Category: Commentaries

  • Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    Tinubu, 2027 and Buhari’s sad death

    By Tunde Rahman

    As if blessed with clairvoyance or possibly having a premonition of President Muhammadu Buhari’s imminent death, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr. Boss Mustapha, seemed to have stirred up the debate around the former President’s political strength and likely impact on the 2027 election, even in death.

    On Wednesday, July 9, 2025, just four days before Buhari’s death, the former SGF claimed President Bola Tinubu did not make Buhari president in 2015. He was speaking at the public presentation of a book, titled “According to the President: Lessons From A Presidential Spokesman’s Experience,” written by Mallam Garba Shehu, Spokesman to the late Buhari.

    In his keynote address at the book launch, Mustapha argued that the former President’s fame was never in doubt and that he had already had over 12 million votes in his kitty before the 2015 election. “The merger of the legacy parties merely contributed three million votes to his victory at the 2015 presidential election,” he noted.

    To speak of the true motive behind such a claim or whether the 12 million votes endured would only be conjectural. Yet, it begs the question: If Buhari had always had a guaranteed bloc of 12 million votes, and the alliance partners contributed only three million votes, many would wonder why those massive votes didn’t make him President in 2003, 2007, and 2011 until President Tinubu and others teamed up with him to form an alliance that produced the all–conquering All Progressives Congress.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s re-election will stabilise Nigeria, says Babayemi

    This might have been akin to dissipating energy on a matter that would have been merely academic if the late President himself had not often acknowledged President Tinubu’s help in his ascent to the exalted office. Last March 29, in a telephone call to the President on his 73rd birthday, Buhari rejoiced with him and thanked Tinubu effusively for his contributions to his emergence as President in 2015.

    Notwithstanding the foregoing, the former SGF’s assertion provides a valuable insight into assessing the potential influence the former President’s death may have on the 2027 election.

    Former President Buhari lived a remarkable life by every measure, and his departure in a blaze of glory was no less extraordinary. President Tinubu accorded him a historic state burial. In the wake of Buhari’s demise on Sunday, July 13, in a London hospital, President Tinubu declared seven days of national mourning and ordered the nation’s flag flown at half-staff. The President was on hand to receive Buhari’s body as it arrived in Katsina from the United Kingdom. Just as significant, the Federal Government declared a public holiday on Tuesday, July 15, when Buhari’s remains were buried in his Daura hometown in Katsina State.

    President Tinubu led dignitaries, including President Umaru Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau, Prime Minister of the Niger Republic, Ali Lamine Zeine, Vice President Kashim Shettima, former President of the Niger Republic, Issoufou Mahamadou, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, many Nigerian governors and business leaders, to escort the late President’s remains on the long drive to Daura. They witnessed as the former President was laid to rest.

    No honour would be too much for that late patriot, civil war hero, distinguished army general, and former President, who stood for the Talakawas. Many Nigerians respected Buhari for living a Spartan life and standing for truth and justice, values that earned him the sobriquet “Mai Gaskiya.”

    How will President Buhari’s death impact the politics of the 2027 election and President Tinubu’s re-election, with the opposition swirling around him, baying for blood? It is yet unclear. Indeed, in the run-up to the 2027 election, some analysts liken former President Buhari’s death to a double-edged sword that can cut both ways. They contend that the impact of his demise on the 2027 election can swing for and against President Tinubu.

    Those who think his passing may chip away at the President’s re-election plans contend that Buhari remained a true and consistent ally of Tinubu till death and that the partnership between the two, built on mutual trust and respect, had remained strong until Buhari’s passing. Buhari never spoke against Tinubu or his administration while alive. The former President reportedly commended Tinubu for having the courage to make bold decisions about the economy, which he had found difficult to implement.

    There was nothing to suggest that Buhari would not have backed Tinubu in 2027 if he were still alive, given that he had consistently emphasised his indebtedness to the APC, which provided the platform that enabled him to become President, and Tinubu, who assisted him on his presidential journey.

    Perhaps realising this Tinubu-Buhari connection, opposition political figures, particularly members of the so-called coalition-African Democratic Congress, including politicians from the North who still regard themselves as Buharists or Buhari Boys, desperately sought to outdo each other in a bid to earn cheap political capital, using Buhari’s death as fodder.

    Barely a day after Buhari’s death was announced, former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir el-Rufai, arrived in Katsina to position himself as a foremost Buhari ally and the inheritor of his political dynasty. Former Transportation Minister Rotimi Amaechi also arrived in Daura, fully draped in a turban, as a traditional chief of the town, to gain an advantage for the coalition.

    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar organised a grand entry into Daura on Tuesday, the day of Buhari’s burial. A motley crowd of his supporters cheered him at the airport, but it was all of no moment, rather gaudy for the sombre event. For effect, some of the opposition figures headed for Buhari’s graveside last Wednesday to pray for the repose of his soul.

    Buhari’s death appears to have opened up the leadership space in the North. And no political leader in the North today commands that extraordinary following as Buhari. With his passing, a rat race has ensued for leadership supremacy. This situation somewhat plays to President Tinubu’s advantage, despite the suggestion that it may hurt him politically. Indeed, this is by no means glossing over the huge void and the pains that the statesman’s death has left.

    President Tinubu has taken the proper steps to give the former president a befitting burial. In other to further immortalize his name, he named the University of Maiduguri in Borno State after Buhari. The President did all that for a leader who served the country resolutely and a political ally who stood by the spirit and letter of their convictions.

    In my view, all the President needs to do now and do strongly is seize the momentum, galvanise the rump of the Congress for Progressives Change elements that believe in him and those of other alliance partners in the North and South of the country, and assume full leadership of the Tinubu-Buhari alliance that produced the APC and produced Buhari and himself as presidents.

    •Rahman is Senior Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

  • Why young Nigerians shun elections

    Why young Nigerians shun elections

    Sir: Daniel Noboa of Ecuador became the world’s youngest democratically elected president at age 35, taking office in November 2023. He follows a global trend of youthful leaders rising to power, including Gabriel Boric of Chile, who was elected at 35 in 2021, and Jakov Milatovic of Montenegro, who took office at 36 in 2023. Their elections reflect a growing desire for fresh perspectives and generational change in leadership.

    Nigeria’s political landscape remains dominated by older, wealthier, and more visible figures. Yet beneath the surface lies a generation brimming with potential – soft-spoken, idealistic, and driven by community service rather than power. These young Nigerians, however, rarely emerge as contestants in elections. This phenomenon reflects not only individual temperament but also deep structural barriers that favour the brash over the reserve. To understand why many youths are absent from ballots, we must examine the legal framework, campaign dynamics, party structures, finances, culture, and avenues for reform.

