The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Of digital learning tools in primary schools

    Of digital learning tools in primary schools

    Sir: In today’s modern world, technology plays a big role in education. One of the major changes in schools is the use of digital learning tools. These include computers, tablets, interactive whiteboards, educational apps, and online platforms. Many primary schools now use these tools to support teaching and learning in the classroom.

    Digital learning tools have several benefits. They make learning more interesting and fun for pupils. With colourful videos, games, and animations, children are more likely to enjoy lessons and stay focused. These tools also allow pupils to learn at their own pace. A fast learner can move ahead, while a slower learner can go over the material as many times as needed.

    Teachers benefit too. Digital tools help them plan lessons more easily and access a wide range of teaching resources. They can also use technology to check each pupil’s progress and give quick feedback. In subjects like mathematics and science, digital tools make it easier to explain difficult topics using visual aids.

    Another advantage is that digital learning tools can also connect pupils to the world. With internet access, children can learn about different countries, cultures, and event. They can watch live videos, go on virtual tours, and even connect with other schools around the world. This makes learning more meaningful and helps children understand the world better.

    Using digital tools helps children become comfortable with technology. These skills will be very useful in the future as many jobs now require computer knowledge.

     However, there are also risks in digital learning tools in primary schools. One risk is that too much screen time may harm children’s health. Staring at screen for long periods can affect their eyes, cause headaches, and reduce physical activity. It is important to balance screen time with play and rest.

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    Another problem is that not all families can afford digital devices or internet access at home. This creates a gap between pupils who these tools and those who do not. Some pupils may fall behind they cannot do their homework or practice online.

    Digital tools can reduce face-to-face communication. Children may spend more time on screens and less time talking and playing with their friends. This may affect their social and emotional growth. It is important to make sure that children still have time for group work, games, and discussion in class.

    There is also risk of children visiting unsafe websites or seeing harmful content online. Schools and parents must work together to protect children. They can do this by using child-safe browsers and teaching pupils how to stay safe on the internet.

    Finally, digital tools cannot replace good teachers. Technology is only helpful when used the right way. Teachers must still guide, explain, and care for their pupils. They must use digital tools to support learning, not to replace their teaching.

    In summary, digital learning tools offer many benefits to primary school education. They make learning more fun, flexible, and global. However, they also come with risks that must be managed carefully. By using digital tools wisely and with care, schools can give children a better and safer experience.

    •Noimot Ayobami, Adebisi –Yusuf,<yusufjumoke87@gmail.com>

  • Rule of force

    Rule of force

    When you owe electricity bills and get disconnected, the proper thing to do is defray the debt or negotiate with the electricity distribution company (DisCo) concerned for consideration. But Mobile Police Force operatives in Makurdi, Benue State, apparently had no appetite for such niceties and allegedly leveraged brute force in showing displeasure over the disconnection of power supply to their barracks owing to unpaid bills. Now, they will stew in the blackout. Jos Electricity Distribution Plc (JED) has vowed to keep the barracks disconnected until the outstanding debt is settled, especially as the policemen brutalised its personnel to vent their displeasure.

    The barracks was reported to be owing more than N112.4million in electricity bills and was thus disconnected by the DisCo. But mobile police officers, penultimate Sunday afternoon, allegedly stormed the JED business unit office in Makurdi and beat up the security guard on duty. A statement by the DisCo said the staff was beaten to stupor and had his head broken. JED spokesperson Friday Elijah condemned the assault, which he explained was linked to the disconnection of power supply to the mobile police barracks over the huge unpaid bills.

    “The policemen stormed the office in a commando style and descended on the security guard on duty – Mr. Hassan Ademu. He was beaten to stupor and had his head broken. The management of JED Plc plans to write a protest letter to the Inspector-General of Police and the Commissioner of Police, Benue State Command, over the attack on its staff,” the statement said. According to Elijah, the electricity distribution company’s management vowed to take further action to protect its employees. “The management has warned that the Mobile barracks will remain disconnected until the outstanding debt is settled,” he stated.

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    Reports said when contacted, Benue police command spokesperson Udeme Edet, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) said she had yet to get information on the incident. “I am yet to receive the report,” Edet responded to media inquiry.

    Benue police command authorities and higher up – indeed, up to the level of Police Inspector-General Kayode Egbetokun – need to investigate the alleged assault on Jos DisCo office in Makurdi and bring culpable personnel to book. It was rank indiscipline in the extreme for policemen concerned to have taken the law into their own hands in seeking redress for the disconnection of electricity supply to the barracks. Considering it wasn’t even their direct call to address the indebtedness but that of police management, they obviously applied what they considered to be their advantage – the sleigh of hand. Now, they must have realised it has its limitations in delivering desired results. If Jos DisCo carries through with its threat, they will remain in darkness for some long while.

  • From Lake Chad to Atlantic: Is Navy force for national stability?

