The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

State police: An idea whose time has come
- By Sunday Olagunju
Sir: Critics have espoused the presumably overbearing and inordinate ambitions of state governors to use state police as an instrument of oppression and suppression of perceived enemies and foes of their administration.

Now assailed by the quagmire of banditry and rising malcontents, virtually all the governors are now praying and clamouring for the urgent establishment of state police as the only foreseeable solution to the hydra-headed insecurity problems in most of the states.

Protagonists of state police complained of the overarching workload of the present force which numerical ratio of one police to a given population falls ridiculously below the requirement of the United Nations. With overstressed personnel, coupled with poor and antiquated weaponry, oftentimes, the police are at the mercy of fowlers and malcontents, who breach securities and security of lives and people’s wellbeing and welfare with impunity.

The idea of state police comprising an overwhelmingly high percentage of the indigenes of a state means that they know the nooks and crannies of the state and can easily identify people who are security risk and deal with them accordingly.

Read Also: Lagos police arrest 52 suspected cultists, assure residents of safety

The National Assembly can set a state police committee of the House with a view of sending members to study countries operating the two tiers of federal and state police in the world, with a view to identifying their modus operandi and possibly copy some aspects of their operations and administration.

Definitely, there are some states in the country, especially in the North that needs state police to complement whatever security architectures they have in place to deal with the rising cases of banditry and loss of peace occasioning rising malcontents.

For upwards of over three decades, the debate on state police has been on the front burner, and now with worsening security situation in virtually all parts of the country, the time seems ripe enough to take a stand on the issue of state police, to be or not to be.

With the failure of many prescriptions for solving rising insecurity in the country, wisdom demands that the issue of state police be given a trial just as it happened to other prescribed solutions.

Nigeria is big enough territorially and in terms of population to accommodate both federal and state police, constitutionally working in cahoots for the security and well-being of the nation.

Today, rising insecurity tides have obfuscated the old time criticisms of possibility of political misuse of police powers at state level, paucity of funds by most states to maintain and equip a standard state control force, potential fragmentation of national security and absence of regulatory architecture to ensure standard and operational cohesion of state police force.

State police is an idea whose time has come.

•Sunday Olagunju,

Ibadan, Oyo State.
July 7, 2025
Why Artificial Intelligence can’t take over
- By Ganiu Bamgbose
Sir: Artificial Intelligence has come to stay and the debate over whether or whether not to accept/adopt it is needless, fruitless and baseless. The discussion at the moment should be the survival of professions and professionals in the age of artificial intelligence. The prerequisite for the survival of occupations in the age of Artificial Intelligence is the adoption of AI in occupational operations. The fear and prediction of AI taking over the world is not manifesting completely so soon inasmuch as its creation and adoption still depend on human ingenuity.

Bill Gates has been reported to predict the survival of three works as AI takes over human roles but of course Gates too did not consider dynamics such as the unequal spread and uneven penetration of AI to different countries of the world. We are not all experiencing AI at the same level. This puts everyone at the liberty of studying the wave at their own spot and determining out to wage in to continually attract wages.

Artificial intelligence will replace only those who are not in place. By this I mean that the wave of AI will threaten only those who are not weaving AI into whatever they are doing already. With AI for instance, many teachers will no longer fit into the profession but teaching as a profession will not get easily swept away by AI. Teachers can subsume AI into their methodological approach but AI is not immediately prepared to incorporate the empathy and the affection that will come from a teacher to their students. The teacher that will not be replaced by AI must therefore know that the classroom in the 21st century is made up of CLICKS, and not just BRICKS. With the congested classrooms in many African countries, the AI-compliant teacher must achieve PACE even without SPACE.

Academics and researchers who also see AI as a free gift of nature that comes without fee will in no time fizzle out. In line with the thoughts of scholars and the editorial positions of many journals, Sumaya Laher differentiated between AI-assisted content and AI-generated content. AI-assisted content refers to work that is predominantly written by an individual but has been improved with the aid of AI tools. AI-generated content is produced by the AI itself. This could mean that the AI tool generates significant portions of text, or even entire sections, based on detailed instructions (prompts) provided by the author. Intellectual outputs that do not contain the ingenuity and voice of an academic or researcher amounts to plagiarism on the one hand and prepares such person for intellectual degradation on the other hand.

It is ridiculous that the first move of an intellect when presented with a topic, issue or debate is to find out what AI says. A scholar should take the within-without approach to discourses which requires your intellection before AI-inclusion, and not the without-within approach which prompts you to essentially rely on AI-generated ideas before asking yourself if you have anything to add.

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Academics should also note that they are dealing with a generation of students who are smarter than they are brilliant. They have not cultivated the use of their intellect so much but are fantastic at using AI. An AI-ignorant supervisor can therefore give good grades for completely AI-generated submissions because they are not aware of the affordance of artificial intelligence. While the gist is not to prevent or discourage the use of AI for school tasks, students must be guided on how to use the available online tools and, of course, be punished for misuse and abuse.

Artificial intelligence (AI) has been said to refer to “intelligent machines and algorithms that can reason and adapt based on sets of rules and environments which mimic human intelligence”. This makes clear that AI is not designed to replace human ingenuity so everyone who remains ingenious will remain relevant even in our AI-driven world. We are therefore left with the option of placing AI in the scheme of things if we will not be replaced by AI. Individuals must not wait for authorities to do it for them. Academics must not wait for their institutions to train them. We all must strive to move with the wave of AI as much as we can as failure plus explanation will not guarantee success.