    Nigeria made history in 2018 when the late President Buhari signed the Not Too Young To Run Act, lowering minimum candidacy ages: president from 40 to 35, governorship and senate from 35 to 30, and house of representatives and state assemblies from 30 to 25. This amendment, steered by youth advocates like Samson Itodo and Cynthia Mbamalu of YIAGA Africa, opened a legal door for emerging leaders. But the minimum age is the only first step. Legal eligibility does not guarantee access.

    Many interested youths lacking political pedigree or visibility continue to struggle to get nominated by parties or raise a profile. Legal clearance is still overshadowed by economic privilege and charisma. As a result, the seats reserved for youth by law remain vacant or filled by outspoken, well-connected individuals, while quiet, introspective young Nigerians remain on the side lines.

     Campaigning in Nigeria demands financial firepower – nomination fees, posters, transportation, rallies, office accommodation, media and security. Form costs for major parties can exceed N45 million, beyond the reach of most young aspirants. Even grassroots youthful hopefuls rely on personal crowdfunding, endured logistics struggles and limited reach.

    Voting buying is endemic: candidates must offer cash, food or favours to earn voter loyalty. Reserved young aspirants simply cannot match entrenched politicians on fiscal terms. Without money, young, willing and thoughtful voices remain unheard, excluded not for lack of ideas, but for lack of means. The political field remains skewed toward those who pay.

    Nigeria’s political culture reveres age and familiarity. Traditional norms dictate that leadership belongs to elders, who mentor younger generations. A young aspirant or candidate is often dismissed as inexperienced, naive, or over-ambitious – accused of “jumping the queue.” For ambitious youths, who prefer to grow quietly through communities, these judgements reinforce self-doubt and self-exclusion.

     The problem extends to gendered expectations and patriarchal norms. Young women, especially introverted ones, face a dual invisibility-less visible by youth and overshadowed within their cohort. Cultural pressures to defer to age and status can stifle the confidence needed to run or even declare interest.

    Read Also: FULL LIST: 10 Super Eagles players who switched national allegiance from England to Nigeria

    Despite youths comprising nearly forty percent of Nigeria’s voting population, their votes seldom translate into representation. While activism may ignite energy, many youth voter drives sputter as election seasons end.

     Every young aspirant who retreats from running is a lost opportunity for Nigeria to diversify leadership. Modest youths bring fresh perspectives – grassroots service, data-driven solutions, and technocratic insight. Their absence ensures politics remains performative and populist.

    To correct this imbalance, interventions must empower aspiring youths. There may be a need to reform party structures. Mandate youth-only seats or zones within primaries. Cap form fees or subsidize youth forms. Enforce issue-based selection criteria to deter from charisma-driven ballots.

    It is important to create grant schemes for youth aspirants. Expand crowdfunding platforms like RNV. Improve micro-loan access for campaigns, reducing reliance on vote buying.

    Mentorship and civic literacy should be scaled up by encouraging partnerships between civic groups and private sector to mentor young aspirants. Include mentorship programmes targeting introverted and policy-focused youths. Promote civic education early – universities, communities and virtual hubs.

    Media should profile successful youths who are making impact in politics and community roles. Youths should also leverage on digital mobilization to democratize visibility beyond rallies.

    The 2023 surge of youth activism signalled a generational shift. But its momentum risks fading. Quiet leaders – those who serve local schools, mentor peers, pilot grassroots projects – are essential.

     Young Nigerians must be encouraged to act on conscience, not charisma. They deserve access to legal candidacy, financial means, mentoring, and representation. What begins with legal reform must evolve into cultural shift.

    •Joe Afolayan, Abuja

  • Lessons from Super Falcons’ win

    Lessons from Super Falcons’ win

    Sir: The Super Falcons soared to victory, but their triumph casts a harsh light on the institutions that continue to fail Nigerian women on and off the pitch. For the tenth time, Nigeria’s Super Falcons lifted the 2024 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON) trophy in Morocco. Their consistency on the continental stage and visible growth at the FIFA Women’s World Cup place them among Africa’s most successful football teams—male or female.

    In sharp contrast, the Super Eagles continue to struggle, alternating between lacklustre performances and new excuses: poor pitch, bad officiating, or the ever-convenient scapegoat—mismanagement by the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF).

    But here’s the rub: the Super Falcons operate under the same institution. They endure the same corruption allegations, the same unpaid allowances, the same NFF inefficiencies. If anything, the women’s team has been treated worse, fighting harder for recognition, travel arrangements, bonuses, and even jerseys. And yet, they win.

    This isn’t just a sports story. It’s a question of gender, institutional decay, and what resilience really looks like under pressure. It forces us to rethink the way we narrate failure and celebrate success in Nigerian public life.

    For decades, Nigerian women athletes have learned that no one is coming to save them. They have no luxury of ego or entitlement. The Falcons’ journey is one of grit, discipline, and emotional labour, often carried out in the shadows of an institution that barely notices their excellence until trophies arrive.

    The men’s team, by contrast, swims in public adulation and higher pay but remains structurally fragile. They have higher expectations, but often lower accountability. The contrast isn’t in talent—it’s in team spirit, hunger, and the ability to perform amid institutional neglect.

    Read Also: Open Letter to His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria

    This gender gap in performance is not accidental. It’s structural. Women athletes, especially in postcolonial states, build careers by navigating systemic disrespect, limited investment, and cultural ambivalence. This produces a collective toughness often absent from more celebrated male squads.

    There is a deeper cultural script at work here. Failure, when it comes to men, is often externalized. We are told “the NFF failed them” or “the coach is the problem.” There’s always a narrative insulation, a buffer of excuses. Women, on the other hand, are expected to succeed quietly or be forgotten.

    That’s why the Falcons win with strikes, protests, and training boycotts in the background; they carry both the burden of performance and the cost of institutional betrayal. And yet, they deliver.

    The Super Falcons show us what gendered resilience looks like. They offer a living case study of how marginalized actors navigate dysfunction more creatively than those embedded in power. They hold a mirror to Nigeria’s institutions and ask: If we’ve learned to win without support, imagine what we could do with it?

    The Super Falcons are not merely winning; they are exposing the NFF’s dysfunction by outperforming it. Their excellence is a mirror held up to institutional failure. Their success, quiet yet consistent, tells a story of refusal to be defined by neglect, refusal to collapse under chaos, refusal to be invisible.