    From Lake Chad to Atlantic: Is Navy force for national stability?

    By Musa Ilallah

    In the early hours of Wednesday June 18, 2025, a band of terrorists attacked the Naval Base Lake Chad in Baga, Borno State, targeting military equipment at the base, including swamp buggies recently made available by the Governor of Borno State.

    A terrible mistake. Naval personnel at the base effectively repelled the attack, neutralising several of the attackers and leaving many others injured.

    The Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ikechukwu Ogalla, visited the base days after the aborted attack, to express gratitude to the officers and men of the base, and boost morale.

    If the terrorists thought this attack might dampen military morale, it ended up achieving the opposite; the Nigerian Navy is more than determined to redouble its efforts towards securing the Lake Chad area, with the deployment of more personnel and equipment to bolster the base. In addition, the CNS directed that the swamp buggies, which the terrorists failed to destroy, be put into immediate use to commence clearing of the waterways.

    From Lake Chad to Rivers Niger and Benue, to the Atlantic Ocean and Gulf of Guinea, the Nigerian Navy is busy at work, fulfilling its constitutional mandate and protecting Nigeria, West Africa, and Africa.

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    In recent months the Navy has taken delivery of three new ships, NNS SHERE, NNS FARO and NNS IKOGOSI, and 3 new Agusta Westland 109 Trekker Helicopters, to fortify operational capacity and impact.

    Under Vice Admiral Ogalla’s watch, the Navy has recently created a Special Operations Command, that will be based in Makurdi, on the banks of River Benue. Also newly created is the Nigerian Navy Marine Corps, patterned after the famous US Marine Corps. In Enugu, a new Special Operations Composite Base is taking off, designated as the Nigerian Navy Ship (NNS) MADUEKE.

    It is noteworthy that no piracy incident has taken place in Nigeria’s waters since the 3rd of March 2022, when the country formally exited the International Maritime Bureau’s (IMB) list of piracy-prone countries.

    Under Vice Admiral Ogalla, the Nigerian Navy’s flagship operation, Operation Delta Sanity, launched in January 2024, is decisively confronting and curbing crude oil theft. It was rejigged in December 2024, integrating aerial surveillance and improved intelligence-gathering to deliver even greater impact.

    Operation Delta Sanity has turned out tremendous results in the last 18 months: More than 800 illegal refining sites, 2400 dugout pits and 5,400 storage facilities discovered and deactivated; 242 suspects arrested, alongside 76 vessels, and several other pieces of equipment and machines.

    Indeed, the Nigerian Navy’s contributions to Nigeria’s rising oil and gas production cannot be downplayed. Key Niger delta pipelines like the Trans Niger, Trans Escravos and Trans Forcados have seen substantial increases in uptime since the third quarter of 2024.

    In fact, just a week ago, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited disclosed that Nigeria attained 100 percent crude oil pipeline availability throughout the month of June—a feat that has not happened in a very long time.

    In all, the contribution of the Nigerian Navy to the Nigerian economy, in terms of helping preserve and grow oil revenues, runs into hundreds of billions of Naira.

    These economic feats are not just in the area of enabling oil and gas production. The new National Hydrographic Agency, which emerged from the old Nigerian Navy Hydrographic Office, is making waves in its area of expertise: developing state-of-the-art charts of Nigeria’s waterways to enable and advance trade, logistics, and investment.

    Just a week ago, the Agency officially presented to the Cross River Government a hydrographic, geophysical and geotechnical report, as well as 3 new navigational charts, for the proposed Bakassi Deep Seaport Project; completed after months of painstaking work led by the Navy.

  • Federal Civil Service Commission Next Level Reform Implementation Agenda

    Federal Civil Service Commission Next Level Reform Implementation Agenda

    When the new administration was inaugurated in 2023, HE President Bola Ahmed Tinubu laid out the basic underlying visions of the Renewed Hope Agenda. A significant iteration of that Agenda is the vision of Nigeria becoming a $1trn economy by 2030. This is a very noble vision that is consistent with the urgency of making Nigeria a great economy. It is a vision that could jumpstart the Renewed Hope Agenda into transforming the well-being of Nigerians. However, we also have to situate this vision within Nigeria’s governance and economic realities.

    To get to where Nigeria really can begin to make a significant improvement in the lives of Nigerians, the Nigerian state needs to be an enabling and capable developmental state. However, the governance and economic realities on ground as at the 2023 commencement point, only reiterate how difficult but not impossible the vision of transforming the Nigerian economy is. A developmental state depends on government effectiveness that is determined in terms of not only government’s regulatory efficiency but also on public sector accountability, and how well the government is able to adapt its comparative advantages to the dynamics of the global economy. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s performance on the Government Effectiveness Index—a key dimension of the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI)—remains significantly below global norms. The 2023 performance is not salutary: on a scale ranging from –2.5 to +2.5, Nigeria’s score stood at –0.85 (up from –1.04 in 2022, but still far below the world average of approximately –0.04). This ranked Nigeria at 151 out of 193 countries. 

