Category: Commentaries

  • Climate Change: The ongoing global initiatives that will shape our lives in years to come

    Climate Change: The ongoing global initiatives that will shape our lives in years to come

    Climate change is one of the most pressing issues of our time, with far-reaching consequences for our planet and its inhabitants. Rising global temperatures, melting ice caps, and extreme weather events are just a few of the devastating impacts of climate change. However, there is hope. Governments, organizations, and individuals around the world are coming together to combat climate change through various initiatives. In this article, we will explore some of the ongoing global initiatives that will shape our lives in years to come.

    The Paris Agreement: The Paris Agreement is an international accord that aims to limit global warming to well below 2°C and pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. The agreement, which was adopted in 2015, has been ratified by over 180 countries and is considered a landmark achievement in the fight against climate change.

    Renewable Energy Initiatives: Renewable energy is a crucial component in the fight against climate change. Governments and organizations around the world are investing heavily in renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, and hydroelectric power. For example, the European Union has set a target of generating at least 32% of its energy from renewable sources by 2030.

    Electric Vehicle Initiatives: Electric vehicles (EVs) are becoming increasingly popular as governments and organizations encourage their adoption. Many countries have set targets for EV adoption, with Norway aiming to have all new cars sold be electric by 2025. Additionally, companies like Tesla, Volkswagen, and General Motors are investing heavily in EV technology.

    Read Also: Tinubu: every Nigerian will feel impact of good governance

    Carbon Pricing Initiatives: Carbon pricing is a mechanism that puts a cost on carbon emissions, providing a financial incentive for companies and individuals to reduce their emissions. Many countries have implemented or are planning to implement carbon pricing mechanisms, including carbon taxes and cap-and-trade systems.

    Sustainable Land Use Initiatives: Sustainable land use is critical for mitigating climate change. Initiatives such as reforestation, afforestation, and sustainable agriculture practices are being implemented around the world. For example, the Trillion Tree Campaign aims to plant, restore, and conserve 1 trillion trees by 2050.

    Climate-Resilient Infrastructure Initiatives: Climate-resilient infrastructure is critical for protecting communities from the impacts of climate change. Initiatives such as sea walls, levees, and green roofs are being implemented around the world. For example, the Netherlands is investing heavily in flood protection measures, including the construction of sea walls and levees.

    Climate Change Education and Awareness Initiatives: Climate change education and awareness are critical for inspiring individual and collective action. Initiatives such as climate change education programs, awareness campaigns, and community outreach programs are being implemented around the world. For example, the Climate Reality Project, founded by Al Gore, provides climate change education and training programs for individuals around the world.

    Conclusion Climate change is a pressing global issue that requires immediate attention and action. The ongoing global initiatives discussed in this article demonstrate the commitment of governments, organizations, and individuals to combating climate change. As we move forward, it is essential that we continue to support and expand these initiatives, inspiring individual and collective action to mitigate the impacts of climate change and create a more sustainable future for all.

    Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan)

    Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control

    badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450

  • Reflections on Naira-for-Crude

    Reflections on Naira-for-Crude

    The Naira-for-Crude initiative has ignited a profound debate in Nigeria’s economic landscape, yielding tangible results, such as the consistent drop in petrol prices. It is a development warmly received by many citizens.

    Meanwhile, the Federal Government’s influence on petrol prices demonstrates its authority, even as it raises fundamental questions about the interplay between state power and economic dynamics. If successfully implemented, the initiative could foster economic stability, diminish foreign currency dependence, and redefine Nigeria’s economic trajectory. However, a pressing question lingers: should these price drops translate to a reduced cost of living?

    The main thing about the Naira-for-Crude initiative is that it was thought of at all. For that, the Bola Tinubu-led government, which thought of it, deserves immense credit for conceptualizing this initiative! Such is the low level of policy formulation, not to mention implementation, in Nigeria.

    That said, a key point is to examine the opportunity cost of the initiative, which is crucial to consider. By selling crude in naira to producers, credit leads to a loss of foreign exchange that could have been earned to shore up Nigeria’s perennial balance of payments crisis. This is a significant consideration. In spite of this, the government was correct to focus on value-added local production, which can accelerate real sustainable development and boost value-creating exports. This kind of forward-thinking is exactly what Nigeria needs, and the government deserves commendation for this initiative.

    Obviously, we are not just talking about crude here; we are also talking about its derivatives, which are crucial for local manufacturing production and have export potential. This initiative presents a win-win situation! Properly implemented, it can transform Nigeria into a regional aviation hub for West, Central, and even East Africa. The gains will be phenomenal, with significant ripple effects on the aviation industry, including improved pricing, earnings and local job creation. The Federal Government’s efforts are truly commendable!