    They have been shouting through silence for decades. Their victories demand not just applause, but transformation of policy, culture and governance.

    If Nigeria is to rebuild its sporting institutions with any seriousness, the blueprint may already exist. It is coded into the footsteps, match sheets, and locker room conversations of the most under-supported yet most successful team it has ever produced.

    The question is not whether the Super Falcons deserve more. The question is whether Nigeria deserves the Super Falcons.

    There is a broader civic lesson here. Women, across sectors in Nigeria—from farming to teaching, peacebuilding to sports—are often the ones holding the line while the system collapses. The Falcons are simply the most visible example.

    We must stop seeing their success as a miracle. It is earned, deliberate, and repeatable. What they’ve built, others can learn from—if we’re willing to pay attention, ask the right questions, and invest in the right places.

    The Super Falcons don’t just represent Nigeria. They remind us what it means to win in spite of Nigeria.

    •Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Buhari, epitome of simplicity and gritBuhariBuhari, epitome of simplicity and grit

    Buhari, epitome of simplicity and gritBuhariBuhari, epitome of simplicity and grit

    Sir: Most great leaders are more admired in death than alive. Late Muhammadu Buhari belongs to such circle of great men. The avalanche of tributes and memorials that greeted his death recently was a great testament to his unimpeachable greatness as Nigeria’s military and civilian leader.

    As military head of state between 1983 and 1985, most Nigerians misunderstood his real motives as a result of what many termed his highhanded approach to governance of the people and Nigeria’s patrimonies. But for his deposition in a counter coup of 1985 by Ibrahim Babangida and his military cohorts, the War Against Indiscipline which Buhari established in 1984, like the NYSC established by Gowon in 1973, could have been one of Nigeria’s greatest legacies.

    He was a man imbued by a honest intention and a sense of purpose, an astute mindedness for a greater Nigeria in a comity of nations. A highly incorruptible man whose simplicity of lifestyle understood life’s philosophy, that we came to the world with nothing and shall also exit it with nothing.

    Read Also: PDP, not APC, mortgaged Nigeria’s future — Okechukwu

    A tarcitum like late President Musa Yar Adua, in and out of office, Buhari’s carriage was with aplomb, imbued with simplicity and devoid of any air of arrogance or disdainfulness towards anyone. He was a friend to the talakawa, mekunnu and the hoi polloi of the society. This was the magic wand behind his cult-like following, particularly in the North. Like the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu (Penkelemesi) and of course the Zik of Africa, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, late Buhari was a political colossus with a name that was inspiring.

    Buhari was a forthright man who never forgot those who helped him at one time or the other. In other words, he was a gratuitous man who was fond of remembering good deeds done to him and tries to repay back. After series of political failures at the presidency, prior to 2015, precisely in 2011, he broke down in tears and vowed never to contest again. But the then editor of Daily  Sun, Femi Adesina wrote a piece encouraging him not to throw in the towel, but to throng on in the hope of winning one day. In 2015 Buhari won and his first appointee was Femi Adesina as his media adviser.

    As human beings, we have our failings but the late Buhari in spite of his few shortcomings as a leader, did raise Nigeria’s pedestal of greatness higher than most of his predecessors.

    Finally, Buhari is a Nigerian meteor in the pantheon of Nigeria’s First Republic rulers.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Stranded in CAR

    Stranded in CAR

    Nothing showed the inherent hazard of ‘japa’ syndrome like the experience of some Nigerian miners taken to the Central African Republic (CAR) allegedly by a Nigerian-based Chinese firm and abandoned there. The young men were dumped in the middle of a remote jungle by their sponsors to that country, denied salaries by which they could have struggled to survive, and had their Nigerian passports seized so they couldn’t attempt tracing their way back home. In short, they were written off as doomed to die in foreign isolation.

    Modern technology and a streak of insight on what to do were the saving grace. In a save-our-soul video they recorded and sent out, which went viral, the fellas narrated how they’ve been in CAR for 10 months and have worked for much of the time without being paid. According to them, they arrived in CAR in September, last year, and were arrested by that country’s government held in detention at the capital city, Bangui, for about four months. When eventually they got released, they were taken to a remote forest where they worked but without getting paid. They named names, alleging that officials of the sponsoring firm had abandoned them and were no longer taking their calls. In summary, they were trafficked under false pretence, forced to work without pay, abandoned in CAR and without access to their personal passports that could have allowed them make individual attempt at returning home.

    Luckily for them, the video caught the attention of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM). The commission, in a statement, said it had established contact with the distressed Nigerians and gotten the Nigerian embassy in CAR involved, with their confiscated passports already retrieved and arrangements being made to send a bus to convey them to the embassy in Bangui. NiDCOM also confirmed that the agent who facilitated their travel had been identified.

    Read Also: Nigeria, consortium to sign MoU on Green Legacy programme

    The Chinese embassy in Nigeria weighed in, saying it was probing the report. “The Chinese government consistently mandates that all Chinese enterprises and citizens operating abroad strictly comply with local laws and regulations, ensuring all business operations fully adhere to local legal frameworks,” it said, adding that it would “maintain close communication with Nigerian authorities throughout the investigation and work together to safeguard the lawful rights and interests of citizens of both nations.”

    It shouldn’t be too difficult for the probes by Nigerian and Chinese authorities to unmask the facilitators of the racket. Those young men were damnably gullible and were only lucky to be alive where they could have been wasted as undocumented foreigners engaged in illegal mining in another country. But their fate also raises questions about Nigerian oversight. If the Chinese firm is registered to operate in Nigeria, is it also registered to export Nigerians as cheap labour to another country? And how come the labour export went unnoticed in its Nigerian operations for close to a year – that is, until the trafficked miners cried out? Questions…

  • Farooq Kperogi’s false claims on Buhari: A moral, legal reckoning

    Farooq Kperogi’s false claims on Buhari: A moral, legal reckoning

    By Bukola Oyeniyi

    Although Nigeria just witnessed a change of leadership and the passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari, one “columnist” has been busy peddling falsehoods and toxic commentary around these events. Dr. Farooq Kperogi – a professor of journalism turned social media provocateur – recently retracted a blatantly baseless claim about the Buhari family and offered a public apology. As one of the many Nigerians he maligned and insulted for challenging his story, I find his belated mea culpa insufficient. This public statement serves as a strong condemnation of Dr. Kperogi’s erstwhile positions on President Buhari’s death and the false information he spread about the collapse of Buhari’s marriage. It addresses both the moral outrage and potential legal ramifications of his actions.

