Research and Development can never be successful without sufficient funding. The effectiveness and efficiency of the research can be narrowed to the generous monetary allocation that will cover the operating costs of the institutions, salaries, training and capacity building, investment in modern laboratories, equipment, relevant research facilities and data management system.  

    The entire approach to research needs to be attractive enough to draw and retain talents. The place of accountability and transparency cannot easily be discounted in the entire management system of the research institutions.  Also, is the need for strengthening the extension system. Access to new technology and practices by the end users through the agency of a vibrant extension system is imperative and must have its wheels adequately oiled.

    In the final analysis, productivity will further be enhanced through the synthesis of improved agricultural research funding and the continuation of policies reforms.

    •Abachi Ungbo, abachi007@yahoo.com

  • Much ado over Dangote’s 4,000 trucks

    Much ado over Dangote’s 4,000 trucks

    Sir: Concerns have been raised that the introduction of 4,000 trucks by the Dangote Refinery could displace existing players in Nigeria’s petroleum logistics sector. However, this fear is largely misplaced.

    According to the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN), there are over 10,000 petroleum tanker trucks currently engaged in transporting fuel across the country. This figure could, in fact, be much higher, as MOMAN’s data may primarily reflect trucks owned by companies affiliated with or partnering with the association. Beyond this, there are thousands of Independent Petroleum Marketers across Nigeria that also operate significant fleets.

    The belief that Dangote’s entry into the fuel distribution space will lead to job losses overlooks a key point: the new trucks will be operated by Nigerian drivers and logistics personnel. In essence, while a marketer’s truck might be phased out or side-lined, another job opportunity is created as Dangote’s trucks enter the distribution chain. One job may be displaced, but another is created.

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    From a retail perspective, this development could even ease the burden on smaller marketers. With Dangote trucks handling supply logistics, marketers may benefit from reduced overhead costs, minimized risks, and improved delivery timelines. However, this convenience must be balanced against the risk of market over-concentration. Dangote now controls significant parts of the fuel value chain: production, refining, and distribution. This level of vertical integration could give him substantial power to influence pricing, determine supply timelines, or prioritize certain buyers, potentially edging out competitors or disrupting market fairness. This is where the regulatory agencies should firm and watchful

    Nevertheless, it’s important to note that Nigeria’s downstream sector has been fully deregulated. This means other major marketers also have the freedom to import fuel, buy directly from domestic producers, or even invest in their own refining infrastructure- some marketers have already started building their own refineries. The competition is open; what remains is for others to rise to the challenge.

    With Nigeria’s daily fuel consumption estimated at between 50 to 60 million litres, the country requires around 1,200 to 1,800 well-maintained and properly equipped petrol tanker trucks to ensure consistent nationwide fuel distribution. So, the 4,000 Dangote refinery trucks are like a drop in an ocean

    Finally, not all trucks are created equal. The Dangote Refinery’s fleet of 4,000 trucks is said to meet international safety and efficiency standards. These trucks are equipped with advanced features such as anti-rollover protection, automatic braking systems, surveillance cameras, GPS tracking, flow meters, leak detection devices, and are powered by Compressed Natural Gas (CNG). This represents not just a boost in logistics capacity but a push towards safer and more environmentally friendly fuel transportation.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja

  • Sore losers

    Sore losers

    That the Super Falcons of Nigeria just achieved their “La Decima” — 10th continental title — accompanying their “Mission X” in grand style, is stale news.  A nation can’t be more grateful to these brave, never-say-die, young women.

    What continues to gall is the ugly sore-losing vibes from Morocco, double losing finalists in both 2022 (to South Africa) and 2024 — though played in 2025 — (to Nigeria).  Morocco is primed to host again in 2026. 

    Would they suffer a hat trick of final losses, as triple hosts next year, if they reach the final again?  Or put their house in order, instead of wailing and screeching over split milk?  The choice is open to them!

    Though Morocco — to use that modified cliche — snatched defeat from the jaws of victory, by giving up a two-goal lead in the first 24 minutes, to crumble to three spectacular goals in the last 30 minutes, they had started manifesting bad faith from the eve of the July 26 final.