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    To materialize this vision of a $1trn economy by 2030—just about five years away—we truly need more than statistical and econometric analysis. What is needed is a huge dose of institutional strategy that translate visions to realities. This is because Nigeria’s sub‑optimal performance in the WGI and other significance economic and development indices reflects persistent institutional weaknesses in the form of (i) limited civil service professionalism, (ii) policy inconsistency and implementation bottlenecks, (iii) poor quality of public service delivery, and (iv) inadequate accountability and oversight mechanisms. Most particularly, achieving the goal of a $1trn economy by 2030 requires that Nigeria must sustain an average annual real GDP growth rate of approximately 6–7%, significantly higher than its historical average of 2.7% over the past two decades. Achieving this requires removing key barriers to growth, including inadequate infrastructure, low productivity, fiscal leakages, and, most importantly, a human capital deficit in both the public and private sectors.

    It is clear, from so many indications, that Nigeria has still not registered the developmental implication of Nigeria’s youth bulge—a demographic situation that currently places the median age of many Nigerians at 18.1 (meaning over half of the population, or 58%, are under the age of 30). There is a connection between Nigeria’s low human capital index (currently at 38/100, compared to 92 in South Korea and 85 in Malaysia), and her labour productivity has been growing at a rather sluggish 0.9% per annum, compared to the 3-4% that defines the high-performing Asian economies.

    This is the juncture at which the public service becomes a crucial partner in Nigeria’s development and governance efforts; a co-architect in jumpstarting the Renewed Hope Agenda. The civil service is the institutional context within which the human capital is transmuted into a workforce that generate the requisite dynamics Nigeria needs for an effective labour productivity. This urgently speaks to a new kind of civil service that is capability ready to reposition Nigeria’s development renaissance; a new kind of public servant that is committed, well-trained, accountable, digitally literate, economically aware, and possesses twenty-first century competences. And ultimately, it speaks to a Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) that is sufficiently reformed to reform the reform of the civil service system and reposition it for its mandated responsibility.

    This is the very crux of the series of events that the FCSC has put in place to initiate a deep-seated strategic blueprint that articulates the structural basis of an efficient workforce to backstop Nigeria’s economic transformation. As soon as the 10th Commission was inaugurated on the 13th of December, 2023, it became very urgent to put in place a rapid institutional assessment to determine the state of the institution. The repositioning plan that the rapid assessment yielded enabled us to clearly see the challenges of the FCSC from its inception till date. Thus, one and a half years into the tenure of the 10th Commission, we are now beginning to develop the sense, through diagnostic intelligence and insights, as to the direction the FCSC ought to be transformed into in more deeply structural and institutional terms.

    This implies that the original repositioning plan the FCSC developed as a roadmap into understanding the current state of the institution was nothing more than a starting point—a product of largely desk assessment that is just the first step towards a more rigorous and systematic diagnosis rooted in research and intelligence. Such a diagnosis will also be grounded in stakeholders contributions and buy-in. At the core of this deeper strategic plan is the question of what the civil service will look like, from the vantage point of the reform blueprint of the FCSC, if it is to constitute a veritable game changing strategic partner and engine room for realizing the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    It is therefore one of the good fortunes of the FCSC to take a significant clue that aligns it with the Federal Civil Service Strategy and Implementation (FCSSIP) currently being implemented by the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF). In such a critical collaboration that foregrounds complementary and shared vision and passion, the FCSC facilitates a strategic planning intelligence that enables it to rethink, deepen and consolidate its constitutional mandates.

    In more concrete terms, the essence of the strategic plan—and the retreat (that just held) to put it together—is to set in motion a series of strategic processes that will transform the FCSC into the critical human resource management (HRM) expert advisory hub that the Federal Government of Nigeria can draw on. The requires that the FCSC is compelled to take on the task of re-professionalizing the civil service system though the reinvention, deepening and strengthening of the competency-based HRM practices in the federal civil service. The strategic process will then have to focus on several crucial institutional elements the system needs to reorient the reforms of the past decades.