•Ganiu Bamgbose,

Lagos State University, Ojo.
July 7, 2025
Uba Sani: Changing the face of governance
- By Zaidu Zaidu
Sir: Purposeful leadership has long been the missing link in Northern Nigeria’s development journey. Despite its vast human and mineral resources, the region is often seen as a drawback in the country’s quest for sustainable progress. Simply put, many perceive Northern Nigeria as a burden, a region with little to offer. This perception might have been different if the region had continued to produce visionary leaders in the mould of the Sardauna and other great northern statesmen, who not only led with purpose but also united the people across all divides.

Today, however, a new wave of leadership is beginning to challenge this narrative. Senator Uba Sani stands out among a handful of emerging leaders who are redefining what it means to govern with vision, empathy, and results.

Governor Uba Sani’s leadership style gives life to John C. Maxwell’s saying that “A leader is one who knows the way, goes the way, and shows the way.” Since assuming office, he has wasted no time translating his vision into action, and he is doing so without media frenzy or fanfare. Unlike his predecessor, who employed the tactic of divide and rule, Uba Sani has been able to harmonise both the northern and southern parts of Kaduna State.

Before he came on board, Kaduna was a hotbed for bandits and terrorists, a place where, to borrow the words of Thomas Hobbes, life was “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” But through dialogue and a non-kinetic approach, he has helped restore a measure of peace, especially in troubled axes like Birnin Gwari. While pockets of attacks still occur, the frequency has reduced significantly, showing that security is not only about force, but also about trust and community engagement.

In terms of infrastructure, Governor Uba Sani has made meaningful strides despite inheriting a huge debt running into hundreds of millions of dollars. Roads like the Kachia-Kafanchan link and rural feeder roads in Giwa and Soba have been rehabilitated, reconnecting communities and boosting local economies in ways that touch people’s daily lives.

Read Also: Lagos police arrest 52 suspected cultists, assure residents of safety

When the time came to organise the North West Stakeholders Forum, many doubted it could hold without descending into chaos, especially considering how the North East Stakeholders Forum had gone. But Governor Uba Sani proved the doubters wrong by spearheading one of the most seamless and productive forums in recent times. His success mirrors the Igbo proverb that “When an elder is in the house, the she-goat does not suffer parturition on its tether.” Though Governor Uba Sani is still young, he has succeeded where some elders have failed.

When predictions of chaos at the North West Stakeholders Forum did not come to pass, critics shifted their doubts to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to commission landmark projects like the rebuilt Sabon Gari Market. They said the president could not visit Kaduna without crisis, especially considering this is the state where his strongest and bitterest critic governed for eight years. Yet again, Uba Sani silenced them. Talk of a leader who knows his onions.

In the area of appointments, Governor Uba Sani has shown that he understands the time-tested Nigerian cliché that the youth are the leaders of tomorrow. His cabinet includes young, qualified professionals alongside experienced hands, with clear attention to gender balance.

In all this, one thing stands out: Governor Uba Sani’s quiet revolution in Kaduna is not just transforming a state, it is rewriting the story of Northern Nigeria. By proving that with vision, courage, and sincerity, purposeful governance is indeed possible, he reminds us that the North still has leaders who know the way, go the way, and show the way.

•Zaidu Zaidu,

Zaiduzaidu@gmail.com
July 7, 2025
NYSC certificate deserves a digital makeover
- By David Tersoo Heke
Sir: On June 3rd, 2025, I collected my NYSC Certificate of National Service. For years, I had seen others celebrate this document with pride, holding it up as a symbol of academic closure and civic contribution. I anticipated that same feeling. But when I finally received mine, the excitement gave way to quiet concern.

The certificate felt… underwhelming.

In a time when most official documents come with modern security features—QR codes, encrypted barcodes, holographic seals, or even digital verification portals—the NYSC certificate appears stuck in the past. No embedded digital features. No tamper-proof markings. The paper itself feels ordinary, and the design appears unchanged for decades.

This is not just about aesthetics. It’s about credibility and security.

The current certificate, in its form, is worryingly vulnerable to forgery. Without any way to digitally verify authenticity, employers and institutions are left to rely on the assumption that every certificate presented to them is genuine. In a country where document fraud is a known issue, that’s a dangerous gamble.

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Contrast this with exam bodies like WAEC and NECO, which now allow digital result confirmation, or even universities that offer transcript tracking systems. Why has the NYSC certificate—arguably one of Nigeria’s most significant civic documents—not evolved?

The solution is not complex. It’s time for the National Youth Service Corps to:

– Introduce QR or barcode-based verification systems linked to the NYSC database.

– Upgrade printing materials to tamper-proof formats with security overlays.

– Offer secure digital copies for online use and international processing.

As a proud Nigerian who completed national service, I believe this is not too much to ask. If we are going to continue mandating service to the nation, then the token of that service—our certificate—should reflect the standards of the time.

We owe it to the thousands of Corps members who serve every year. We owe it to national integrity. And we owe it to the future of public trust in our systems.

•David Tersoo Heke,

Makurdi, Benue State.
July 7, 2025
Clicks, code and control: How journalism is being strangled

By Tarik Toros

Across the world, fundamental moral values, the principles that have provided social cohesion for centuries, are being systematically undermined.

Yet historical patterns suggest that societies eventually return to tested values and shared principles. Periods of instability have, at times, strengthened the long-term commitment to coexistence, justice and democratic order.

Social norms and ideological landscapes evolve. But certain principles remain constant.