    Another significant development is the healthy competition among major market players, which can drive efficiency and productivity, ultimately benefiting consumers. Nonetheless, this competition also raises concerns about potential market manipulation and the need for effective regulation. The government’s role in ensuring fair competition and regulating the market is therefore crucial.

    At a time like this, the role of key stakeholders, such as Aliko Dangote, Africa’s richest nan, and Zacch Adelabu, the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), cannot be overstated. Dangote’s involvement in the initiative has been particularly noteworthy, given his company’s market position. If he hadn’t taken the risk to build such a massive refinery, the Naira-for-Crude initiative might not have been conceptualized, let alone succeeded. In light of this, Dangote deserves significant praise, especially considering the internal opposition he faced from those benefiting from the status quo.

    Going forward, this strategic approach of leveraging local competitive advantage for sustainable development and consumer benefits should be extended to other Dangote products, such as cement and sugar. The key point though is that it must be implemented with a clear and fair-trading focus. Again, this raises important questions about corporate social responsibility and the distribution of benefits and costs. Impliedly, if Dangote benefits from increased sales and revenue, it can be argued that he has a responsibility to share some of these benefits with consumers.

    Read Also: I’m committed to governance – Tinubu

    This brings to mind the clear reservations and murmurs of disaffection about the prices of many essential goods in Nigeria. The question that must be faced and answered is whether these prices are determined by competitive market forces or by cartels, reminiscent of the ‘robber barons’ who dominated the US economic landscape about 150 years ago. It took President Theodore Roosevelt, who took office in 1901, to initiate policies that eventually curbed the monopoly power of the John D. Rockefellers, the Andrew Carnegies, and the Andrew Mellons.

    A striking example of the destructive effect of cartels and monopolies is how Rockefeller’s interests hindered the growth of electric cars. In the early 1900s, electric vehicles dominated the scene, with very few cars running on premium motor spirit (PMS). Rockefeller, controlling a significant portion of the oil refinery industry, needed outlets for his fuel and leveraged his influence over state governments to suppress electric cars.

    As president, Roosevelt championed government regulation, conservation and social justice, earning him a reputation as a progressive leader. Roosevelt, in particular, publicly accused Rockefeller’s Standard Oil of criminal acts, and in 1911, the US Supreme Court ruled that Standard Oil had violated the Sherman Antitrust Act. Of course, it’s because of Rockefeller that we are seeing electric cars as a new phenomenon. It is actually older than the PMS dominance. Nigeria should learn from this in building a more positive, productive and sustainable political economy.

    Drawing parallels from history to contemporary times, this piece would be incomplete without giving great credit to Adedeji, who also doubles as the Chairman of the Technical Sub-Committee on Domestic Sales of Crude Oil and Refined Products in Naira, and his team. Again, the key point here is that his background in the private sector brings a fresh perspective, distinct from those who have spent their entire careers in the public sector. This diversity of experience enables Adedeji, a technocrat from Iwo-Ate, Oyo State, to approach challenges with unique insights.

    Adedeji’s unique blend of private and public sector experience serves as a valuable model for governments at all levels, including subnational and local governments. This approach has been advocated by many experts, who suggest adopting the French-type public service model, where civil servants gain experience in the private sector and NGOs to broaden their perspectives. Similar models are also applied, albeit to a lesser extent, in countries like Germany and the Netherlands.

    The emergence of leaders like Adedeji and Taiwo Oloyede (Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms) offers no answers if the Nigerian political establishment cannot find a feasible way to adapt a model that has shown tangible benefits. Given the excellent efforts of individuals like Adedeji, it is imperative to adopt a model that marks a decisive and irreversible break from an underachieving past. Failing to do so would be tragic!

    The Naira-for-Crude initiative can be seen as a strategic move to reconfigure the state-economy relationship, even as it raises important questions about power dynamics, economic systems, and the distribution of benefits and costs. The government’s decision to sell crude oil in naira is an exercise of sovereign power, aiming to shape the economic environment to its advantage.

    This move has potential benefits, such as promoting economic stability, reducing foreign currency dependence, and boosting the government’s legitimacy. However, it also requires careful consideration of potential consequences, including the impact on the naira’s value and economic instability. In the end, by fostering stability and predictability, the government can create a conducive environment for economic growth and development.

    Building on this momentum, Tinubu’s leadership in reshaping the state-economy dynamic is noteworthy. His administration has taken significant steps, including approving crude oil sales in naira to reduce dependence on foreign currency and stabilize the naira, as well as implementing economic reforms like removing fuel subsidies, which has saved over N1 trillion for the country.