    At the very top of the strategic focus is the urgent need to rethink on the founding constitutional mandate of the Commission, especially its role as the gatekeeper and promoter of meritocracy and the merit system. This strategic plan will need to think through how the mandate of the FCSC can keep being executed while maneuvering the structural landmines of the federal character policy. Second, gatekeeping merit correlatively demand that a solution must also be found to address the challenge of staff retention in the face of poor and non-competitive wage and compensation structure that signals that the government is ready to become the employer of choice for its human capital. Third, the gatekeeping of the merit system also demands that the FCSC will put in place a rigorous and competitive entry-level recruitment and staffing assessment that drastically cut through the framework of nepotism and patronage as the mechanism for political compensation at the expense of civil service workforce efficiency. This demands, furthermore, that attention must be focused on articulating a correlate framework for securing and injecting integrity tests into the entry-level assessments that insulate the system from recruiting into the workforce criminally-minded persons as well as those who lack the requisite public-spiritedness the system sorely needs.  As a corollary, and third, the strategic repositioning of the FCSC must ensure that the bar of staff progression is constantly raised through the regular conduct of promotion exercises that serve to test the ability of the officers, as well as the skills and competences required to effectively run the business of government at different levels of seniority. This, in addition, should lead to the replacement of the existing annual performance evaluation report (APER) by a framework of performance management assessment reinforced by training-based assessment report.

    In this regard, the Commission takes merit to go beyond getting the best people into the civil service. It means also that the best ideas feed the policy making process, and that the best people implement the policies. Beyond the present concern therefore, to get the basics right to reset the federal service, the Commission is determined to review its guideline for mainstreaming, codifying and implementing merit criteria, especially in the recruitment process, in manner that is consistent with realizing the objective of the federal character policy as veritable tool for national spread and diversity management. With this, we will at once have researched the feasibility of the application of the merit principle in the selection and career management in other public services including our educational institutions.

    At the other level of the constitutional mandate of the FCSC is the key issue of discipline. One of the critical findings of the rapid assessment carried out at the inception of the 10th Commission is that discipline is at its lowest ebb system-wide, and this is equally attendant by deviant and anti-system unruliness that further compromises efficiency. A strategy to combat this disciplinary matter must consider critical questions: (i) Are there already in place the framework of principles and rules for addressing staff disciplinary issues and grievances? (ii) Are these rules and principles fairly, reasonably and consistently applied in practice? (iii) Are alleged professional misconducts thoroughly investigated before disciplinary charges are laid? (iv) Are offenders given adequate time to respond and make representation? (v) Are findings considered transparently and with full fidelity to regulations, and are follow-up investigations conducted where desirable? (vi) Are penalties and sanctions meted in accordance with the rules of law and in manners that are fair, consistent, reasonable, and is there room for appeal? (vii) Does this whole disciplinary procedure for handling infractions and staff grievances comply with extant rules, regulations and established codes of practice?

  • Boss Mustapha’s revisionism: a study in intellectual dereliction

    Boss Mustapha’s revisionism: a study in intellectual dereliction

    By Charles Marindoti Oludare

    In a recent and astonishing display of intellectual dereliction, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha, boldly asserted that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu did not make Muhammadu Buhari president. That statement, rather than elevating political discourse, represents a troubling retreat from both fact and logic. It is the political equivalent of a man who, knowing how to calculate 2 + 2, presumes himself a statistician. Few claims could be more factually awry or intellectually dubious than this one.

    It is the kind of reasoning that assumes elections are won by the sheer number of votes rather than the margins that flip political battlegrounds and the sophistication required to navigate national political thresholds, such as Nigeria’s constitutional requirement for 25% of votes in at least two-thirds of the states.

    Boss Mustapha, perhaps swayed by the euphoria of numbers from the North, where Buhari’s vote count was indeed dominant, forgets that no presidential victory in Nigeria is ever won by one or two zones. In fact, President Tinubu’s own record shows that he received just about 17.7% of his votes from the Northwest, despite its population. That figure alone renders Boss Mustapha’s argument not just weak, but entirely dismissive of the vote margins in swing regions — notably the Southwest and the North Central — which played a decisive role in Buhari’s victory in 2015.

    More glaring is the former SGF’s inability to contextualize the structural reforms between 2011 and 2015 that transformed Nigeria’s electoral system:

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    1) The introduction of Smart Card Readers that drastically reduced over-voting and inflated figures

    2) The shift to PVC-based accreditation, which disenfranchised fake and duplicate registrations

    3) The separation of accreditation and voting periods

    4) A significant clean-up of the voter register, which saw millions of ghost voters removed

    These reforms tightened electoral integrity and exposed just how artificially bloated previous vote counts had been, particularly in the North. It was only with Tinubu’s political dexterity, the merger of opposition forces, and his groundwork in the Southwest, that Buhari could finally achieve national spread — after three failed attempts.

    Boss Mustapha’s failure to grasp these electoral and structural evolutions reveals a tragic lack of political and analytical sophistication. This may well be the undoing of whatever coalition he chooses to support ahead of 2027. Elections are not won merely by historic loyalty or rhetorical bravado; they are won through careful coalition-building, cross-regional outreach, and strategic brilliance. All of which President Tinubu brought to the table in 2015.

    But the danger of Mustapha’s statement is not merely its factual inaccuracy or disrespect to President Tinubu. It is that he utterly fails to appreciate the spirit of camaraderie and sacrifice that underpinned the 2013 merger that gave birth to the APC. In making such a boast, Mustapha did not just insult Tinubu; he undermined the very spirit of collective struggle that birthed the first successful opposition victory in Nigeria’s democratic history.