    A Pattern of Sensational Misinformation

    Farooq Kperogi is no stranger to controversial claims. For years, he relished his role as one of Buhari’s “fiercest critics”, penning biting columns and social media posts. Even in debunking wild conspiracy theories, he often did so with a poisonous twist. A telling example came in 2018 at the height of the absurd “Jibril from Sudan” rumor (the claim that Buhari had died and been replaced by a body double). Kperogi ostensibly dismissed the tale as “implausible absurdity,” yet still seized the moment to ridicule Buhari on the world stage, agreeing with a student’s sneering quip that “while your president certainly isn’t a clone, he sure is a clown”. Such flippant disdain for the truth – mixing fact with personal invective – has become a hallmark of Kperogi’s commentary.

    Fast forward to 2025, and Kperogi’s penchant for sensationalism only grew worse. In the immediate aftermath of President Buhari’s death in July, Kperogi decided to weigh in on how Nigerians should react. He argued in one commentary that Nigerians were grappling with “whether it offends decency to celebrate his death… and whether Nigerians should forgive his betrayal of the country”, calling his own views “slightly unconventional”. Indeed, unconventional is an understatement. While Kperogi professed that he personally found no value in rejoicing at anyone’s demise – citing the inevitability of death to all – he also disturbingly rationalized the public celebration of Buhari’s death under certain conditions. He mused that had Buhari died while still inflicting “harsh policies” on the populace, “it would be justified… if people that were being crushed under the weight of his ineptitude and insouciance exulted”. In other words, he effectively endorsed the idea of dancing on a leader’s grave if the timing fit his narrative of comeuppance. Such a ghoulish stance offends basic decency.

    Even when Kperogi attempted to sound high-minded by urging restraint, he did so only selectively. Publicly, he admonished people “to resist the temptation to mock the dead,” noting that “we diminish ourselves when we rejoice in another’s demise”. He wrote that Buhari’s death evoked in him “an inexplicable sense of loss” despite their deep differences. Yet in the same breath, he took it upon himself to pronounce that Buhari’s legacy of “betrayal” was “both unforgivable and inerasable” by Nigerians – essentially decreeing that the late President’s “offenses to the Nigerian state” put him beyond any human forgiveness. This contradiction reveals Kperogi’s hypocrisy: he appealed for solemnity and compassion on one hand, but on the other hand he fanned the flames of animosity by insisting that Buhari was beyond redemption even in death. Such posturing was nothing more than vindictiveness dressed up as moral analysis.

    The False Divorce Claim: Irresponsible and Hurtful

    Kperogi’s worst transgression came on July 16, 2025, when he published a scandalous claim on his verified Facebook page that struck at the heart of Buhari’s family. With an air of absolute certainty, he declared that Nigeria’s former First Lady Aisha Buhari had been “divorced from the late President Muhammadu Buhari before his death.” According to Kperogi, this was not rumor but fact – information from an unimpeachable source, he insisted. He even alleged that Aisha had reverted to her maiden name (Aisha Halilu) well before President Buhari passed away. To bolster this story, Kperogi pointed to circumstantial “evidence” that, in hindsight, was both flimsy and intrusive: he noted that the First Lady hadn’t accompanied Buhari to his hometown Daura upon retirement, that Buhari lived alone in Kaduna afterward, and that when he fell ill, “she reportedly hesitated [to go to London to care for him] because she was no longer his wife.” She only went in his final days “after intense persuasion,” Kperogi wrote. He further insinuated that “during this period of mourning, she seems understandably conflicted about her role” – a snide suggestion that her grief was somehow less legitimate because of an alleged marital rift.

    These assertions were invasive, reckless, and deeply hurtful. Kperogi was broadcasting intimate allegations about a private marriage – something clearly beyond the realm of public interest – as if they were gospel truth. He did so without any official documentation, without a single on-record confirmation, and without giving Mrs. Buhari the basic courtesy of responding. In effect, he treated a sensitive family matter as fodder for Facebook gossip, at a time when the woman in question was freshly mourning her husband.

    Unsurprisingly, this salacious post went viral, spreading like wildfire across social media and even making its way into some online news outlets. And just as unsurprisingly, it drew sharp backlash. Many Nigerians immediately questioned the veracity of Kperogi’s claim – myself included. We asked: Where is the evidence? Why should we trust this single-source story? Rather than pause and reflect, Dr. Kperogi doubled down. Those of us who dared to challenge him were met not with reasoned explanation, but with derision and insults. He dismissed skeptics as ignorant or blind, effectively insulting our intelligence by implying we “didn’t pay close enough attention” to notice the things he claimed to see. It was an astonishing display of hubris. Instead of a responsible journalist’s healthy skepticism, Kperogi exhibited a propagandist’s certainty – and an egotist’s intolerance for dissent.

    Crucially, the people who actually knew the facts were quick to refute Kperogi’s story. Alhaji Sani Zorro, a former aide to Mrs. Buhari, reached out directly and publicly debunked the divorce claim, conveying the former First Lady’s strong denial. According to Zorro – and confirmed by Aisha’s own account – her marriage was intact until President Buhari’s final breath. She never divorced him. In fact, she was by his side in his last moments, and she fully retained her identity as his wife. She even stood grief-stricken at Buhari’s burial in Daura, receiving condolences from dignitaries – an image that utterly contradicts Kperogi’s insinuation that she had “reverted” to some detached role. The notion that her presence during his illness was “merely cosmetic,” as Kperogi offensively suggested, is patently false.

    Ethical Violations and Moral Outrage

    Kperogi’s conduct in this episode represents a gross violation of journalistic ethics and a breach of basic decency. As a self-proclaimed professor of journalism, he should know that the first obligation of journalism is truth and accuracy – “avoiding the dissemination of false information.” He also should know that “a journalist should respect the privacy of individuals and their families unless it affects public interest.” There was zero public interest served by exposing (or inventing) alleged marital strife between Aisha and her husband. It was salacious private gossip, plain and simple. By broadcasting it without proof, Kperogi violated both the accuracy and privacy tenets of his profession. In the NUJ Code of Ethics, journalists are warned explicitly to avoid sensationalism, libel, and unwarranted invasions of privacy. Kperogi trampled all of these principles.