    Additionally, the President has engaged with stakeholders like Dangote to address challenges and introduced initiatives to support micro-, small-, and medium-scale enterprises, including a N75 billion credit facility. However, the success of these efforts hinges on securing natural resources and promoting private sector participation. The role of private sector players will be essential in driving investments and promoting economic growth. Overall, Tinubu’s leadership, policy, and effective implementation will be crucial to the initiative’s success.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Benue killings and the President’s visit

    Benue killings and the President’s visit

    By Bridget Tikyaa

    On Wednesday, June 18, 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was in Benue State for the first time since assuming office two years ago. An unplanned visit necessitated by the massive carnage and displacement of law-abiding citizens by murderous gunmen who wantonly attacked two communities in the state. There were other attacks before now, and the attendant displacements and deaths of community members.

    The latest, however, pricked nerves and generated massive outrage within and outside Nigeria. The recent attacks on Yelewata and Daudu have resulted in significant displacement and loss of lives. According to the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), over 6,527 individuals have been displaced, comprising 1,069 households, among them 1,768 females,  759 males, 657 children under 18, 1,870 adults,  252 lactating mothers,  82 pregnant women and 91 elderly persons.

    READ ALSO: Governor Umo Eno and the lynch mob

    Local reports also indicate that over 200 people were killed in the two communities. This figure did not include injuries and casualties among security personnel. Two soldiers and one security defence officer lost their lives in an ambush while responding to the incident in Daudu. There were dozens who sustained injuries, with 46 individuals rushed to hospitals, and 20 later said to have succumbed to their injuries.

    Indeed, as the President said during the visit, the scale of destruction and loss is heartbreaking. It was a sad moment for all, a very difficult moment for not just the victims but also the state governor, Rev. Fr Hyacinth Iormem Alia, who has repeatedly strongly condemned the violent attacks on defenceless people, describing them as vicious and unacceptable, and working with security agencies, traditional rulers, and residents to find lasting solutions to the crisis. He has also worked with the federal government to increase security presence in affected areas.

    Governor Alia has variously appealed to the federal government to urgently address the worsening insecurity in the state, emphasizing the need for decisive action to end the killings.

    He has advocated for community policing as the most effective approach to addressing the state’s security challenges.

    Alia believes that local communities are best positioned to understand their security needs and should be empowered to support policing efforts. These, he also echoed during the President’s visit, when he appealed to President Tinubu to back the creation of state police, highlighting it as a viable and sustainable approach to addressing insecurity. He argued that state governors need the necessary tools to respond effectively to security challenges within their domain.

    Governor Alia also urged the federal government to establish a special intervention fund for communities affected by insurgency, to provide relief for displaced persons, and to mitigate their hardships.

    On his part, the Tor Tiv, Professor James Ayatse, took time to address misinformation and mischaracterisation, saying that land grabbing is at the core of the decades-long conflict.

    “Your Excellency, it is not herder-farmer clashes. It is not communal clashes. It is not reprisal attacks or skirmishes. What we are dealing with here in Benue is a calculated, well-planned, full-scale genocidal invasion and land-grabbing campaign by herder-terrorists and bandits.”

    He cautioned that mischaracterising the crisis had led to inadequate responses and accused some political actors of exploiting the situation for selfish gain.

    “We hear that some politicians would even prefer that the crisis worsens, so it would serve as a basis for declaring a state of emergency. This is unfortunate. Any politician who prays for more people to die for such a project is working against the wishes of the people of Benue State,” the Tor Tiv said, and appealed to President Tinubu to restore peace to the state and every part of Nigeria.

    “All we ask of you, sir, is to stop our weeping. Give us peace in Benue State, so our people, primarily farmers, can return to their farms and continue to produce food for Nigeria. I heard a story about a challenge in a place in Kwara State, and you rose and gave them peace in Kaiama. You can do that for Benue.”

    In all of these, President Tinubu delivered some powerful messages of hope to the people of Benue State.

    “To the good people of Benue, I see your pain. I feel it with you. And I assure you, we will not leave you behind. We will restore peace, rebuild, and bring the perpetrators to justice. You are not alone,” he said.

    Apart from challenging security agencies to go after the perpetrators and bring them to justice, President Tinubu said ranching will bring greater solution to the conflict with herders, protect local farmers, and enhance local economy. The President, who emphasized the importance of establishing ranches to curb the indiscriminate movement of livestock, assured that the federal government would provide the necessary support to the state government in setting up the ranches.

    Another message from the President is for the state government to constitute an inclusive peace committee aimed at proffering lasting solutions to the conflicts in the state. He recommended that the peace committee should consist of respected statesmen, including former governors, traditional rulers, and key stakeholders, and promised to sit with the committee in Abuja for deeper deliberations on how to achieve enduring peace in Benue State.