    He also diminished himself, and worse, disrespected President Buhari, whose humility and strategic patience in that era of delicate coalition-building stand in sharp contrast to the chest-thumping of his former SGF. Indeed, the tone of Mustapha’s remarks calls to mind why the merger talks of 2011 collapsed — due to the arrogance of some northern political elites who refused to see any southern politician as an equal partner.

    If anything, Mustapha’s revisionist remarks validate the historic role played by Tinubu, whose foresight, negotiation skill, and sacrifice made Buhari electable in 2015. Without Tinubu, there was no merger. Without the merger, there was no presidency.

    This is not just a political truth. It is historical fact.

    And as the 2027 elections approach, those who still see politics through the narrow lens of regional pride and self-congratulation will find themselves left behind. Nigeria has moved on. Perhaps it’s time the likes of Boss Mustapha did too

    • Dr. Olúdàre is a physician, political strategist, and Convener of the Social Rehabilitation Gruppe.

  • Weep not, Asue Ighodalo!

    Weep not, Asue Ighodalo!

    • By Fred Itua

    In the tragic pages of Weep Not, Child, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o tells the story of youthful dreams caught in the web of colonial betrayal, societal unrest, and personal disillusionment. It is a narrative of broken promises, false hope, and the agonising realisation that the world is far more brutal than it first appears.

    If ever there was a modern Nigerian parallel to this timeless African tragedy, it would be the political misadventure of Asue Ighodalo—a man whose ambition was inflated by praise singers, deceived by a crumbling godfather, and ultimately buried under the weight of a futile legal fantasy.

    Weep Not, Asue Ighodalo! For what you are experiencing is not failure; it is awakening. You were a man of numbers, boards, and balance sheets until someone whispered to you in Government House that you could be a king. They said you were a technocrat. They said you were “the future.” They promised delegates. They promised structure. They promised that with Governor Obaseki behind you, the PDP ticket—and then the state—was yours for the taking.

    You believed them. That was your first fundamental mistake.

    Like Njoroge in Ngũgĩ’s novel, you had dreams—innocent, idealistic, but disconnected from the harsh political realities of Edo State. You ignored the fact that you were being imposed on a political party that was already fractured, fatigued, and functionally split. You were parachuted into a war you neither started nor understood. You mistook Governor Obaseki’s fading influence for political capital. And you didn’t notice when the same man who held your hand on the nomination form slyly let it go on the steps of the courtroom.

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    Now, the cheers have gone silent. The ‘Asue 4 Governor’ banners are gone from the streets. The WhatsApp groups are dry. Your “structure” has scattered. And Obaseki—the man who led you into this political ambush—is nursing his own bruises, lobbying Abuja to cut a deal for himself.

    So, Weep Not, Asue Ighodalo! The court case you filed was never going to yield fruits. Not when the PDP itself disowned your emergence in broad daylight. Not when the primary that gave you a ticket was so tattered that it collapsed under the mildest judicial scrutiny. Even your cheerleaders began singing a new tune halfway. The same voices that shouted “Our Candidate!” in February were privately telling reporters by June that you should “withdraw for party unity.”

    You are a man of reason, Sir. You built a reputation in the corporate world for being deliberate, meticulous, and methodical. What happened to that man? What happened was politics—a space where truth is elastic, alliances are temporary, and ambition without grassroots is suicide.

    The good news is that it’s not too late to wake up. You were misled, but you’re not destroyed. You were used, but you’re not useless. Politics spat you out—but your boardroom is still waiting. There’s no shame in returning to what you do best. The shame would be in staying lost in a wilderness designed by people who never planned to journey with you till the end.

    Like Njoroge, you must come to terms with the brutal end of a hopeful beginning. But unlike Njoroge, you can still chart a new path—one not paved with deceitful endorsements or hollow declarations, but with the quiet, firm steps of a man who has learned his lessons.

    Weep Not, Asue Ighodalo! Dust off the ashes of 2024. Fold the campaign posters. Close the brief. Tell your remaining loyalists to rest. Then walk away—not in defeat, but in dignity.

    Because some dreams are not denied. They are simply deferred to where they truly belong. In your case, perhaps that place is a virtual boardroom—not Osadebe Avenue.

    •Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State*

  • A word for Governor Oyebanji

    A word for Governor Oyebanji

    With the 2026 Ekiti State governorship election date set, the stage is now ready. The key issue is that incumbent Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, aka BAO, of the All Progressives Congress (APC) appears poised to win unopposed. It is much like a candidate in a parliamentary system who is “returned unopposed” due to a lack of challengers.