When individuals give their word, they are expected to keep it. Consistency between actions and statements reflects personal integrity. Dignity and respect remain essential for building trust, both at the individual and institutional levels.

In contrast, betrayal, manipulation, cruelty, racism and hatred erode not only personal relationships but also the foundations of public life. These values, or the lack thereof, shape states and their governance.

This raises a critical question: What response is appropriate when these principles are deliberately distorted, weaponized or sacrificed to entrench power structures?

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In many societies, dissent is misdirected toward convenient targets, while systemic abuses by those in authority are met with silence. This dynamic reflects neither genuine opposition nor democratic engagement, but rather complicity.

Throughout history, regardless of a nation’s governing system, one constant remains: Power holders inevitably fear public mobilization. They deploy police, intelligence services and legal mechanisms to suppress opposition. They manipulate public narratives through state-aligned media.

Yet, despite these efforts, complete control remains elusive.

When public concern reaches critical mass, even authoritarian leaders are forced to react. They simulate dialogue, promise reforms, adjust legislation when necessary, all designed to contain dissent without relinquishing control.

At times, internal tensions compel governments to sacrifice scapegoats, symbolic gestures to deflect pressure while maintaining strategic direction. The broader objective remains unchanged.

This dynamic was captured by Turkish author Ahmet Altan in a 2009 speech delivered in Leipzig: “Like all living beings, humans are violent.”

But we have two qualities that set us apart. First, we add our minds and our awareness to this violence, turning nature’s innocent cruelty into something darker, something sinful. Second, we carry a force that stands in direct opposition to this. We have a drive to protect the weak and stand against injustice.

We call this force conscience. Our whole life, our whole identity, our entire being, they are shaped by one simple question: “Which part of us do we choose to nurture?”

The integrity of both individuals and societies depends less on rhetoric and more on the consistent choice to develop this protective, ethical dimension. That choice is not singular, it recurs daily, shaping governance, institutions and public life.

The erosion of democratic principles today coincides with the rapid transformation of digital spaces, particularly the internet.

For many journalists, the internet remains the last viable space for free expression, a platform to circulate information and hold power to account.

In an environment where traditional public squares are surveilled or suppressed, a single social media post can surpass physical demonstrations in reach and influence.

Digital platforms offer immediacy, expansive dissemination and measurable public response. This explains why authoritarian regimes increasingly seek to control online spaces. The internet that defined global connectivity over the last three decades is rapidly disappearing.

Traditional search engines are being replaced by AI-powered tools. Algorithms now regulate visibility, determining what content is amplified and what effectively vanishes from public discourse. Numerous journalists and independent publishers report a similar pattern: “My posts once reached hundreds of thousands. Now I’m lucky to reach a thousand.”

This is not merely anecdotal. It signals a structural threat to press freedom and democracy. The decline in organic traffic undermines independent media revenues, limiting the production of investigative reporting. As resources dwindle, critical stories go untold, weakening the pillars of democratic accountability.

AI technologies exacerbate this crisis by extracting and reproducing content from news outlets without attribution. Traffic, visibility and financial benefits flow disproportionately to large technology firms such as Google rather than to the journalists generating original work.

The impact is visible even among major news organizations. The UK’s Mail Online recently reported a 50 percent drop in site traffic. For smaller, independent news platforms, particularly those exposing corruption or abuse, the consequences are existential.

While Google and Meta have established licensing agreements with some major media entities, smaller outlets, often those reporting at the grassroots or uncovering local injustices, are excluded from these arrangements. Their digital reach diminishes, and their financial sustainability deteriorates.

This situation demands coordinated response strategies.

Journalists, media organizations and advocates must collaborate to develop protective frameworks that ensure the survival of independent journalism.

Collective action, shared resources and sustained support mechanisms are essential to prevent small, critical voices from disappearing entirely from the media landscape. At present, such efforts remain fragmented and insufficient.

Without intervention, the internet risks becoming an ecosystem dominated by homogenized, algorithm-driven content, a reality incompatible with press freedom and democratic resilience.

But despite these trends, I still believe this:

Humanity has always found a way back to core values, though the path is rarely linear and often painful. Conscience remains the noblest rebellion we have ever formed against cruelty, against injustice, against the darker parts of human nature. And what separates us from the animals isn’t just reason, it’s how we choose to use it.

That choice, to protect, to speak, to resist, is still ours to make.

· This article was first published in www.turkishminute.com

July 6, 2025
‘The shooting of King’s College Old Boys’

By Akinfela Akoni

Foreword

When I was asked by Bashorun J.K. Randle OFR to write a Foreword to this book, truth be told, I was a little surprised. However, I was equally honoured to have been so asked. As we all know, Bashorun J.K. Randle is a man who holds all the cards and decides when and how to release each one – I guess there is a reason why I am writing this Foreword!

Bashorun J.K. Randle is, by all accounts, an accomplished man. An eminent Chartered Accountant and former President of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria, a former Chairman and Chief Executive of KPMG Nigeria and a consummate professional as well as former Chairman of the Governing Council and Pro-Chancellor of Lagos State University.

Bashorun J.K. Randle is also an extremely lucid writer. I have had the privilege of reading a number of his essays and articles in manuscript and this book as well. By way of anecdote, whilst having lunch at The Metropolitan Club, another member remarked about an article Bashorun wrote that he read in the newspapers – it was then that it dawned on me that Bashorun has been engaging my services as a critic of his works before they were published! Bashorun writes on various subjects from politics to sport, to religion, each with the customary irony embedded for the discerning reader. Each one always cleverly written and eloquently expressed.