    Tinubu’s most profound message was to the security agencies. He told them that their best is not enough, he expressed dissatisfaction with the efforts of the Inspector General of Police, and he questioned why no arrest has been made in connection with the killings. He also called on the Chief of Defence Staff and the Director General of the Department of State Services to intensify efforts in tackling the persistent attacks in Benue and other troubled parts of the country.

    Hopefully, this visit will culminate in a more united and decisive action, not just to save lives, but to scorch out the murderous herders, local militias and their collaborators, so that Benue will have peace.

    • Bridget Tikyaa is Principal Special Assistant to the Governor on Media Publicity and Communications Strategy

  • On invitation of AES to West African Economic Summit

    On invitation of AES to West African Economic Summit

    • By Bishir Dauda Sabuwar

    Sir: Why should the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) countries of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger be invited to participate in the maiden edition of West African Economic Summit to be hosted by Nigeria?

    This is the question on the lips of discerning public affairs commentators. Is it another form of “diplomacy” or what?

    More surprising is that Nigeria and the regional body, ECOWAS have stopped putting any pressure on the juntas ruling those countries, in spite of the deterioration of human rights, including illegal detention of journalists and activists, closing of the civic space and rising insecurity not only in AES countries but in the West African region as a whole.

    What is obvious now is that Nigeria and ECOWAS have abandoned any efforts to safeguard democracy in West Africa. Instead, they seem to be fascinated, to the point of even surrendering to the ruling juntas of AES countries.

    On the other hand, the AES countries have repeatedly made it abundantly clear that they are not interested in anything that has to do with ECOWAS. Niger Republic for instance has taken many measures aimed at undermining Nigeria’s security and socio-economic interests. Niger Republic has banned export of beans to Nigeria. Also, just when eid el Kabir was approaching, the ruling junta in Niger also banned the export of livestock to Nigeria.

    To spread further mischief, of recent, the head of the ruling junta in Niger Republic, AbdulRahman Tchiani hosted a press conference in which he accused Nigeria of terrorism financing to destabilize his country. These attacks occurred not long time ago, when Nigeria’s minister of foreign affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar led a high-level delegation to Niger.

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    It is baffling that Nigeria, the largest democracy in Africa, is seen to be desperate to appease those despotic regimes.

    Here is a country that restored democracy and constitutional order in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Gambia, etc., now seen to be embracing illegitimate military rulers.

    No doubt, ECOWAS’s partners will be right to see naked hypocrisy here. After all, many had anticipated that Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue to put pressure on the AES juntas to return their countries to civil rule, release political prisoners like Muhammad Bazoum, activists and detained journalists, not inviting and begging them to attend economic summit.

    One begins to wonder whether Nigeria and ECOWAS truly appreciate the consequences of tolerating coup d’état? With this attitude in the name of diplomacy, they are putting every democratically elected head of state in West Africa at risk.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,

     Unguwa Katsina.

  • Beyond forex: A blueprint for sustainable youth employment

    Beyond forex: A blueprint for sustainable youth employment

    • By Seyi Adedokun

    Sir: Recently, Nigeria’s Minister of Youth Development, Ayodele Olawande, announced a new program to train youths in forex trading as part of a youth‑empowerment strategy. On the surface, it may seem appealing—a gateway to entrepreneurship or independent income. However, this approach raises significant concerns: for many participants, forex markets are volatile and high‑risk, with the majority of inexperienced traders suffering losses. Furthermore, the initiative offers little in terms of transferable skills—most participants won’t end up building tech, agribusiness, or vocational careers. Given that only a small fraction of graduates hold formal jobs and many remain under‑ or unemployed, reliance on speculative trading offers, at best, a fragile, individualistic solution.

    A more sustainable strategy emerged with the rollout of the 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) programme in October 2023. Coordinated by the Ministry of Communications and NITDA, this initiative aspires to train three million Nigerians in digital and technical skills by 2027. Phase 1 (Dec 2023–Mar 2024) trained 30,000 fellows—participants completed a hybrid learning model combining online modules and applied‑learning sessions focused on areas like AI, software development, cybersecurity, and data analysis  . Phase 2 launched in February 2024, aiming for 270,000 additional trainees in three cohorts. Evidence suggests strong demand: over 1.7 million applicants for Phase 1 alone.

    On-the-ground results are encouraging. In Rivers State alone, more than 5,000 trainees completed their programs by December 2024, with some securing international employment in AI and software development. Accredited learning centres like Steamledge have produced cohorts specializing in QA, cybersecurity, DevOps, and ML—a testament to the breadth and depth of training. Yet, the program isn’t without issues: dropout rates in regions like Katsina have been high—with only about 400 of 1,400 enrolled completing the course—largely due to low digital literacy and misconceptions among participants. Funding and logistics have also been cited as concerns. Despite setbacks, the programme reaches all 774 local governments and works with 120+ training providers.