    Currently, Ekiti State lacks a discernible opposition, which is unfortunate, given its longstanding and much-admired focus on human capital development. It would be an astonishing feat if any discernible opposition could coalesce in the coming months to give the governor a close run. While politics is notoriously unpredictable, with events capable of shifting the landscape rapidly, the current outlook suggests that a game-changer is unlikely.

    In the thrilling game of Ekiti governance, all the chips are, as of today’s diagnostics, firmly in Oyebanji’s hands. Many people think that this is deservedly so, and those who think so include many non-APC members as well as those unaffiliated to partisan acrimony. With the June 20, 2026, governorship election on the horizon, it therefore seems improbable that the contest will turn out to be a Nollywood blockbuster.

    BAO’s calm mien and disposition has undoubtedly smoothed his path to reelection. His leadership style has been characterized by a pragmatic approach which balances idealism with the practical realities of governance. In many ways, his approach to issues of governance bears a striking resemblance to President Theodore Roosevelt’s often-quoted philosophy of “speaking softly and carrying a big stick.”

    By wielding this “big stick” judiciously, the Ikogosi, Ekiti State-born consummate politician has made impactful interventions without resorting to force or unnecessarily stepping on toes. A prime example is his initiative to establish, or, revive, as it were, commodity boards and exchanges in the agriculture sector. This initiative portrays astute thinking and strategic acumen.

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    The establishment of commodity boards in Ekiti State is poised to be a paradigm-shifting move. By introducing minimum farm gate price guarantees, storage facilities, and potentially cold storage facilities in urban markets, these boards have the potential to catalyze a transformative impact on farm productivity. Under Oyebanji’s leadership, critical thinking is being translated into transformative practice, thus yielding tangible benefits for the state.

    In his almost three years in office, Oyebanji has made a significant impact on Ekiti State. Key achievements include securing an $80 million AfDB fund for the Ekiti Knowledge Zone (EKZ) project, empowering MSMEs with grants and credit, and restoring electricity to over 20 communities.

    Building on these initiatives, his administration has recruited 1,300 primary school teachers, invested N14 billion in the renovation and construction of 203 public schools, and paid N546.9 million in WASSCE examination fees for 16,269 students. Healthcare facilities have been upgraded, and infrastructure projects such as road construction and flood control have been undertaken.

    Oyebanji has also cleared salary arrears, strengthened security, and fostered a peaceful political climate. The populace has responded positively to the governor’s initiatives. This positive sentiment is profound, with no signs of widespread discontent or significant protests against government policies. In a state that, in some period, experienced flashes of turbulence, BAO’s leadership has marked a remarkable turnaround.

    In an era marked by performative politics, Oyebanji’s commitment to genuine leadership has demonstrated the effectiveness of substance over spectacle. Given his impressive track record, the governor’s trajectory suggests a strong likelihood of reelection, rendering the notion of an ‘opposition’ seemingly inconsequential as their efforts appear futile against his governance paradigm. A properly conducted opinion poll – and there should be one – would most likely place his approval ratings above the 60% mark, underscoring the electorate’s appreciation for his commitment to substantive governance.

    Again, the unfolding narrative of Ekiti State’s politics presents a compelling conundrum. The opposition’s ability to coalesce and mount a challenge against Oyebanji’s quietly effective governance will be a telling test of their mettle. Can they transcend their internal fissures and capitalize on the unpredictability of politics to orchestrate a stunning reversal of fortunes? If they get a miracle, it will be quite a blockbuster, one that would highlight the inherent uncertainties of democratic processes.

    As of today, the conventional wisdom is that Oyebanji, with steady gains, is coasting home to a clear-cut, decisive victory. However, he would do well to resist complacency and continue working tirelessly to secure his win and fulfill his leadership responsibilities. Complacency can be a treacherous path, and maintaining momentum is crucial.

    BAO’s Town Hall meetings across the senatorial districts have been effective, and continuing this engagement with the people will be key to his success. The governor must continue to interact with the people, listen to their complaints, take their questions and provide solutions to their problems. He should even go as far as institutionalizing the meetings on the radio and television stations.

    The example of Bill Clinton, who was still firing Executive Orders minutes into the expiration of his tenure as the 42nd US President, illustrates the importance of sustained effort. Even with a weak opposition, Oyebanji must stay vigilant, as the electorate’s attention span is short-lived. By continually highlighting his accomplishments and addressing the people’s concerns, he can build a strong foundation for his leadership.

    For those who care to know, Oyebanji’s media strategy has been exemplary; and his media team has demonstrated innovative thinking and a deep understanding of the governor’s vision. Matter-of-factly, the team has elevated the narrative of governance and demonstrated the power of strategic communication.

    Nevertheless, a leader’s narrative must be continually reinforced to stay ahead of shifting public opinion. In other words, there’s room for an amplified public presentation of the governor’s achievements, especially as 2026 approaches. It cannot be enough, but mere sufficiency can be problematic.