    Were they scared of the Falcons?  It would appear so.  That’s hardly unsportsmanlike, though.  Mutual scare — particularly in a make-or-break final — leads to mutual respect, which elevates the level of competition.

    What was awry was their resort to foul tactics.  On July 25, Morocco outed with an odd petition questioning the Nigerian nationality of two anchors of the Nigerian defence: Ashleigh Plumptre (left back) and Michele Alozie (right back).  How this pair, who FIFA had endorsed for the FIFA Women’s World Cup in 2023, would suddenly become ineligible Nigerians to CAF, is not only strange but laughable!

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    But then you could track the ill motive.  The two were commanding empresses in the Nigeria stellar defence that conceded zero goal, in open play, until the final.  The first goal they conceded, against South Africa in the semi-final, was a penalty.  They also, with their over-lapping, prompted an attack that pumped in 11 goals before the final but conceded only one!  Alozie claimed one of those goals — that dramatic, last-grasp winner against South Africa.

    The Morocco petition reportedly unnerved Plumptre — she was reportedly so hurt in training her team mates had to offer her support — and many even claimed that accounted for her poor play in the final’s first half.  Still, the Falcons took everything in their chin and showed the guts of true champions.

    Even after the loss, Morocco has persisted with their funny petition — good luck!  Still, a friendly advice: Nigeria didn’t win 10 out of 13 finals, by writing sterile petitions or beaming laser lights on opposing players and coaches, as Morocco fans did in that memorable final.  They buckled down and spoke the hard language on the pitch.

    Morocco had better get serious.  Otherwise, they would be fated to another loss in 2026.  Better to plan for future successes than remain grumpy losers over a lost cause.

  • BVN, NIN sale as threat to national security

    BVN, NIN sale as threat to national security

    • By Shuaib S. Agaka

    Sir: Just weeks ago, national alarm bells rang over the dangers of SIM recycling—where inactive mobile numbers are reassigned without proper verification, sometimes leading to unauthorized access to bank accounts and sensitive platforms. Now, with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) revealing that thousands of Nigerian youths are trading Bank Verification Numbers (BVNs) and National Identification Numbers (NINs), a far more disturbing pattern is taking shape: Nigeria’s digital identity infrastructure is dangerously compromised.

    The implications are staggering. The country’s cybersecurity framework, already riddled with loopholes, is now showing deeper fractures. Trust—the bedrock of any digital system—is evaporating fast. Ironically, while palliatives are now scarce and heavily guarded, Nigerians’ personal data floats freely across black markets and rogue platforms. The very act of surrendering biometric and personal details to the state—under promises of security and service delivery—has become the gateway to exploitation.

    Nigeria’s digital identity architecture is built on three core pillars: the NIN managed by the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), the BVN under the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), and the SIM-NIN linkage enforced by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC). Together, these systems were intended to unify identity verification, enhance financial inclusion, curb fraud, and support digital governance.

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    In theory, it’s a sound framework. In practice, however, it’s falling apart.

    Corruption and insider leaks have created cracks in what should be secure systems. The EFCC’s finding that over 12,000 youths were caught selling their identities is only the visible tip of a deeper and more institutionalized rot. The black market for digital identities is supplied not just by desperate youth—but also by compromised insiders working within supposedly secure government and financial agencies.

    Nigeria must establish a unified digital identity oversight mechanism to harmonize data security standards across NIMC, CBN, NCC, and NDPC. Real-time interoperability and data-sharing protocols must be enforced. Second, all telecoms, fin-techs, and banks should undergo mandatory cybersecurity compliance audits. Institutions found to mishandle user data should face stiff penalties, including license suspensions or financial sanctions. Third, a national public education campaign must be launched to raise awareness about digital identity theft and promote cyber hygiene at the grassroots.

    Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will not be secured by technology alone. It will be secured by building trust—trust that personal data will be respected, identities protected, and breaches punished. Until then, Nigeria’s digital economy remains a house built on shaky foundations, where the trade of identities is more seamless than access to palliatives, and fraudsters are more empowered than the citizens they exploit.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka,

    Kano

  • Human trafficking: Beyond rhetoric and promises

    Human trafficking: Beyond rhetoric and promises

    • By Yinka Adeosun

    Sir: July 30 every year is set aside to commemorate and raise the advocacy on a global, organised crime that continues to threaten human dignity and the peaceful coexistence of humanity. This day is another opportunity to reflect on the progress made, raise awareness, and stimulate action to combat this heinous act of human rights violation.

    The World Day Against Trafficking in Persons is a solemn reminder of the continuous battle against one of the world’s most disturbing crimes. The theme of this year – Human Trafficking is Organized Crime: End The Exploitation – reverberates an urgent alarm against the powerful criminal networks profiting from human anguish. It is a clarion call to action for the world to pull down the systems and structures of exploitation and protect the vulnerable among us from the traffickers reach.

    It is tempting to think that human trafficking is a crime of desperation, but it is not. Oftentimes, it is a calculated highly profitable business that is managed by an organised crime syndicate, which is all out to exploit situations of conflict, poverty, gender inequality and poor governance. Victims are trafficked within countries and across borders for the ultimate purpose of cheap, forced labour, sexual exploitation, and organ harvesting, among others. From countries to continents, no region is immune from this organized crime. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), traffickers are not relenting. Their trafficking routes are increasingly sophisticated, often operating in tandem with arms smuggling, money laundering, and drug trafficking.

    According to the United Nations Economic and Scientific Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), human trafficking is the third most common crime in Nigeria, after drug trafficking and economic fraud. Statistics from the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), the agency established by the government to combat the crime posits that 61% of human trafficking happens internally while 39% happens across the borders. It is sad that although the federal and state governments are making efforts to fight human trafficking, Nigeria does not meet the minimum standards to eliminate the malaise. The hydra-headed monster of corruption involving NAPTIP officials, the judiciary, and security agencies remain significant concerns and contributed to impunity for traffickers.

    While children are continually deceived with false promises, women are forced into prostitution, and men are coerced into exploitative labour under cruel conditions. Statistics on prosecution appear to be dwindling, suggesting that it is a non-priority. These incidents are parts of a broader system of organised crime that preys on vulnerability and thrives on impunity.

    Ending exploitation cannot be achieved with mere rhetoric or kids gloves. It requires clear confrontation of the systems that sustain it. It is not enough to rescue and protect victims; the global community must challenge and prevent trafficking at its roots, as well as hold perpetrators accountable. Criminal networks can be disrupted through improved international cooperation, intelligence sharing, and enforcement capabilities. The Nigerian legislation and prosecution need major overhaul and strengthening in order to ensure that traffickers are pursued with the same urgency as other forms of organised crime. Trafficked victims and survivors should be protected and sustained through long-term support housing, healthcare, legal aid and education until they can stay on their own.

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    Both the federal and state governments have a huge role to play. Civil society groups, organised private sector, and individuals are not left out. Responsible supply chain, ethical recruitment practices, and public enlightenment campaigns are all part of the solution. As the crime gradually shifts online, technology companies must also step up to ensure that their platforms are not used to enable trafficking.

    In line with this year’s theme, we must also acknowledge that the fight against human trafficking is not a solo initiative. Rather, it is a fight against the entire apparatus of organised crime. To win the battle and end exploitation, we must dismantle the networks profiting from this evil and protect the human dignity that traffickers seek to erase.

    “Organised Crime: End the Exploitation” is not just a slogan. It is a call to conscience, a call to action. On this year’s World Day Against Trafficking in Persons, let all stakeholders commit to awareness and action. We cannot be less concerned anymore. Let us all work together across borders and sectors, building bridges of compassion and courage, to sustain a world where life sacrosanct, and is not bought, sold, or silenced. After all, human being is not a commodity.