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    While tech holds promise, agribusiness remains a powerful and inclusive employer—especially in rural Nigeria. The Ondo State Wealth Creation Agency (WECA) has pioneered Agro Business Cities since 2009, creating incubators and training centres across areas such as Ore, Epe, and Auga. By 2014, WECA had engaged over 100,000 youths in aquaculture, livestock, arable farming, beekeeping, silk production, and palm plantations. Participants receive stipends and full support—land, accommodation, inputs—and learn across the agricultural value chain, eventually retaining profits from their products under the Profarmers & Agropreneurs Scheme. The African Development Bank praised WECA’s efforts in 2016, noting their success in promoting agribusiness entrepreneurship.

    Similarly, EdoJobs, founded in 2016, took aim at Edo State’s 35 % unemployment rate. Working under public–private partnerships and international linkages—with AWS, First Bank, Interswitch, and GIZ among its collaborators—EdoJobs built innovation and agribusiness hubs, soap-making workshops, SME clusters, and career‑kick-start schemes. By 2020, Edo had achieved the lowest unemployment rate in the South‑South region, dropping to 19 %. Such integrated, skills‑plus‑placement models underscore the power of regional tailoring.

    Forex training may offer a quick-fix for some, but Nigeria needs broad-based programs that empower millions.

    Nigeria’s youth face a challenging labour landscape characterized by episodic unemployment and underemployment among graduates. Minister Olawande’s forex‑training plan, while well-intentioned, falls short of addressing systemic issues in employment creation. Instead, a proven combination of digital upskilling, agripreneurship, and public–private collaboration can form a powerful foundation. To be effective, these strategies must be fully funded, regionally tailored, and complemented by formal employment pathways. This kind of national, structural investment—not speculative training—can deliver lasting, widespread opportunities for Nigeria’s next generation.

    •Seyi Adedokun,

    <adedokunseyi6@gmail.com>

  • Governor Umo Eno and the lynch mob

    Governor Umo Eno and the lynch mob

    By Ofonime Honesty

    Sir: In the court of public opinion, it is easy to condemn before understanding, to vilify before verifying. While Akwa Ibom State governor, Umo Eno’s decision to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) has gone down well with a great percentage of the populace, the governor has found himself in the crossfire of few. 

    I have read a couple of newspaper columns and also seen a vitriolic clip of a television interview granted by a Nollywood thespian cum politician. The views encoded in those communications were akin to brandishing hammer and nails to literally crucify a man who simply crossed a partisan line. 

    But before we sharpen our nails to literally crucify Governor Eno, we should pause and ask: is this decision justified, or are we being swept away by the tides of political sensationalism? 

    Must we always rush to judgment like a lynch mob baying for blood? Must we reduce every political calculation to betrayal without examining some of the difficult circumstances our leaders are left to navigate? What do the people of Akwa Ibom stand to gain or lose? 

    Defections are not new in Nigerian politics. They are as old as the Fourth Republic itself—driven by ambition, survival, or sometimes, genuine ideological realignment. 

    Let’s not ignore the elephant in the room—the deepening uncertainties within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Once Nigeria’s dominant political force, the party has been plagued by internal strife, dwindling influence, and a lack of cohesive direction. When a house is on fire, even rats have the good sense to flee. Why then should we expect a governor to remain trapped in a burning building out of some misplaced sense of loyalty? The PDP’s greatest undoing has been its inability to put its house in order. 

    From unresolved leadership tussles to its shrinking footprint in national politics, the PDP increasingly resembles a sinking ship, with key figures scrambling for alternatives. 

    Take for instance, a letter issued by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), dated June 13, addressed to the PDP. INEC was responding to PDP’s notification of intent to hold its 100th NEC meeting. 

    In the June 13 letter, INEC pointed out that the proposed NEC meeting was not in compliance with the requirements of Part 2(12)3 of the Regulations and Guidelines for Political Parties, 2022, which provides that “the National Chairman and National Secretary of the Party shall jointly sign the notice of convention, congress, conference or meeting and submit same to the Commission.”

    The disputed acting national chairman of the PDP, Umar Damagun, was the sole signatory of PDP’s letter. Yayari Ahmed Mohammed is also laying claim to the national chairmanship seat. The national secretary-ship position is also involved in an unending tug-of-war between Samuel Anyanwu and Sunday Ude-Okoye. 