    The experience of former UK Prime Minister John Major serves as a valuable lesson. Despite his impressive performance in office. As Niccolò Machiavelli noted, politics hinges on constant reminders.  Major lost the reelection to Tony Blair due to ineffective communication. Oyebanji would benefit from consistently telling the stories of his impactful initiatives. He must ensure that they remain at the forefront of public discourse.

    The stories of MKO Abiola and President Bola Tinubu also speak to the media’s profound impact on historical memory and leadership narratives. While Abiola’s legacy endures despite being ‘The President Who Never Ruled’, Tinubu’s strategic media presence, even after leaving office as Lagos State governor in 2007, has bolstered his influence. Oyebanji can draw valuable lessons from these examples, particularly in harnessing effective media deployment to foster public trust.

    Against this backdrop, recent baseless reports of the governor’s alleged ties to the African Democratic Congress (ADC) epitomize the malicious politicking that often surfaces during critical times. Given that these claims aim to drive a wedge between the governor and the president, Oyebanji’s need for consistent and engaging media interactions with the public has never been more pressing.

    In politics, visibility is crucial, and proactive media engagement can make all the difference. No matter how acceptable a man may be in the eyes of the people, every genuine leader has opponents lurking in the shadows. Even in the home, there can be saboteurs, malcontents, or others, who – often motivated by personal grievances or disaffection – seek to undermine efforts or create discord.

    Just as Nehemiah encountered Sanballat and Tobias, Oyebanji may face unexpected challengers. These adversaries can be relentless, with professional propagandists capable of creating significant trouble. Therefore, the watchmen must remain vigilant while the governor focuses on infrastructure and reasonable politics. The defensive and offensive strategies need to be proactive to counter the misinformation and distractions that will likely arise, including false claims about BAO’s supposed shift to the ADC.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Unending insecurity

    Unending insecurity

    National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu painted a stark picture of Nigeria’s insecurity before President Bola Tinubu assumed office in May 2023. He stated that the situation “was threatening the very cohesion, stability, and integrity” of the country. According to Ribadu, the Tinubu administration “inherited five intractable security challenges that had brought our nation to the brink.”

     While speaking at the 50th anniversary dinner of the Nigerian Defence Academy’s 18th Regular Course in Abuja, on July 4, he listed the five major security threats as the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East, banditry in the North-West and North-Central, separatist agitations in the South-East, economic sabotage in the Niger Delta, and communal conflicts in states like Benue and Plateau.

    Notably, he reported that the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-East had caused over 35,000 deaths, displaced millions, and destroyed entire communities. Regarding banditry, he stated it had claimed more than 12,000 lives and displaced one million people. As of October 2021, banditry had also forced another one million children out of school. He further noted that in 2022 alone, 1,192 Nigerians were killed and 3,348 others kidnapped.

    In the South-East, he stated that attacks by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and its armed wing, the Eastern Security Network, had led to large-scale destruction. These attacks resulted in 164 police stations being destroyed, 128 policemen killed, and 144 injured. Additionally, there were three prison breaks, with one incident freeing 1,841 inmates.

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    However, Ribadu explained that the security narrative had substantially changed under the Tinubu administration. In the North-West, for instance, 11,250 hostages were rescued in Zamfara and Kaduna states. In the North-East, 13,543 terrorists and criminals were eliminated, and many bandit leaders were neutralised. He also stated that IPOB had been considerably weakened in the South-East, where over 50 police stations had been rebuilt and attacks on security personnel had reduced.

    Despite Ribadu’s presentation on the progress in the fight against insecurity, continuing insecurity means that the fight has not been won.  Indeed, the country’s security crisis remains a big issue.   

    It is unclear how long insecurity will remain a major issue in the country, or how soon the authorities will be able to make it a thing of the past. The achievements mentioned by Ribadu are outstripped by the existing challenges that perpetuate insecurity.  The war against insecurity should not be a war without end.

  • Natasha: Beyond bluff and bluster

    Natasha: Beyond bluff and bluster

    Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, former Lagos governor just quipped: anger is no strategy.  But neither is bluff and bluster, a romantic cousin of anger.

    Trouble is Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, PDP senator for Kogi Central, seems not driven by this wise aphorism.  If she were, the futility of going to court, over a case good sense and less bluster could have resolved, with far less cost, would have scowled at her.  Instead, that futility smiled at her — a witchy smile that has set her on a journey to nowhere.

    What did Chinua Achebe say, with his rich repertoire of Igbo proverbs?  A man that flees, for eons, from a certain death but eventually dies the same death, has lost his care!

    At the Senate debate to suspend Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan, Godswill Akpabio, the Senate president, beat down a voice vote that said no to extracting a Natasha apology to cut short her suspension.  Though the “nays” rejected that compromise with voice vote, a crafty Akpabio, using his clout among his peers, interpreted it otherwise.  But the anti-Natasha radicals let the sleeping dog lie — clearly deferring to their leader.