    •‘Yinka Adeosun,

     Akure, Ondo State

  • Climate-driven conflict and why Nigeria must act now

    Climate-driven conflict and why Nigeria must act now

    • By Anagba, Joseph Obidi

    Sir: The cracked, sun-baked soils of rural Nigeria tell a painful story—one not just of drought or failed harvests, but of a growing conflict fuelled by climate induced insecurities. Across the country, communities once held together by mutual trust and reliance are now being torn apart as rising temperatures, water scarcity, and land degradation ignite tensions between farmers and herders at an alarming rate.

    What we are witnessing isn’t just a local problem—it’s a national emergency. Nigeria’s rural regions, especially in the Northeast, North-central, and Northwest, have become flash-points for climate-driven violence and mass displacement. Unless we act swiftly, the crisis will deepen, destabilizing both our security and our economy.

    For generations, farmers and pastoralists coexisted in a delicate balance. Herders moved south in the dry season and north with the rains, their cattle fertilizing the fields they passed. But as desertification creeps in from the north and dry seasons grow longer, that balance has collapsed. Grazing windows have shrunk, forcing herders to encroach on farmlands earlier and more frequently—often during the critical planting season. Conflict has become inevitable.

    And it’s not just nature that’s fuelling this crisis—it’s human action, too. According to the United Nations (UN’s) REDD+ Programme, Nigeria loses over 400,000 hectares of forest every year, reducing available land and water sources. Farmlands continue to expand into traditional grazing routes. Population pressures are mounting. Add to that widespread poverty, weapons in the wrong hands, and political elites who profit from the chaos and you have a perfect storm.

    Some states tried to respond. In 2016 and 2017, Ekiti, Benue, and Taraba banned open grazing, hoping to reduce conflict. But instead of bringing peace, these policies backfired. Violence actually spiked by nearly 50% in 2018 till date. Why? Because the bans were passed without offering alternatives like ranching infrastructure or inclusive dialogue. They pushed pastoralists into a corner, fighting not just for land—but for survival.

    The consequences are devastating. Millions of Nigerians are being displaced—some by violence, others by the slow creep of drought. Food insecurity is rising. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nation, in 2023 alone, over 733 million Africans faced hunger, and that one in five people in Africa (or 20.4% of the African population) faced starvation which is the highest percentage of any region and Nigeria was no exception. Families are leaving farming altogether, only to find themselves trapped in deeper poverty.

    Women, in particular, suffer the most. They are the backbone of rural food production, yet they face the longest work hours, the least land rights, and the highest risk of violence—especially during times of scarcity and displacement. While many women show remarkable resilience—preserving seeds, rationing food, finding ways to stretch meagre resources—they still face structural barriers to recovery.

    So, what can be done? First, our leaders must acknowledge that this is not just an environmental issue—it’s a security issue. Climate change is already destabilizing communities, and treating it as a secondary concern is a dangerous mistake.

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    Second, policies must be inclusive. It’s not enough to pass laws banning grazing or allocating land for ranching for pastoralist—we need to involve farmers, herders, women, and local leaders in decision-making. Inclusive dialogue has proven to reduce violence more effectively than blanket bans.

    Third, we need urgent investment in climate-smart agriculture, credit access for rural families, and support for women farmers. Big initiatives like the Great Green Wall are promising—but they must be matched with immediate support for livelihoods on the ground.

    Finally, this crisis requires regional cooperation. Nigeria cannot solve it alone. Our neighbours in the Sahel face the same struggles. Cross-border migration, water management, and anti-extremist strategies must be addressed together—not in isolation. The cost of inaction is too great, and we can absolutely prevent catastrophic long-term humanitarian and security impacts. The vehicle to act exists in a renewed Sahelian Compact which, with its clear and actionable steps, provides a collective action on a shared challenge.

    The truth is clear: climate change is no longer tomorrow’s problem. It is here, and it is tearing at the fabric of our rural communities. The 2024 protests over food prices in Nigeria and Kenya are just the beginning. If we do not act now, the climate will not only destroy crops—it will destroy peace.

    Nigeria has a choice. We can continue to respond with short-term fixes and political blame games. Or we can face the reality of climate-driven conflict and build a system where security means fertile land, clean water, and opportunity for all.