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    With the 2027 polls in sight, the PDP ship has become a theatre of the absurd. Any governor still clinging to its wreckage does so at his own peril—and more importantly, at the peril of his people. Of course, we know the legal implications of warring party officers endorsing electoral documents for aspirants. 

    Against this backdrop, can we honestly blame Governor Eno—or any pragmatic leader—for reconsidering his political home? If the PDP can no longer provide the stability or leverage needed to deliver for Akwa Ibom, what moral burden does he bear for seeking greener pastures? Politics, after all, is about power—and power is useless if it cannot be wielded effectively for the people. Power detests distractions. 

    The bigger picture: Akwa Ibom people cannot demand development but punish politicians who dare to cross party lines, even when such moves could lead to better alignment with federal projects or broader coalitions. If Governor Eno’s defection leads to the actualization of the Ibom Deep Seaport, I hereby endorse it. If his defection paves way for the release of humongous funds generated from 76 oil wells awarded to Akwa Ibom State by the Supreme Court since 2012, I hereby endorse it. Funds generated from the 76 oil wells, hitherto dragged by Cross River State, are stashed in an escrow account held by the presidency.

    I refuse to see his defection as mere leap into political oblivion.

    The culture of cynical condemnation without context is toxic for democracy. If we truly want genuine progress, we must learn to weigh political actions with wisdom, not just rage. 

    Let us evaluate his reasons, assess the implications for Akwa Ibom, and judge him based on his overall service at the end of his tenure—not just a single political decision. If a man switches parties but delivers good governance, is he truly a villain, or are we just prisoners of partisan bias?

    •Ofonime Honesty,

    Uyo, Akwa Ibom State

  • Insecurity tragedy

    Insecurity tragedy

    Tragically, Major Joe Ajayi (retd), 80, died in captivity at the hands of kidnappers who had collected N10million ransom from his family towards his release. He was said to have been kidnapped from his residence, on May 21, at his hometown in Kabba/Bunu Local Government Area of Kogi State.

    The kidnappers had initially demanded N50million from his family for his freedom. After they collected the reduced ransom of N10million, they directed the family to a place where he was found dead.

    In a statement, the Bunu Leaders Forum described him as a “revered elder” and a “gallant war veteran who fought bravely to keep Nigeria united during the civil war.” They added: “He lived for service, and he died in painful betrayal by a nation that failed to protect one of her finest sons.”

    The accusation that the country had failed the kidnap victim is the heart of the matter. Those who kidnap for ransom in the country continue to demonstrate that they are no respecter of persons.

    The Special Intervention Squad inaugurated by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, last year, was expected to alleviate the kidnapping crisis. He said it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes that have sown discord and fear across various regions.”

     He also said the officers had been trained for “advanced tactical operations, intelligence gathering, crisis negotiation, and community engagement,” among others, and described their work as a “critical national assignment.”

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    The creation of the squad further underscored the country’s security crisis, and also suggested that the authorities were taking the issue more seriously. However, its operations have failed to make a difference.

    The scale of the country’s security crisis, which includes kidnapping and banditry, demands more than establishing a numerically inadequate ad hoc squad. In August 2023, Egbetokun was reported saying the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) “requires an additional 190,000 personnel to be at par with the United Nations (UN) recommendation,” adding that inadequate manpower had resulted in “low police presence.” The UN-recommended ratio is one police officer to about 450 citizens.

    There is no doubt that the country needs to substantially increase its police personnel, particularly in the context of a complicated security crisis. Nigeria is critically under-policed, which is bad for security as well as law and order.

    The apparently strong connection between the retired soldier’s death at the hands of kidnappers and the state of the country’s police force cannot be ignored.

  • Benue: The noise, the blood and the silence that matters

    Benue: The noise, the blood and the silence that matters

    Sir: Benue bleeds again. A recent massacre in Yelewata village where at least 100 to 150 lives were claimed cast a shadow over headlines, but smothered the deeper truth of decades-long sorrow. As images flash across social media in real time, outrage erupts. But near-instant outrage often substitutes for understanding. And in Benue, where tragedy is almost normalized, such performative empathy does more harm than good.

    This is not a one-off disaster. The roots go deep:

    Between 2015 and March 2023 alone, 5,138 lives were lost across Benue in herder‑farmer attacks. Under President Buhari’s term, Benue became a killing field; 6,000 killed, two million displaced. The humanitarian crisis has been ongoing under the surface of fleeting headline moments.

    The tragedy is not fodder for political stunts. The moment a video goes online, hashtags spiral: blaming the president, vilifying the government, stirring political gain. But very few pause to ask: who suffers most in these cycles of condemnation?