As we all know, Bashorun J.K. Randle is an extremely witty man. His natural dry sense of humour is effortlessly recognisable amongst any of his works. The natural style and the wicked twist in his writings are symptomatic of his wicked wit!

The book, The Shooting of King’s College Old Boys, is a clear manifestation of Bashorun’s wit and innate talent as a writer (the title of the book is evidence, in itself, of the deep rooted irony in his writing style). Tackling, in the main, the subject of school rivalries (otherwise known as ‘banter’ or ‘harmless fun’), Bashorun demonstrates not only his knowledge of current affairs but also his passion for education and his beloved alma mater.

The rivalry between King’s College and St Gregory’s College is perhaps one of the motivations for this book and such rivalry is akin to the fierce competition between Eton and Harrow (two of the most famous public schools in the United Kingdom). To really appreciate which one is better, one needs to refer to the facts on the table. Taking the issue of Prime Ministers of United Kingdom for example, Eton has had 19 UK Prime Ministers whilst Harrow has had 7 UK Prime Ministers, with the latter perhaps boasting the greatest of them all, Sir Winston Churchill.

Coming back home, neither school has produced a Head of State or President of Nigeria. However, there are many notable alumni from both schools. With no scientific analysis, King’s College has amongst its ranks Chief Alex Ekwueme GCON (former Vice President of Nigeria); Odumegwu Chukwuemeka Ojukwu; Oba Adeyinka Oyekan; Sir Adetokunbo Ademola; Justice Daddy Onyeama; Justice Ishola Oluwa; Chief Simeon Adebo; Eng. A.O. Karunwi; Chief Anthony Enahoro; Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya; Ernest Ikoli; Chief Lateef Jakande; Chief Philip Asiodu; Alhaji Lateef Okunnu; Chief Frank Akinrele; Otunba Adeoye Tugbogbo; Prince Adedapo Adeniran; Dr. Yinka Gbajumo; Jenkins Coker; Alhaji Alade Idris – Animashaun; Alhaji A.K. Amu; Mr Hakeem Bello-Osagie; His Royal Highness Sanusi Lamido Sanusi; Senator Udoma Udo Udoma; Dr. Edet Amana; Senator (Dr.) Bukola Saraki, Yemi Adeola and the author himself to name but a few. On the other hand, St Gregory’s College can boast of Sir Adetokunbo Ademola; Chief (Dr.) Moses Majekodunmi; Cardinal Anthony Olubunmi Okogie; Professor Theo Ogunbiyi and Senator Ben Murray Bruce to name but a few. Another important yardstick, which is closer to my heart, is the number of tripos Oxbridge alumni from the two schools – in this regard, King’s College is a clear winner with the likes of Sir Adetokunbo Ademola; Sir Louis Nwachukwu Mbanefo; Chief Remi Fani–Kayode; Odumegwu Chukwuemeka Ojukwu; Chief Philip Asiodu; Mr Hakeem Bello-Osagie; Senator Udoma Udo Udoma and Peter Alexander Egom amongst their ranks. The long list includes the likes of Professor Tiamiyu Bello–Osagie; Professor J.T.K. Duncan; Professor Adele Jinadu; Adekunle Williams; Babatunde Williams; Babatunde Edu; Dr. Kole Abayomi; Oyewole Browne; Gbolahan Abisogun – Alo; Harry Afolabi Lardner; Chief Allison Ayida; Chief (Ambassador) Albert Osakwe; Professor Osato Giwa – Osagie; Fubara Anga as well as two brothers – Isaac Adedapo Akinrele and Olatunde Akinrele.

I leave you to decide which of King’s College and St Gregory’s College is the Eton and Harrow of Nigeria!

Bashorun J.K. Randle is passionate about many things but it is clear that King’s College is part of his DNA. His illustrious late father, Chief J.K. Randle was also an old boy of the college and remains a legend for his outstanding achievements in business, politics, sports and philanthropy.

It is difficult to sit with Bashorun for five minutes without sharing his deep anguish and profound concern about the state of affairs in Africa and Nigeria in particular as we stumble from one crisis to another while war, famine, despair and poverty ravage the land and reign supreme. This must necessarily trigger the challenge – what difference have our graduates and professionals made? By the same token, how do we account for the resounding deficit in integrity, public service, security and virtually everything else, regardless of the prevalence of products of King’s College; Queen’s College; St. Gregory’s College; Barewa College as well as preponderance of graduates from Oxford; Cambridge; Imperial College; London School of Economics; Harvard; Yale; Princeton; Stanford; Massachusetts Institute of Technology; etc from whom we are entitled to expect exceptional leadership anchored on knowledge; resourcefulness; creativity; tolerance and above all patriotism as a derivative of “noblese obilige”?

I am reliably informed that when the Trinidadian born Nobel Prize-winning writer, V.S. Naipul (ex-University College, Oxford which also produced poets C.S. Lewis; and P.B. Shelley as well as Stephen Hawking the renowned physicist and Bill Clinton, former President of the United States of America) was invited to lunch at the Metropolitan Club as a guest of Bashorun J.K. Randle, he was sufficiently overwhelmed to declare:

“I have never seen so many Oxford and Cambridge graduates assembled under one roof outside of England.”

The Shooting of King’s College Old Boys is a thoroughly good read and I would not hesitate to recommend it to any avid reader of historical or biographical works.