    Even by his own admission, this was a profound lapse of judgment. In his apology, Kperogi confessed: “I shouldn’t have shared it publicly. Period. Doing so violated every moral and ethical principle I cherish and uphold.” Indeed it did. It is telling that he calls it “one of the worst and cruelest lapses of judgment I have ever committed” – a striking concession from someone who has built a career on being judgmental toward others. He acknowledged that the hurt caused by his disclosure far outweighed any supposed “truth” the information contained. That hurt was immense: Mrs. Buhari was reportedly deeply pained by the public airing of this falsehood, as would any widow who suddenly sees gossip mongers questioning the integrity of her marriage in her moment of grief. Kperogi admits he did “not intend to harm” her, but harm her he did.

    What makes this saga even more galling is the sheer hypocrisy on Kperogi’s part. This is a man who, just days prior, was preaching about empathy and “the importance of compassion in public discourse” upon Buhari’s passing. He urged that “today is not a moment for bitterness… but an occasion for solemn reflection, for empathy with his grieving family.” Yet Kperogi failed to extend even a shred of that empathy to the grieving widow herself. Instead of solemn reflection, he engaged in rash speculation. Instead of affording the family privacy and respect, he splashed their personal affairs on Facebook. It is a moral failing of the highest order that, while Aisha Buhari was still in mourning clothes, Kperogi chose to propagate a narrative that her marriage had broken down – a narrative she never wanted public, and which she vehemently denies.

    By doing so, Kperogi showed callous disregard for the dignity of the dead and the feelings of the living. As one legal commentator noted, “the death of a leader is a moment for dignity, prayer, and restraint – not unverified gossip or salacious speculation.” Kperogi’s actions violated those cultural and ethical sensibilities, effectively politicizing a personal tragedy and undermining the cohesion of the Buhari family at the worst possible time. Even if not punishable by law, this behavior breaches the sacred trust that should exist between a public commentator and the public. It is simply indecent.

    Arrogance and Insults in Lieu of Accountability

    From a moral standpoint, it is not just the lie itself that offends, but the arrogance with which Kperogi carried it. When confronted with questions and contrary facts, a responsible scholar or journalist would show humility – or at least caution – in the face of possible error. Kperogi did the opposite: he dug in. He treated the absence of evidence as evidence in itself, essentially telling the world, “Trust me, I know this to be true, and if you don’t see it, you’re blind.” Such smug certainty is the enemy of truth. It also revealed a startling contempt for his audience. Those of us who pointed out holes in his story were not engaged or rebutted civilly; we were ridiculed and summarily dismissed. Kperogi heaped scorn and personal insults on anyone who challenged him – a tactic that is as unprofessional as it is unbecoming.

    This kind of bullying behavior betrayed Kperogi’s lack of good faith. It suggested that his goal was never to enlighten, but to impose a narrative at all costs – even at the cost of his credibility and our civility. By lashing out at critics instead of answering their legitimate concerns, he lost any moral high ground he might have claimed as a truth-teller. In hindsight, his combative posture hints that he might have sensed his story was built on shaky ground, yet pride and ego wouldn’t let him concede. He preferred to suppress dissent through intimidation. This is utterly unacceptable. No intellectual – and certainly no professor – should conduct discourse in that manner. It is a violation of the principle of fairness and impartiality, which calls on journalists to “provide a right of reply to individuals who are the subject of critical reporting.” Kperogi afforded Aisha no such right of reply, and he spat on the feedback offered by others. In doing so, he showed “academic irresponsibility,” abusing his platform for what can only be described as character assassination.

    To Dr. Kperogi, I say this: an apology to Aisha Buhari was the least you could do. But beyond Aisha, you also owe apologies to the many Nigerians you maligned when they rightly questioned you. Your Facebook post did not just hurt the former First Lady; it insulted the intelligence of the public and the integrity of discourse. The “needless and deeply regrettable hurt” you caused, by your own admission, extends to all who care about truth in our public sphere. Those insults you hurled in defense of a lie – they will not be forgotten. True accountability would require you to acknowledge that we, the people who called you out, were right to be skeptical, and that you were wrong to be so caustically dismissive.

    Legal Implications: Falsehood Is Not Without Consequence

    Beyond the glaring ethical issues, Kperogi’s conduct may well have legal repercussions – a point he would be wise to heed. In Nigeria, reputation is protected by law, even for public figures and even in death to some extent. Spreading a false story that the former First Lady was secretly divorced touches on defamation, privacy, and possibly other torts. Let us be clear: defamation occurs when someone publishes a false statement to a third party that harms another’s reputation. By broadcasting that “Aisha and Buhari had divorced” – a claim which was never confirmed and now appears false – Kperogi absolutely met the first two elements of defamation (falsehood, publication) and very likely the third. This accusation painted Mrs. Buhari in a negative light, implying she misrepresented her status and perhaps suggesting disloyalty or personal failure. Right-thinking members of society could indeed think less of her if they believed she abandoned her husband or lied about her marriage. In fact, accusing Aisha Buhari of misrepresenting her relationship with her husband “may amount to defamation by implication (innuendo)”, as one legal analysis noted, causing “reputational injury to her and the Buhari family.”

    It’s true that under common law, one cannot defame the dead – but Aisha Buhari is very much alive, and her own reputation is at stake. Nigerian law (as well as Islamic law applicable in the North) recognizes the rights of a spouse and family not to have their honor unjustly tarnished. If a false claim like this causes people to scorn or ridicule her, it is actionable. Let’s not forget, Mrs. Buhari has shown willingness in the past to defend her reputation through the courts – for instance, she once sued a sitting governor for defamatory statements, underscoring that she does not take such attacks lightly. Kperogi could very well have been facing a lawsuit for libel or slander here.

    Another angle is the tort of injurious falsehood. This is similar to defamation but focuses on false statements made maliciously that cause damage to a person’s interests (particularly economic or relational interests). By alleging that Aisha “was no longer Buhari’s wife” and implying she had to be begged to care for him while he was dying, Kperogi’s post clearly had the tendency to cause public contempt for her. It painted her as someone who might have deserted her ailing husband – a damaging insinuation that could hurt her public image and opportunities. If proven that he made these claims with reckless disregard for the truth (which he effectively admitted), that edges into malice. Under the law, a malicious falsehood that impugns someone’s title or status (in this case her status as legitimate wife and widow) is grounds for a civil action. In plain terms, he wronged her in a way that the law recognizes and can remedy.