    That was a window of opportunity.  But the senator wouldn’t take it: preferring to go on an overseas tour, weeping profusely, and selling the untruth that she was suspended because of macho politics in the Senate, not because she flouted Senate rules.

    But online propaganda to harvest feminist emotions and three court cases after, the verdict of one of those cases found Natasha in breach of Senate standing rules.  The same court found her guilty of contempt, for her cynical and satirical apology on Facebook. 

    But the same court appealled to the Senate to recall her, so she could represent her constituents.  Nevertheless, it still asked her to apologize (within seven days) — though now to the court, aside paying N5 million as fine!

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    Apology again, you’d say!  But instead, she and supporters latched onto sheer emotions to declare victory!  To save face?  Whose face?  And for what result?

    Pronto, she swore to resume at the Senate — the court-ordered apology in two national newspapers and her FB page be damned! — only to gobble her vomit, claiming she acted on legal advice!  Was that advice in Mars when she first made the bluster to resume, which she knew was pure gas?

    A simple apology, ab initio, would have saved the senator all of these hassles. Well, if prone to apologies, why not just play by the rule: and throw whatever verbal bazookas at Akpabio, from her approved seat?

    Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan should learn to wisely pick her battles, if only in the interest of her constituents.  There’s a limit to empty bluff and bluster.  As it stands, her suit is a net-loss — until she appeals the matter. 

    Kogi Central has a right to representation, not one-day-one-drama in sterile combat, in or outside the courts.

  • Anioma State debate: Ukwuani people will not be silenced

    Anioma State debate: Ukwuani people will not be silenced

    • By Chukwunalu Eke

    Sir: The recent public hearing on Anioma State creation, held on July 4–5, in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, has generated a wave of discontent across Delta North, particularly among the Ukwuani people. What should have been a transparent, inclusive democratic process turned out to be, in the words of the Ndokwa Neku Union (NNU), a sham. The NNU, which is the apex sociocultural and economic body representing the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people, has come out strongly against the hearing’s outcome – and rightly so. When a people as significant as the Ukwuani, who constitute the second-largest ethnic group in Delta State and the largest in Delta North, are deliberately excluded from speaking on an issue that could redefine their political and cultural destiny, one must ask: What kind of democracy is this?

    According to official statements from the NNU, their designated delegate was present at the Uyo hearing but was not allowed to speak. No explanation. No apology. Just a blatant disregard for a people whose voice should have been central to the conversation. This exclusion appears too strategic to be a coincidence. It raises troubling questions about the motives behind the Anioma State project, particularly as it is being championed by Senator Ned Nwoko.

    Is the goal to create a state that unites Delta North—or to forcefully realign ethnic groups based on a narrow agenda? Ukwuani people have every right to be alarmed.

    Let it be clearly stated, the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people belong to the South-south geopolitical zone. Our history, identity, cultural alignment, and economic life are tied to the Niger Delta and not the Southeast. The attempt to subsume our people into the Southeast zone through the back door of Anioma State creation is not just a geographical error—it is an affront to our heritage. We are not anti-Anioma. We are not anti-progress. But we are pro-truth, and the truth is that state creation without the free, prior, and informed consent of the people is nothing but political aggression.

    The marginalization of the Ukwuani people did not start in 2025. It goes back to the military era, when the old Aboh Division, where the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people hail from, was overlooked in the creation of new Local Government Areas. While other divisions evolved into multiple LGAs, the Ukwuani axis was left behind. This historical injustice has stunted development and representation in our region. Yet today, rather than address these imbalances, the powers that be would rather redraw our identity without discussion.

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    The NNU has rightly demanded that Ndokwa East, Ndokwa West, and Ukwuani LGAs be split into nine local governments, three from each. This proposal is not only fair; it reflects the demographic weight and historical contributions of the Ukwuani people. It must be said that the attitude of Senator Ned Nwoko toward Ukwuani representation in this process has been deeply disappointing. His silence over the exclusion of Ukwuani voices speaks volumes. His Anioma State vision, if it continues on this current trajectory, will not unify Delta North—it will deepen ethnic fault lines.

    Ukwuani people will not be used as political pawns or window dressing in someone else’s constitutional project. Our allegiance is not for sale, and our silence must never be mistaken for consent. If Nigeria is serious about restructuring, then it must begin with a commitment to inclusion and respect for all voices especially those of historically sidelined groups. The public hearing on Anioma State must be revisited. A new hearing should be held within Delta State, where all stakeholders, especially Ukwuani representatives, are given equal access to the microphone. Until then, any report or recommendation from the Uyo hearing should be Wesay it again, clearly and without fear: Anioma State is welcome, but not without Ukwuani voices, and not outside the South-south geopolitical zone. Anything else is not justice; it is colonization by another name.

    •Chukwunalu Eke,

     Abuja