    The time to act is not next year. It’s now.

    •Anagba, Joseph Obidi,

    Abuja

  • Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    Delta’s decentralised mini-grid: An innovation in power generation, distribution

    By George Etakibuebu

    On Tuesday, July 22, 2025, the Delta State Executive Council (EXCO) approved an innovative State Electricity Policy by adopting a decentralized mini-grid model and also establishing new regulatory bodies designed to jointly overhaul the state’s electricity sector. This initiative, underpinned by the domestication of the Federal Government’s Electricity Act 2023, and signed into law by Governor Sheriff Oborevwori in early April, promises to be a significant milestone in Nigeria’s sub-national energy landscape.

    By embracing a decentralized mini-grid framework and creating specialized regulatory institutions, Delta State is pioneering an innovative approach to power generation, distribution, and supply. This policy, represents a groundbreaking shift — addressing longstanding challenges in Nigeria’s electricity sector, fostering inclusivity, promoting sustainability, and setting a model for other states with its potential to reshape Delta State’s energy future.

    It is an incontestable fact that Nigeria’s electricity sector has long been plagued by inefficiencies, including inadequate generation capacity, unreliable distribution networks, and significant energy access gaps, particularly in rural areas. According to estimates from the National Bureau of Statistics, over half of Delta State’s population is either off-grid or underserved by the national grid, with electricity unavailable up to 87.4% of the time in some communities. Despite being Nigeria’s second-largest oil and gas producing state, Delta has relied heavily on fossil fuel-based power and the national grid, which has failed to meet the energy demands of its 5.4 million residents or support its vibrant agricultural and commercial activities.

    The Electricity Act 2023, enacted by the Federal Government and signed into law by President Bola Tinubu on June 8, 2023. decentralized regulatory authority, allowing states to legislate and manage their electricity markets. Delta State’s swift domestication of this act provided a legal framework to innovate within its energy sector. The approval of a decentralized mini-grid model and the establishment of regulatory bodies reflect a strategic response to these challenges, leveraging local resources and governance to deliver reliable, affordable, and sustainable power.

    The adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model is certain to be a cornerstone of Delta State’s electricity sector transformation. Unlike the traditional centralized grid, which relies on large-scale power plants and extensive transmission networks, mini-grids are localized systems that generate and distribute electricity to specific communities or clusters. This model is particularly suited to Delta State, where geographical challenges—30% of the state’s surface area is covered by water—and dispersed rural populations make centralized grid extension costly and almost impractical.

    Without doubt, mini-grids offer several innovative advantages in power generation. They enable electricity generation close to the point of consumption, reducing transmission losses that plague Nigeria’s national grid. By integrating renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, or biomass, Delta State can harness its abundant natural resources, including natural gas, sunlight and other agricultural waste, to produce clean energy.

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    Mini-grids are modular and can be scaled to meet varying energy demands, from small rural communities to larger urban clusters. This flexibility will allow Delta State to tailor solutions to specific local needs, whether for household lighting, agricultural processing, or small-scale industries. The model’s adaptability aligns with global trends, where micro-grids are projected to grow by 19–20% annually through 2030, driven by their ability to support distributed energy resources (DERs).

    The mini-grid model prioritizes inclusivity by targeting rural and remote communities that are often neglected by centralized systems. In Delta State, where an estimated 78.3% of households were electrified by 2014, but many still face unreliable supply, mini-grids can bridge the access gap, and thus supporting Governor Oborevwori’s MORE Agenda for equitable infrastructure development.

    Mini-grids enhance energy resilience by operating independently or in tandem with the national grid. In the event of grid failures—a common occurrence in Nigeria—mini-grids ensure uninterrupted power supply, supporting critical services like healthcare and education. This resilience is vital in Delta State, where coastal communities are vulnerable to climate-related disruptions.

    By adopting this model, Delta State is aligning with successful global examples, such as Kenya’s licensing of private mini-grid operators like Powerhive and India’s deployment of 84 mini-power plants by Husk Power Systems between 2012 and 2016. These cases demonstrate that mini-grids, when supported by robust policy frameworks, can transform energy access and stimulate economic growth.