    Moreover, given the context, we should consider the cultural and religious gravity of Kperogi’s lie. President Buhari and Aisha were Muslims married under Islamic law. In Islam (and under Shari’ah as observed in Northern Nigeria), falsely accusing a woman of improper marital conduct or claiming she is divorced without evidence is extremely serious – it can be deemed “qadhf” (false accusation), which is considered sinful and in some cases criminal. Importantly, the burden of proof is on the accuser to prove a divorce in such matters. Kperogi had no proof whatsoever. His public claim violated not only civil norms but potentially religious ones, amounting to a form of slander in the community’s eyes. This deepens the offense because he was not just commenting on a political figure; he was trampling on personal status issues governed by both law and faith.

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    Kperogi should also remember that freedom of speech is not freedom from consequences. Nigeria’s legal system (including our cybercrime laws and Penal Code) does provide for penalties against spreading false information that harms others. As the Western Post aptly put it, “platform holders have a duty to verify facts, especially when speaking on sensitive private matters like death, divorce, or legacy.” When that duty is flouted, there may be legal reckoning. If Mrs. Buhari had chosen to sue, Kperogi could have faced a rigorous court battle to defend his actions – a battle he would likely lose, given that truth is the primary defense in defamation and he had none to offer. In the end, he saved himself from this by retracting the claim and apologizing. But the fact remains: what he did was potentially libelous. As the saying goes, no one is above the law – “not even columnists with global platforms like Kperogi.”

    Conclusion: A Call for Accountability and Integrity

    Farooq Kperogi’s handling of this episode has been a masterclass in irresponsibility, and it must be condemned in the strongest terms to discourage such behavior in our public discourse. He spread a hurtful falsehood about a family at their lowest moment, defended it with unprofessional ferocity, and only backtracked when the weight of evidence (and public anger) left him no choice. While his apology to Mrs. Buhari was necessary and appropriate, it does not erase the damage done – to the Buhari family, to those he insulted, and to the standards of journalism he professes to uphold.

    From a moral perspective, Kperogi’s actions were shameful. They violated the basic human decency we owe to one another, especially in times of grief. No pundit or professor should ever forget their humanity in pursuit of a scoop or a “well-sourced” story. Kperogi did, and in doing so he lost a great deal of respect and credibility. He chose gossip over compassion, ego over truth, and malice over humility. That is a stain on his integrity that an apology alone cannot wash away.

    From a legal perspective, his actions were playing with fire. The “reckless commentary” he engaged in carried “legal danger” – exposing him to potential defamation claims and other liabilities. He would do well to remember that in the eyes of the law, reputations are not fair game for casual speculation. There are consequences for spreading lies, and he narrowly avoided learning about them in court. This incident should serve as a warning to all commentators: rumor-mongering can get you sued, and being a scholar or social media celebrity will not shield you from accountability.

    Moving forward, I urge Dr. Kperogi to reflect deeply on the ethical duties of his platform. He owes not just Aisha Buhari, but the public at large, a commitment to do better. If he truly “cherishes and upholds” moral and ethical principles as he claimed in his apology, let him demonstrate that by exercising caution, compassion, and professionalism in all future commentary. Let him also extend apologies to the individuals he insulted along the way – because a truly contrite person makes amends not only to the powerful figure they wronged, but also to the ordinary people whose only “crime” was speaking truth to him.

    Finally, to my fellow Nigerians: let this episode strengthen our resolve to hold public figures accountable. Misinformation is a cancer in our society, and it is especially pernicious when spread by those who should know better. We must continue to challenge false claims and demand evidence, no matter who is making the claim. Whether it’s a WhatsApp rumor or a professor’s Facebook post, a lie is a lie, and it must be confronted. Farooq Kperogi’s falsehoods have been exposed and retracted, but the lesson lingers: Integrity matters. Truth matters. And those who abuse their influence to peddle lies and insult our collective intelligence must be called out, without fear or favor.

    In the end, “commentary is not immunity,” as one observer noted. Freedom of expression carries responsibility. Dr. Kperogi has learned this the hard way. May this be the last time he – or anyone in our commentariat – wilfully violates the sacred trust of the public. Nigeria deserves better from its intellectuals and journalists. And when they fall short, we will not hesitate to condemn it in unambiguous terms.

    Sources:

    •Sahara Reporters – “Aisha Buhari Was Divorced From Late President Buhari Before His Death – Farooq Kperogi”

    •TVC News – “Kperogi Retracts Buhari Divorce Claim, Apologises To Aisha Buhari”

    •Politics Digest – “Why I Won’t Celebrate President Buhari’s Death — Farooq Kperogi”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta) – “Celebrating Buhari’s Death Vs Forgiving Him”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta) – “Apology to Aisha Buhari”

    •Western Post – “Farooq Kperogi, divorce allegations, and the Aisha Buhari controversy: The legal danger of reckless commentary”

    •Farooq Kperogi (Notes From Atlanta, 2018) – “Buhari: Not a Clone but a Clown”

    •Oyeniyi  is an Associate Professor at the Missouri State University. He can be reached by email at BukolaOyeniyi@missouristate.edu

  • Boost for NOA’s war against salt, hypertension

    Boost for NOA’s war against salt, hypertension

    ● Agency gets strategic partners

    There is boost for the health awareness campaign of the National Orientation Agency (NOA) in Bayelsa State. The agency got a buy-in from a privately-run organisation to take the initiative into underserved communities in the Southsouth state.

    The strategic alliance was sealed by NOA Directorate in  Bayelsa with a team from “I Care Save A Soul Initiative” during a meetingin Yenagoa, the state capital.

    I Care Save A Soul Initiative is a non-governmental organisation with interest in public health education, especially in rural areas.

    Both organisations resolved to step up grassroots health campaign focused on reducing excessive salt intake and combating the deadly rise of hypertension in the state.

    Leader of the NGO team – Ambassador Princess Elizabeth, has an urgent and direct message – the battle against high blood pressure must start at the community level.

    “This is a rescue mission and we are here to carry out the task of global health, beginning with local hearts. The people in these communities deserve to know what is killing them silently,” Elizabeth stated.

    She  stood in for her Executive Director at the Yenagoa meeting.

    Hypertension, often dubbed the “silent killer,” has become one of Nigeria’s most pressing public health challenges. Many Nigerians suffer in silence, unaware of the long-term damage high blood pressure causes to the heart, kidneys, brain, and blood vessels.

    According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), more than 38 per cent of adults in Nigeria live with elevated blood pressure, often undiagnosed or poorly managed. This makes the country one with the highest burden of hypertension in sub-Saharan Africa.