• Akoni MA (Cantab) is President, The Oxford and Cambridge Club of Nigeria

July 6, 2025
When power mongers regroup: inside the ADC circus

By Temitope Ajayi

What was widely touted as a potential seismic shift in Nigeria’s political terrain turned out to be a mere political puff off smoke. For weeks, a band of aggrieved and wandering politicians had been climbing every available rooftop, megaphone in hand, vowing to dethrone President Bola Tinubu come 2027. Not because the man is doing a terrible job on the saddle. Not because the economy has worsened or security has completely collapsed. No. Just because they missed out on the appurtenances of power and cannot seem to function without the title “Your Excellency.”

Two years into his presidency, Bola Tinubu is tackling Nigeria’s multi-headed problems like a man cutting down a mountainous terrain with a pickaxe, painfully slow, yes, but certainly purposeful. Yet, the self-styled redeemers, who gathered under the banner of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in Abuja on Wednesday, chief among them Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have not proposed a single fresh idea.

Their only strategy appears to be crying louder than the bereaved, recycling worn-out clichés, and weaponising poverty they themselves helped fertilise over the past 25 years. This is not a political rebirth. It is more like a poorly-scripted sequel that is ill-fated. These opposition actors, having deflated their original parties and lost the plot as credible voices, are merely using the ADC as a special purpose vehicle for power-hunting. It is a political Uber for those stranded without relevance.

Nigerians have seen this movie before. In 2018, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, after penning a series of acidic letters to President Muhammadu Buhari, rallied his own coalition of the wounded under the same ADC flag. That effort collapsed faster than a soufflé in a thunderstorm. If history is any guide, the new ADC revival is another expedition in political self-harm.

The truth is the ADC gathering is never a policy-driven renaissance. It is more like a reunion of political exes with bruised egos. Jealousy, personal bitterness, inflated ambition, and expired influence are the glue binding this coalition. They are not out to rescue anyone; they only want to rescue themselves from political oblivion.

To further understand the theatrical quality of this attempted comeback, let us meet the cast.

Atiku Abubakar: A walking case study in political promiscuity. He has changed parties more times than a chameleon in a rainbow factory. Six failed presidential bids in 30 years, and he is still convinced he has a divine appointment with Aso Rock. By 2027, Atiku will be 80 years old. One wonders if he sees the ADC as a retirement plan or a midlife crisis project stretched into old age.

Peter Obi: Running on the altar of religion and ethnicity, our fault lines, he came third in the 2023 presidential election. He has not stopped lamenting with his dark view of a country he seeks to govern. From every pulpit to podcast, he hammers out statistics like a broken calculator stuck on pessimism. The same man who vilified the “structure of criminality” has now joined forces with it, convinced that recycled alliances will take him to the Promised Land. For a man who loves to chant “competence, capacity, and compassion,” his own time as governor left more questions than legacy projects.

Senator David Mark: The new “Protem Chairman” of ADC is our new-found democrat who wants to save our hard-won civil rule. How democratic! This is the same man who played a key role in the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. He spent 20 years in the Senate, out of which he spent 8 years as Senate President. He left Otukpo, his hometown, looking like it missed every development memo sent since the 1980s. A man with this track record should not be talking about saving democracy. He helped bury it once.

Nasir el-Rufai: The diminutive former governor of Kaduna suffers from the well-documented “short man syndrome” and an even shorter loyalty span. Denied a ministerial position, he is now leading a political tantrum. Both former Presidents Buhari and Obasanjo reportedly said El-Rufai can not be trusted with a vending machine, let alone national leadership. Despite his knack for media drama, his electoral influence is skeletally thin he would struggle to win a ward in Kaduna today.

Rotimi Amaechi: Spoilt silly by the system. He is the dictionary definition of entitlement. From being the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly to being governor to minister, without ever holding a real life job like an average Nigerian, he thinks Nigeria owes him a crown and garlands. Despite being Director-General of Buhari’s campaigns in 2015 and 2019, he failed spectacularly to deliver Rivers State to APC in three elections. Each time, he got beaten by Nyesom Wike with a stick, a smile, and a landslide. Amaechi is a synonym for failure in matters of elections.

Rauf Aregbesola: As governor of Osun, he engaged in bizarre governance experiments that left the state more broke than Greece in 2008 and left civil servants unpaid. As Minister of Interior, his biggest achievements were announcing public holidays and turning passport collection into an Olympic sport. He once swore President Tinubu was second only to God in his life. Now, he wants to save Nigeria with Atiku in a gang up against the man God used to elevate him to positions of national prominence.

Bolaji Abdullahi: He is the master of fine talk and zero conviction. One moment, he is with the PDP. Next, he is with the APC, then back to the PDP. Now, he is the mouthpiece of ADC. When Arise TV’s Rufai Oseni asked if he was keeping Saraki’s seat warm, it was not a dig but a clinical diagnosis.

To be clear, this ADC crowd is not on a mission to reinvent Nigeria. They are merely trying to reinvent themselves. No ideology, no credible blueprint, just a collection of power retirees seeking roles and relevance like actors auditioning for a remake of a show nobody watched the first time.

And as if their credibility deficit was not enough, their leadership structure itself is illegal. According to the 2022 Electoral Act, any appointment of party officials must be done through a properly convened party convention or National Executive Council meeting, supervised by INEC. What happened in Abuja was not a lawful convention or NEC meeting of ADC. It was a political comedy skit without a script.

In the end, the so-called coalition is nothing but a choir of has-beens and never-weres singing off-key. They lack the fire, the discipline, the ideological clarity and the mass movement element that propelled APC to power in 2015.