    The creation of new regulatory bodies —the Delta State Electricity Commission, the Rural Electricity Agency, a System Operator, and a Market Operator —represents a forward-thinking approach to managing the decentralized energy market. These institutions will surely address critical gaps in oversight, coordination, and service delivery, ensuring that the mini-grid model operates efficiently and equitably.

    As the central regulatory authority, the Delta State Electricity Commission is saddled with issuing licenses, monitoring compliance, and mediating disputes between operators and consumers. This body is to ensure that private investors, encouraged by the state’s open electricity market, adhere to standards that prioritize affordability and reliability. By providing a clear regulatory framework, the Commission will reduce investment risks, attracting private sector participation—a critical factor in scaling mini-grid deployment.

     The Rural Electricity Agency will focus on delivering electricity to underserved rural communities, addressing the equity component of the MORE Agenda. By prioritizing rural electrification, Delta State is tackling the 60–70 percent energy access gap in the Niger Delta’s rural areas. The agency’s role in the main, will be mobilizing resources and coordinating projects to ensure that mini-grids reach the “last mile” communities, thus fostering inclusive development.

    The System Operator will oversee the technical coordination of generation and supply, ensuring grid stability and efficient integration of mini-grids with the national grid where applicable. The Market Operator will in turn track supply data, enforce service standards, and guarantees minimum electricity hours for consumers. These roles introduce a level of professionalism and accountability previously lacking in Nigeria’s electricity sector, and thus align with international best practices seen in countries like Singapore, where regulatory sandboxes support virtual power plants.

    What is more, the appointment of a consultant to guide the transition process further underscores Delta State’s commitment to a structured and expert-driven rollout. This consultancy will develop a robust implementation roadmap, drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions, such as California’s micro-grid tariff program, which incentivizes private investment while ensuring consumer protections.

    It is important to emphasize that the decentralized mini-grid model and regulatory framework have far-reaching implications for Delta State’s economy, environment, and social fabric in many positive ways than one.

    By improving electricity access, mini-grids effortlessly stimulate economic activities, particularly in agriculture and small-scale industries by enabling micro-enterprises like refrigeration services and fish-smoking kitchens to thrive, boosting local economies. The open electricity market, supported by clear regulations, attracts private investment, creating jobs in renewable energy development, maintenance, and system operations.

    Mini-grids, particularly those powered by renewables, will reduce Delta State’s reliance on fossil fuels, which account for 87.5 percent of its electricity mix. By promoting alternative and other clean energy sources, the state aligns with Nigeria’s vision of 30 percent renewable energy by 2030 and global decarbonization goals. This shift mitigates the environmental impact of gas-fired plants and supports climate resilience in a state vulnerable to coastal flooding.

    The focus on rural electrification will ensures that marginalized communities gain access to modern energy services, improving quality of life and enabling productive uses of energy, such as processing and refrigeration for fishing communities where community leadership are able to partnered with private providers, will demonstrate beyond debate how mini-grids empower local stakeholders.

    As a recap, Delta State’s adoption of a decentralized mini-grid model and establishment of regulatory bodies represent a bold and innovative step toward transforming its electricity sector. By prioritizing localized generation, inclusivity, and robust governance, Governor Oborevwori has given meaning to the M.O.R.E agenda by addressing longstanding energy access challenges while aligning with global trends toward renewable energy and decentralization. The policy’s socio-economic benefits—job creation, economic diversification, and improved quality of life—position Delta State as a leader in Nigeria’s energy transition. As Commissioner for Economic Planning, Sonny Ekedayen, noted during a post-Executive Council (EXCO) press briefing in Asaba on Tuesday, “Delta is on course to becoming a model for sub-national electricity transformation in Nigeria.” With continued commitment to implementation and stakeholder collaboration, Delta State’s innovative approach could inspire other Nigerian states and sub-national entities worldwide to rethink their energy futures.

    •Etakibuebu, a public affairs analyst, writes from Ikeja, Lagos State.