    The dead do not return. The displaced families do not reclaim their farms. The real loss is in our silence, our unwillingness to grasp the whole before pointing fingers. Yes, government leaders; state and federal, bear responsibility. The 2017 anti‑open grazing law in Benue was well-meaning. But it remains a paper tiger: uneven enforcement, lack of ranches, and feeble federal support. President Bola Tinubu’s speeches and increased defence budgets amount to little on the ground when arms still flow, and security forces remain under-resourced. And when political opponents oversimplify the conflict as mere religious persecution or ethnic cleansing, nuance is lost.

    At the heart of all these up-roar is a struggle over scarce resources land, water, natural resources, grazing routes exacerbated by climate change. Historically, grazing corridors existed. But escalating population, farmland encroachment, and desertification have shrunk these spaces. Compounding this are centuries-old migration, religious and ethnic tensions, cattle rustling, and political exclusion of Fulani groups. Each side bears accumulated grievances; farmers over burnt crops, herders over stolen cattle.

    This is fundamentally communal, not merely political. Solutions must be rooted in non‑kinetic, non‑violent engagement. Dialogue tables must sit Fulani herders with Tiv farmers, local officials. Traditional leaders, ranchers, security services, and federal authorities must all negotiate a win‑win framework; grazing reserves, clear land-use maps, property rights enforcement, and rapid justice for perpetrators.

    Yes, bring the perpetrators to book: those profiting from killing, whether herders or cartels supplying arms must face swift consequences. But we cannot rely on force alone. We need intelligence systems, community policing, legal reform. We need peaceful co-management of land and water.

    It’s time for Nigerians to shift from hashtag empathy to hard-won solidarity. Unleashing threads of blame on social media while clicking “share” does little for grieving widows or orphaned children.

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    Public discourse must evolve from political opportunism to intellectual empathy; from performance to purpose. When presidents speak, let’s demand substance: “Where are the ranches? Where is land‑use reform? Who funds security at village level?”

    We demand action, but not at the cost of conscience. We must hold leaders accountable while still listening. Civil society must stop yelling into empty rooms, and start negotiating into full ones.

    A practical roadmap might include reviving grazing reserves with clear boundaries, monitored jointly by local farmers and herders, enforcement of anti-grazing laws, backed with ranching incentives and federal support, swift prosecution of killers, with community courts supported by federal justice, strengthening local security, with trained village vigilantes under lawful guidelines.

    Climate adaptation, planting trees, building dams, restoring soil to reduce migration pressure, more importantly, is the promotion of inter‑communal peace‑building through youth exchanges, shared markets, and local councils.

    If Nigeria continues to allow Benue’s blood to stain its conscience, we’ll face another generation hardened by loss, distrust, and rage. A country that waits for television headlines before honouring its fallen has already forgotten them. Benue’s suffering needs more than outrage: it needs us, grounded, knowledgeable, and purposeful. We must reject hollow political theatre and demand real solutions. Because beneath the noise and the blood, lies an entire community crying for justice, and silence is not an option.

    •Oladoja M.O,Abuja.

  • Unlocking tourism and trade via single African currency

    Unlocking tourism and trade via single African currency

    Sir: For many African traveller’s, exploring the continent should be exciting, but the frustration of currency exchange turns it into a costly and inconvenient experience.

    Take a Lagos-based tourist traveling to Nairobi. Before departure, he must convert Naira to U.S. dollars, then exchange those dollars for Kenyan Shillings upon arrival. The process repeats on the return journey, adding extra financial strain and unnecessary inconvenience.

    Beyond the inconvenience, this challenge reinforces Africa’s reliance on foreign currencies such as the U.S. dollar and the Euro. Each conversion strengthens external economies while weakening African currencies. The introduction of a single African currency would eliminate these obstacles, making travel within Africa seamless and encouraging African citizens to explore their continent without the burden of exchange complexities.

    Africa’s fragmented currency system does not just affect travellers—it significantly hampers trade. Nigerian traders exporting goods across Africa struggle with multiple exchange rates, slow international transaction processes, and costly financial intermediaries, which complicate cross-border trade. Many transactions require foreign currency conversions facilitated by European and American banks, further increasing costs and reducing Africa’s ability to conduct independent financial operations.

    Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), the backbone of African economies, suffer disproportionately from these hurdles. A unified currency would empower businesses to conduct transactions directly without intermediary institutions, reducing costs and simplifying the trade process. Additionally, African economies suffer from exchange rate volatility, complicating trade agreements and deterring investors. A single currency would stabilize pricing and boost investor confidence, making Africa a stronger global economic player.