Rather than waste everyone’s time parading tired slogans, the ADC gang should just say what they really mean: “We want power because we miss the perks.” Unfortunately for them, Nigeria has changed. And Nigerians are watching and will laugh out loud at the appropriate time.

– Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Tinubu on Media and Publicity.

July 6, 2025
New GDP: What Nigeria must not miss

By Ayo Olododo

In a few days, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) will release the rebased GDP, the first update in over a decade. It is correct to predict that the new GDP will be big, taking a cue from previous rebased figures when Nigeria overtook South Africa in 2014.

But before we pop the champagne let’s ask; what does this really mean?

Rebasing a country’s GDP is like cleaning the lens of a camera. It helps us see the economy more clearly, using updated data that reflects how people actually earn and spend money today, not how they did 10 or 15 years ago.

Our last update was based on 2010 figures. Since then, Nigeria has changed a lot. We now have food delivery apps, online payment platforms like Opay, content creators, Netflix, digital marketers, and a much larger informal sector. These are the kinds of changes this new GDP is expected to capture.

It will likely show that Nigeria’s economy is bigger than we thought, maybe much more bigger. That may sound like good news, and in some ways, it is. A bigger GDP can help improve our credit ratings and investor confidence. It can also highlight sectors that are growing fast and deserve more attention.

But let’s be honest; this won’t magically fix the problems we live with every day. It won’t reduce the cost of food. It won’t solve insecurity. It’s simply a statistical update. And that’s why it needs to be understood by everyone. We must not mistake a bigger number for better living conditions.

In 2014, after the last rebasing, Nigeria became the largest economy in Africa. But for many Nigerians, it looked like nothing changed. The roads were still bad. Power supply was still erratic. Salaries didn’t rise. Prices didn’t fall.

This time, we might do better. The new GDP figures might be used as a tool to energise the present direction of the Nigerian economy. The new figures should help the government see where we’re making progress and where we’re falling behind. If digital services and entertainment are booming while agriculture and manufacturing are shrinking, for example, then our policies must respond accordingly. If the informal sector is larger than we thought, we need to find ways to support and integrate it into the formal economy.

Because numbers alone won’t build roads or power plants. In this case, they must be supported by real reforms.

Another concern is the temptation to lay emphasis on debt to GDP ratio. A bigger GDP makes our debt-to-GDP ratio look smaller, which might tecnically make it easier for the government to borrow. But unless we improve revenue collection and spending discipline, more debt if not carefully assessed could make things worse, not better.

And then there’s the challenge of communication. “GDP rebasing” is technical, abstract, maybe even suspicious. Yet this is an opportunity for analyst to rely on NBS official releases and not those cooked by the side or manipulated by those who wants to play to the gallery. People must understand how this affects jobs, businesses, inflation, and national planning from a well informed economists and analysts.

At the heart of it, this rebasing is a reality check. It tells us the true shape of our economy. It gives us a more accurate map. But it’s up to all of us,government and citizens,to decide what to do with it.

If we use this updated data to plan better, invest smarter, and govern more responsibly, then this exercise will be worth far more than any jump in GDP. But if we treat it as another moment of self-congratulation, we will miss the point entirely.

Let’s not waste the clarity this new data may give us. We’ve seen where we are, now let’s get to where we should be.

• Olododo is an economist and unlicensed commentator based in Abuja.

July 6, 2025
Why 2031, not 2027, is the most consequential election for Nigerians

By Opeoluwa Dapo-Thomas

Caveat: When I write articles, I do so from three perspectives. One, as an economist, two, as a foreign investor, three, as someone with a deeper-than-average understanding of how government works — an understanding shaped by access to insider information, policy analysis, and years of studying both public records and behind-the-scenes governance.

This vantage point gives me context that, frankly, most Nigerians don’t have. So while my views may sometimes challenge popular opinions, they are grounded in data, experience, and informed observation and devoid of the citizenry sentiments that shape today’s electoral choices.

Nigerians love presidential elections, a little too much. Understandably so, given how personality-driven our politics is. The average Nigerian is more focused on individuals than systems, holding onto the belief that one man can emerge from a deeply flawed, regionally-rotating political structure and fix the country overnight.

Even after decades of democracy and every past leader being demystified, we remain emotionally attached to the myth of “the one.” But before we look ahead, we must take stock of the present administration.

The Tinubu Administration: A Mixed Performance So Far

The current administration kicked off with two bold economic reforms: fuel subsidy removal and naira devaluation. These policies unlocked more naira for the federal and state governments, allowing states to reduce debts, increase wages, and, unfortunately, undertake white elephant projects (petition for states to stop building unviable airports, please). The policies also saved the country from financial implosion and default risk.

Yes, revenue has improved. But Nigeria still faces persistent fiscal deficits, inflationary pressure, and a troubling lack of reliable data. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) seems overwhelmed, especially post-rebasing. And without credible data, the much-anticipated foreign investments won’t fully materialize — no investor will deploy capital blindly.

Meanwhile, the ruling elite are engaging in early politicking ahead of the polls, which means we should expect lethargy in governance in the coming months. For example, the Minister of Power is talking about reconciling APC members ahead of Oyo 2027, so it’s safe to say he’s interested in another type of “Power” that doesn’t involve electricity. The best form of politics right now, as the country is facing one of its worst economic crises, is by solving problems and explaining to Nigerians why you need time, because development does require time. Alleviating public suffering buys goodwill ahead of the 2027 elections.