    A survey conducted in 2023 by the Nigerian Heart Foundation estimated that over 30 million Nigerians are currently hypertensive, a number that is expected to rise with increasing urbanisation and dietary changes.

    Residents of the oil-rich state, like other parts of the country are not been spared. In fact, its riverine and semi-rural communities face unique challenges – limited access to healthcare facilities, cultural dietary practices and poor awareness of chronic conditions like hypertension.

    One major culprit is salt. The WHO recommends no more than five grams  – roughly a teaspoon- of salt intake for an individual per day.

    However, studies have shown that the average Nigerian consumes between nine to 12 grams daily, more than double the safe limit.

    In the fishing communities of Bayelsa State, salt is not only a seasoning, it is a preservative. Dried fish, smoked meats and pickled vegetables are all heavily salted to extend shelf life in areas where refrigeration is a luxury.

    This overdependence on salt, combined with low awareness, creates a health time-bomb. Many residents don’t understand the link between their daily diets and the sudden rise in blood pressure, strokes, or heart failure.

    Mrs. Grace Olobio, State Director of NOA in Bayelsa, desribed the partnership as timely and urgent.

    She said: “One of the dangers of excessive salt intake is the risk of hypertension, which we are seeing more frequently in our communities.

    “We are proud to be a partner in this effort and will live up to expectations in sensitising and enlightening residents in the nine targeted communities”

    The NOA, as government’s agency responsible for public enlightenment, brings an extensive network of community mobilisation officers, town announcers and grassroots educators to the table in the strategic partnership.

    According to Mrs. Ndidiamaka Mumeya-Francis, deputy director, Programmes, the agency will not be limited to workshops or school talks.

    “Our strength is in local mobilisation. We will take this message to the markets, churches, fishing ports, and health centres—wherever the people are, that’s where we’ll be,” she explained.

    In the coming weeks, the campaign will be rolled out across nine pilot communities identified as high-risk zones due to poor health indicators and diet patterns.

    She listed the communities as Igbogene, Agudama, Otuasega, Okolobiri, Yenagoa, Oporoma, Kaiama, Azuzuama and Nembe.

    The partnership also includes training sessions for local community health workers and peer educators who will serve as frontline health ambassadors, guiding their neighbours on practical steps to reduce salt intake.

    Radio jingles, town hall meetings, religious sensitisation programmes, and door-to-door campaigns will complement the efforts. The aim is to spark conversations around diet, health, and prevention, particularly among women who prepare most of the meals in these households.

    In one of the participating communities, Igbogene, a 62-year-old Mama Ebifagha lost her husband to a stroke last year.

    “If someone had told us that salt could cause this kind of sickness, we would have been more careful,” she said while recounting her regret during a community sensitisation meeting

    The campaign is already igniting hope. Many community members who previously dismissed diet-related illnesses as “city problems” are beginning to understand how daily habits can lead to long-term health consequences.

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    The anticipated impact of the campaign is significant. The organisers hope to achieve at least a 20 per cent reduction in household salt consumption among the participating communities by the end of the project.

    The programme also aims to improve awareness about hypertension, empowering residents with the knowledge to seek early screening, adopt dietary changes, and manage lifestyle risks.

    For the “I Care Save A Soul Initiative,” this partnership is part of a broader agenda that envisions healthier communities across Nigeria, starting with education and prevention rather than cure.

    “We are not just telling people to use less salt. We are showing them why and how. This includes practical tips—using herbs and spices as alternatives, reading food labels, and understanding portion control,” Elizabeth said.

    Mrs. Olobio restated NOA’s commitment to escalating the campaign to other local government areas if the pilot phase yields measurable success. She also called on the state’s Ministry of Health to support the initiative with screening kits and community nurses.

    Local government chairpersons and traditional rulers are also expected to play crucial roles in legitimising the campaign, mobilising attendance at outreach programmes, and providing community halls or venues for awareness events.

    The challenge ahead is enormous, but the resolve is stronger. As the campaign kicks off, the focus is not only on reducing salt but on saving lives—one household at a time.

    For many in Bayelsa, this campaign is the first time they are hearing that something as simple as too much salt could be deadly. That, say campaign organisers, is where the change begins—with knowledge.

    Through this partnership, the  NOA and “I Care Save A Soul Initiative” are turning information into action. And as they move from community to community, the goal remains clear: a healthier Bayelsa, where people live longer, stronger, and better-informed lives.

  • What to do about Internally Displaced People

    What to do about Internally Displaced People

    Sir: In the dusty camps scattered across Borno, Yobe, Zamfara, Katsina and parts of Kaduna, live Nigeria’s forgotten faces, the millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) forced out of their ancestral homes by a decade-long cocktail of insurgency, banditry, and communal clashes.

    These individuals are not just numbers. They are mothers who have lost children to gunfire, fathers who watched their livelihoods go up in flames, and youth robbed of dreams. According to the UNHCR, over 3.5 million Nigerians are currently displaced internally, many of them surviving in makeshift shelters with no access to clean water, adequate food, or healthcare.

    What’s most alarming is the psychological toll. Children who witnessed violence now suffer trauma without therapy. Women face gender-based violence, and many IDPs live without education or vocational training.

    We must ask: How long will Nigeria keep her own citizens in limbo?

    Amid the despair, there are powerful stories of resilience. Aisha, 17, teaches basic literacy under a mango tree to younger children in a Borno IDP camp, despite having lost both parents. In Zamfara, a widowed mother of four has started a soap-making business with help from a small NGO initiative, proving that even in crisis, hope flickers.

    These stories remind us that beyond statistics lie human beings who still dream, still strive, and still believe in tomorrow. But hope alone is not enough—there must be sustained action from the government, development partners, and local stakeholders to scale up support.

    We need more than Band-Aid interventions. The rebuilding of shattered communities must be intentional, inclusive, and fast-tracked.

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    While IDP camps get some national attention, the host communities often go unnoticed. In places like Bauchi and Niger states, families are taking in displaced relatives and strangers alike—sometimes tripling the burden on already limited resources like food, water, and healthcare.

    These communities are stretching beyond their limits without corresponding support. Farmers are losing land access. Local schools are overcrowded. Conflicts over scarce resources are on the rise.

    A national IDP support framework must include host communities as beneficiaries, not just as passive helpers. Ignoring them will worsen poverty and strain already fragile coexistence.

    The Nigerian government, through NEMA and State Emergency Management Agencies, has made attempts to reintegrate IDPs. But these efforts are often rushed or poorly coordinated. Many displaced persons return to unsafe villages with no basic services, putting them at risk of re-displacement.