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    Despite AfCFTA’s progress, the absence of a single African currency remains a major challenge, complicating cross-border transactions and limiting trade fluidity. Businesses are forced to operate within fluctuating exchange rates, increasing transaction costs and making intra-African commerce unnecessarily expensive. The reliance on external financial institutions for currency conversion undermines Africa’s economic sovereignty, keeping trade dependent on foreign intermediaries and reducing Africa’s ability to build a self-sustaining financial ecosystem.

    While a unified African currency presents enormous advantages, historical obstacles remain. The West’s divide-and-conquer approach, institutionalised during the Berlin Conference of 1884, continues to shape Africa’s economic fragmentation. African leaders have often been pressured or incentivised to maintain separate financial structures, not because they benefit their nations, but because they serve the interests of Western economies.

    The tactics of financial control remain evident. Leaders who uphold division receive financial and political rewards, while those who advocate unity and financial independence face opposition, sanctions, or destabilisation efforts. A single African currency challenges this control, making it harder for external financial institutions to dictate Africa’s economic trajectory. This opposition often emerges from within African governments, as some leaders reluctant to lose foreign financial backing actively block unity-focused initiatives.

    To withstand external pressures, Africa’s largest economies must take the lead in fostering unity, deepening cooperation, and championing financial sovereignty. Nations such as Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt bear the responsibility of spearheading Africa’s financial transformation. Their leadership must go beyond symbolic gestures and result in concrete policy actions aimed at strengthening Africa’s financial institutions, enhancing intra-African trade agreements, and facilitating cross-border investments.

    Without decisive leadership, Africa risks remaining fragmented, unable to fully capitalise on its resources, industrial capacity, and entrepreneurial potential. Establishing a strong African financial framework would allow the continent to dictate its own economic policies, gain leverage in global negotiations, and remove external financial control that has hindered Africa’s progress for generations.

    The establishment of a single African currency is both ambitious and necessary. It is an essential step toward removing financial barriers, empowering African businesses, and boosting tourism.

    The single African currency could be the turning point, eliminating trade restrictions, strengthening intra-African commerce, and positioning Africa as a global economic powerhouse. The time for financial unity is now.

    • Engr. Adésegun Osìbánjo, adeolu.osibanjo@outlook.com

  • Between asphalt and concrete roads

    Between asphalt and concrete roads

    Sir: Concrete roads have recently been enthusiastically supported as a durable and sustainable solution by its proponents of transportation infrastructure. The proponents argue that it can withstand heavy traffic, require less maintenance and last for years.

    The assumption that concrete roads are panacea for transportation problems overlooks the unique challenges in the contexts of Nigeria’s roads, in terms of cost, safety and environment. As the Federal Ministry of Works continue to invest heavily in concrete infrastructure, it is important to question whether this approach is truly addressing the problems.

    Concrete roads are only good in water logging areas or useful in areas with high water tables where water logging is common. It is suitable for areas prone to water logging as it can withstand water exposure without suffering significant damage. It can only remain stable when submerged in water; it is only idle for a short distance.

    Yes, in terms of durability to a certain limit, materials are sourced locally like limestones, aggregates, reinforcement etc. unlike bitumen, (flexible paving). In terms of cost, the paving cost of concrete road is much higher compared to asphalt paving; when breaks occur, the whole concrete slab needs to be replaced. Vehicles tend to slip and skid on concrete roads when it rains; when concrete pavement is damaged, the whole concrete slab needs to be broken. It lacks stability in a subgrade where soil shifting is so frequent while underground piping is paramount. It is also very poor in flexibility to check continuous unequal subgrade settlement.

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    Also, it is rough on vehicles leading to faster wear and tear on tyres, brakes and suspension. It can also lead to frequent maintenance and repairs for vehicles. Tyres wear out faster especially when the road surface is rough or uneven.

    For instance, Governor Francis Nwifuru of Ebonyi State on June 20, 2024 announced that his administration had spent N17.3 billion on remedial work on the runway of the barely one-year old Chuba Okadigbo International Airport, Abakaliki. Shortly after the inauguration by the former governor, who is now the Minister of Works, an advocate of concrete roads, it emerged that the runway had developed defects leading to a boycott by the airlines. The runway is said to be jumping and it is destroying aircraft tyres.

    These defects highlight potential drawbacks of using concrete or rigid paving for road construction. The need for overlaying the concrete runway with asphalt suggests that concrete roads may require frequent and costly repairs.

    Jumping and damaging aircraft tires demonstrate the materials limitations.

    Nigerians might wish to compare the roads from Obajana to Kabba in Kogi State, constructed with concrete paving in 2019 with that of Obajana to Kabba junction constructed 15 years ago with asphalt. This illustrates the challenges and consequences of concrete roads or rigid pavements.

    •Shehu Aminu Abdullahi, FNIQS.Kaduna.