Credit Where It’s Due

To be fair, there are notable achievements at the macro level: Tax reform has progressed, Nigeria attracted billions of dollars in oil and gas investments, the debt servicing to revenue ratio has improved, State debts are reducing, local government autonomy is being pursued with renewed vigour — a critical step for grassroots development. Credit access is improving through the Consumer Credit Corporation. Credit will unlock productivity as demand will increase. Student loans are being administered well, and the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road, if completed, may become the most economically impactful project in modern Nigerian history. We now have a Central Bank that knows its mandate. We now have an FX market that’s much more liquid, for foreign investors can be assured of capital repatriation. Moody’s, Fitch, and S&P Global have upgraded Nigeria’s rating to a much more stable outlook. These upgrades suggest a positive trend in Nigeria’s creditworthiness, driven by ongoing economic and fiscal reforms implemented by the government.

What Still Needs Work

But a lot remains unresolved: What’s the roadmap for power reform? We need to address metering, implement cost-reflective tariffs, and clear debts owed to GENCOs and DISCOs. Should the government form another “Taiwo Oyedele-style” expert committee for the power sector? Where is the strategy for agriculture and food security? Why is the country still experiencing post-harvest losses in the region of N3.5 trillion annually, which is about 40% of Nigeria’s annual food production? These issues must be tackled in this administration to improve the quality of life for Nigerians and to lay the groundwork for real economic progress.

Why 2031, Not 2027 -Will Be the Economic Turning Point

All the reforms by the Obasanjo government began reflecting during Yar’Adua’s administration

Judging from antecedents, President Tinubu has the political capital and track record to solve these problems. There will be cabinet rejigs in his second term since there is no need to be worried about re-election anymore. His second term (if re-elected) will free him from electoral distractions, allowing him to push through the tough, foundational reforms that Nigeria desperately needs. It’s easier to push for state police and implementation of LG autonomy when you don’t have elections to worry about. The United Kingdom’s Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, at the moment, is offering concessions to Labour MPs amid a major rebellion over his government’s planned welfare cuts. Reforms are not easy to pull through when you are shackled with political landmines in the National Assembly.

This current administration needs time. Some have asked where the FDIs are now since the FX market is now “liquid”. Many assume that simply liberalizing the FX market will immediately unlock FDI inflows, but in reality, attracting meaningful foreign investment is a multi-year process that typically takes 3 to 7 years, depending on political will, macroeconomic stability, and institutional strength. The journey begins with identifying and prioritizing strategic sectors such as energy, agriculture, ICT, and manufacturing, while clearly defining Nigeria’s unique value proposition. This must be followed by revising investment laws covering foreign ownership, profit repatriation, and dispute resolution, then digitizing business registration, permits, and licensing systems to reduce red tape. Building the physical and regulatory infrastructure to support investment, offering targeted incentives like tax holidays or accelerated depreciation, and actively engaging in global investment forums (e.g., Davos, Africa Investment Forum) are also critical. Once investors show interest, which can take time because of the investor’s internal due diligence, governments must support them with land access, permits, and local partnerships, while fostering joint ventures and local supply chain linkages. Iteration is key; policies must be adapted as challenges arise. The real question, then, is: how do you compress this entire sequence into a single term in office?

The Coalition…

Elections offer citizens a platform to evaluate the performance of the incumbent and express disapproval by voting for an alternative. However, the flaw in this system is that while the current administration may have scored a 6 out of 10, there’s no guarantee that the next candidate will perform any better. The current opposition coalition, which happens to be a mix of ex-allies of the President and perpetual defectors, appears more interested in taking power than presenting credible policy alternatives. They lack a coherent economic plan and function more like a reactionary force than a reform-driven movement.

Governments born from power grabs often serve up drab governance once in office. They squabble over every appointment because of the almighty “Federal quota” and political compensation. They dilute their policy agendas in the name of compromise and waste time fighting within the National Assembly. We saw it under Buhari and Saraki (2015–2019). The result is stagnation. When they finally settle, they start preparing for re-election (ignore all that one-term promise). If the opposition wants to be taken seriously, they must build an economic think tank, propose viable alternatives, and prepare for 2031, not 2027. They can use 2027 to test their new party’s resolve.

The Northern Factor

It is widely expected that 2031 will be the North’s turn again. But it’s fair to ask: how has the North historically performed economically when in power? Yar’Adua (2007–2010) reversed Obasanjo’s progressive reforms: lowered VAT from 10% to 5%, cancelled the sale of the Port Harcourt refinery, and rolled back key deregulations. Buhari (2015–2023) resisted subsidy removal and failed to reform the forex market, secure pipelines, or deliver on oil and gas reform. Border closures triggered food inflation.

Both leaders, though well-meaning, leaned toward populist, socialist-style governance. In truth, Nigerians are generally socialist in thinking, and Northerners even more so. Their policies, though people-centric, often failed to catalyze wealth creation and growth.

This is not a bug; it’s a feature. Which is why 2031 is pivotal: not just as a change in leadership but as a moment to determine whether we prioritize growth over sentiment, and proper management and multiplication of our paltry resources. The era of $100 oil prices, which the PDP government once enjoyed, is now a thing of the past. The United States, which once relied on Nigeria for 10% of its oil imports, has not only stopped buying our crude but has also become the world’s largest oil producer. This surge in U.S. output has flooded the global supply market, making it harder for geopolitical tensions to push prices into the three-digit range. Balancing our budgets now requires serious financial engineering that would combine legislative collaboration and executive coordination with states to achieve. The electoral choice in 2031 has to be a market-driven capitalist who has the political capital to pull it through. Most of today’s reforms would start yielding dividends in the long run.