    True reintegration is not just about physical return—it’s about restoring dignity. Homes must be rebuilt, farmlands secured, schools reopened, and local security guaranteed. Community dialogue and reconciliation efforts are also vital to heal wounds from ethnic and religious violence.

    Without addressing the root causes of displacement—insecurity, poverty, marginalization—the cycle of crisis will never truly end.

    Nigeria’s security challenges are hydra-headed: Boko Haram insurgency, banditry in the Northwest, farmer-herder clashes in the Middle Belt, and kidnappings in the South. Each zone bleeds in its own way, and millions of Nigerians live in daily fear.

    Security is the foundation of development. Without it, education, health, and infrastructure collapse under the weight of violence. It’s time for a national rethink on security strategy.

    State and community policing must become reality, with strict oversight to prevent abuse. Modern surveillance, local informant networks, and tech integration are critical. It is time to focus on welfare, training, and accountability structures, and unemployment, poor education, and youth radicalization that feed crime and extremism.

    Traditional rulers, religious leaders, and youth groups must be partners—not spectators—in restoring peace. Above all, political will must replace lip service. Nigeria’s security is too fragile to be left to reactive measures. It demands vision, planning, and inclusive execution.

    •Hamman Abdulkareem, <hamman6717@gmail.co

  • Averting future food insecurity

    Averting future food insecurity

    Sir: Nigeria stands on the brink of a potential food crisis that could have devastating consequences for its economy, security, and social stability. If urgent and well-coordinated strategic measures are not implemented, the nation may soon find itself battling widespread food shortages, soaring prices, and heightened dependency on imports.

    At the heart of the problem is the alarming trend of farmers abandoning the cultivation of essential cereal crops such as maize, rice, millet, and sorghum among others. The reasons are not far-fetched. The cost of critical agricultural inputs, including fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides, and improved seed varieties, has skyrocketed beyond the reach of the average smallholder farmer. These rising input prices, coupled with inflation and limited access to credit, are pushing many out of farming altogether.

    Worsening the situation is the declining market value of locally produced cereals. Many farmers now find that the cost of production outweighs the profits, largely due to unregulated importation of food items, which floods the market and undermines local efforts. This double blow, high production cost and falling prices, is suffocating the morale of Nigeria’s farmers and threatening the sustainability of domestic food production.

    We must admit that the Tinubu administration has made significant security gains, including the reopening of some major markets in the North that were previously shut down, and the restoration of access to farmlands that were once too dangerous.

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    However the administration must act swiftly and decisively to reverse this dangerous trajectory of farmers abandoning farming due to high prices of farm inputs. First and foremost, it must stabilize the agricultural sector through bold and innovative policy actions.

    One immediate step should be the subsidization of essential farm inputs to ease the burden on farmers and encourage continued cultivation. Beyond subsidies, the government must also initiate a national crop-buying program, particularly for cereal grains to mop up excess supply from farmers who still have stock from last year’s harvest but have been unable to sell due to poor prices. This intervention will not only stabilize market prices and inject liquidity into rural economies but also help rebuild farmers’ confidence in the system.

    Equally important is the revival and strengthening of agricultural extension services. Many rural farmers still lack access to modern farming techniques, climate-smart practices, and post-harvest handling skills. Empowering extension workers to bridge this gap will go a long way in boosting productivity and reducing post-harvest losses.

    Furthermore, flagship government initiatives such as the Presidential Fertilizer Initiative and the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme should not only be reactivated but also reformed. These programs must be made more transparent, efficient, and inclusive, with clear performance metrics and greater accessibility for smallholder farmers, especially women and youth in agriculture. Done right, these schemes can serve as catalysts for increasing yields, improving rural livelihoods, and enhancing national food security.

    Failure to act decisively would be an economic and security miscalculation. A food-insecure Nigeria is a fragile Nigeria. Hunger and poverty are known drivers of social unrest, migration, and instability, all of which carry long-term costs that far outweigh the price of preventative action today.

    As the population continues to grow, the demand for food will intensify. Nigeria must therefore prioritize agricultural resilience and food self-sufficiency as a cornerstone of its national development agenda. Investing in food security is not merely an economic necessity, it is a matter of national survival.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja

  • The debt we owe our policemen

    The debt we owe our policemen

    Sir: “I served 35 good years. I was given N1.7 million. I retired in 2018. Since then, I have been receiving N40,000 every month. What can 40k do?” – DSP Godwin Tom (Rtd.)

    It was a painful cry, not just of a man, but of a system that has failed those who put their lives on the line to protect it. Listening to retired DSP Godwin Tom lament his fate during the recent protest by retired police officers is enough to make the soul bleed.

    The way we treat our police officers, both in service and after retirement, is a national disgrace. They are underpaid, under-equipped, underappreciated, and then cast aside after serving. It’s a lose-lose situation. No dignity in service, and even less in retirement.

    One must commend Omoyele Sowore for bringing the needed attention to this silent suffering endured by many who once bore arms for the nation. It is through voices like these that these injustices get pulled out of the shadows into the public light. For that, he deserves credit.

    How does one serve the nation for 35 years and retire to a pittance that cannot feed a family, let alone afford housing? These are men and women who have faced all sorts to protect us; urchins, armed robbers, kidnappers, and raw violence of our streets, yet they retire into misery. And we wonder why morale is low, why corruption festers, and why security is fragile?

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    While in active service, the conditions are no better. Police barracks are often in states of disrepair, unfit for human habitation. Uniforms are tattered, weapons are outdated or non-functional, and welfare support is almost non-existent. Medical facilities? Don’t get me started. The police force that is supposed to protect lives and property is itself in need of rescue.

    Take it or leave it, a broken force cannot protect a country. Poor welfare compromises service delivery and inevitably, the integrity of the officers. When people have nothing to look forward to either during their careers or afterward, what incentive is left to serve with honour?

    It’s a national security crisis in disguise.

    If we want to attract the best into law enforcement, I mean a professional, disciplined, and committed police force, we must fix the welfare structure from the ground up. That means fair salaries, housing fit for dignity, health coverage, proper retirement plans, and respect -both in word and deed.

    Behind DSP Godwin Tom’s story are thousands more, silently enduring the same fate, waiting to be heard, or worse, forgotten. It’s time we stopped treating our police officers like expendables. It’s time we treated them as the human beings and patriots that they are.

    Their future should not be a sentence to poverty.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com