Our leaders now have to think outside the box. How do we leverage oil as working capital to support other sectoral developments? How do they grow the economy to a 1 or 2 trillion dollar economy? Leaders have to be pro-market. Nigeria needs a leader who will create economic systems that will supersede them.

Final Word

The 2031 elections will determine whether Nigeria consolidates the hard reforms initiated now, or resets back to populism, patronage, and power-for-power’s sake politics. It will be the real test of whether Nigeria wants to build institutions, attract long-term investment, and become a functional, growth-driven economy, or remain caught in a cycle of reaction and regression.

July 6, 2025
‘Angels’ in Nigeria Police have brought yet more good news

By Muyiwa Adejobi

In a country where encounters with the police often spark anxiety instead of assurance, it’s easy to adopt a hardened belief: Can anything good come out of the Nigeria Police? Much like the ancient scepticism about Nazareth, this doubt has evolved into a common national sentiment, one born of lived experiences, horror stories, and long-standing distrust.

But what if, amid this scepticism, a new kind of story emerges: one of kindness, professionalism, and grace under uniform? A tale not driven by coercion or corruption, but by compassion. Such was the moment shared recently on X by @Akinskickers, reminding us that good things can indeed come from “Jerusalem.”

The story begins in the early hours of the morning, with a young man and his mother stranded on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. He was driving her to the airport when his car unexpectedly broke down. Desperate not to miss her flight and with time slipping away, he managed to flag down a passing towing van, which was kind enough to move their car to a safer location and even called a mechanic to help diagnose the problem.

But as the sun rose, so did his anxiety. They were stuck in the middle of nowhere. His mother’s flight hung in the balance. Worse still, he had no cash on hand to pay the mechanic. In that moment, fear crept in not just from the isolation or the ticking clock, but from the helplessness of being stranded with his mother without a clear way out.

Then, something unexpected happened. An angel arrived, but not with wings. This one wore a police uniform and answered to the name Yusuf. Without hesitation or suspicion, Officer Yusuf stepped in and covered the initial cost of the mechanic’s repairs. The mechanic had left to obtain necessary supplies for the vehicle’s repair and was taking up so much time that the officer found someone to take the woman to the airport at no extra cost. He refused reimbursement, insisting it was nothing. Yet his kindness didn’t stop there. He followed up later that day, not out of obligation but out of genuine concern, wanting to know if the young man’s mother had made her flight safely.

In a similar situation in January 2025, a team of Police Officers, while on patrol, encountered a stranded citizen whose vehicle had run out of fuel at the Cement Bus Stop, Lagos–Abeokuta Highway, at about 4 AM. The patrol team assisted her with 5 litres of fuel, which would be sufficient for her to get to the nearest filling station before continuing their patrol.

These encounters are not rare; they are just not always noticed. The Policing system, although designed to be fair, its complexity has led to inequities in how its officers are viewed. These officers stood out like a light in a dim tunnel. They embodied what policing should be: service and protection. Just as four officers on patrol duty on the Yola-Jalingo Road in Taraba State, who flagged down a vehicle as part of their duties and identified that its occupants were criminals who chose to buy their freedom from the officers by offering them a bribe amounting to 8.5 million naira. However, the officers chose to reject the bribe and arrested the suspects instead. Both the suspects and the bundles of cash were taken to the police station to face legal consequences.

In those moments, these officers challenged everything many believe about the Nigeria Police. They gave a face to honour in uniform and reminded us that institutions, no matter how broken, are still made up of many individuals who can choose differently.

This narrative, like a drop in an ocean, carries weight. It tells us that humanity still exists in unlikely places and that perhaps we need to look for it more often, amplify it, and celebrate louder when we find it.

Not too long ago, in January 2021, DSP Faith Okwuego Ejoh, a Policewoman serving in Delta State, made the decision to put compassion before duty alone. She had discovered a young girl who would have missed her final examinations because she was unable to pay for her school fees. DSP Ejoh was moved by her cries and decided not only to cover the girl’s tuition, but also the tuition for 18 other students who faced the same issues, giving them all a chance at a better future.

She reminded us all, without cameras or cheers, that the uniform she wore was about service to humanity, not simply law enforcement. Her unspoken generosity spoke loudly in a society that is too quick to pass judgment. She not only paid for dreams, but also protected them.

Another Officer, SP Obi Sentome, is a shining example of what integrity in policing looks like. As the head of the Zone 16 Financial and Cybercrime Unit, he has consistently upheld the core values of professionalism, accountability, and ethical conduct. In an environment where officers are often faced with pressure, compromise, or temptation, SP Obi has built a reputation for being uncompromising in the face of corruption, with his conduct reflecting a deep personal commitment to justice and aligning with the Nigeria Police Force’s broader mission to rebuild public trust through transparency and principled service.

He had led his team on an operation in December 2024, in Rivers State, where three suspects involved in ritual killings, drug trafficking, and cyber fraud were arrested. In the course of the investigation, the suspects attempted to bribe SP Obi with $17,000 in cash. He flatly rejected the offer, registered the money as evidence, and ensured it would be presented in court. These exemplary actions bagged him the Integrity Award and the award for the Police Officer of the Year at the recently held Police Awards & Recommendations Night

• Prince Adejobi, a Public Relations Practitioner and Conflict Manager, wrote from Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

July 6, 2025