The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Retired general vs retired police corporal

    Retired general vs retired police corporal

     It was the solid logic of a retired general versus the frothing (il)logic of a retired police officer! 

    That is the latest macabre drama coming out of Rivers, the last dying kick — it appears — of Ijaw exceptionalism or supremacism: the wide and merry way that threw suspended Rivers Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, into power Siberia for six months.

    With the late Chief Edwin Clark gone, it would appear Senator Henry Seriake Dickson, sitting senator for Beyelsa West, was fancying himself some Clark-wannabe on Rivers, but this time from Bayelsa, opposed to Clark from Delta, before the Rivers National Assembly caucus starkly shut him down.  Enter: retired Navy general vs retired Police constable!

    Clearly playing to the gallery, Senator Dickson wondered why President Bola Tinubu should not have removed Rivers Emergency Administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas (rtd), and restored Fubara, yet he gave a long speech to the combined National Assembly.

    But in his over-reach, he waxed hyperbolic, arguing crass illogically too, that since Ibas the Rivers Administrator was a retired Navy officer, Rivers was under military rule.  That was cheap and disingenious  — and also false.

    But that claim provided an instant nemesis that brought Dickson back to his humble start — and the Rivers National Assembly caucus rubbed it in.

    That caucus riposted that though Dickson was a retired police corporal, he is a senator today, after being a two-term governor, does it then mean that he’s still a police corporal — a post he retired from eons ago — and not distinguished senator of the Federal Republic, after being His Excellency, Governor of Bayelsa State?  Case closed!

    Why a senator would mouth pure falsehood to make a political point in crass deceit beats any logical mind hollow.  How could Dickson have said Rivers in under military rule?  What deliberate fib, built on sinking sand of illogic?

    But again, the more fundamental question: what’s Dickson’s especial interest in Rivers, being from Bayelsa?  Anything beyond because Fubara is Ijaw, he must be right and others must be wrong?

    It was the same dead — lack of — reasoning that the late Edwin Clark pushed that led Fubara astray, landed him in Emergency ditch and sent him now eating crow!

    These interlopers should keep off Rivers case.  Let the folks there work on honourable reconciliation which should earn Fabara a ticket back to his high office.  Enough is enough of wailing more than the bereaved.

    But the Rivers folks should rise to the occasion too.  It’s when you leave your matter to fester that outsiders take over.  The Nyesom Wike bloc should take especial note.

  • Ensuring digital literacy for all

    Ensuring digital literacy for all

    • By Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi

    Sir: In a continent where over 860 million people lack internet access, the disparity in digital literacy becomes even more pronounced as Artificial Intelligence, AI is being built and governed by a privileged small chunk of the global population, while a great number of communities remain uninvolved in shaping technologies that affect their lives.

    This gap not only limits access to information but also hinders the ability of marginalised populations—especially women, rural dwellers, and indigenous language speakers to participate in an increasingly digital economy. Without foundational digital skills, this critical demography will remain excluded from the AI revolution. A comprehensive approach to AI literacy must encompass both technical skills and socio-emotional competencies. This multidimensional framework is vital for preparing individuals to navigate the complexities of AI, ensuring they can leverage its benefits while also understanding its ethical implications. Global initiatives, such as those discussed by the World Economic Forum, emphasise the need for inclusive strategies that extend beyond mere technical training to address the broader socio-economic landscape.

    Stakeholders, including governments, NGOs, and tech companies must, therefore collaborate to create an environment where everyone can contribute to and benefit from AI initiatives. This includes addressing gender disparities, rural-urban divides, and providing access to resources for all demographics. Moreover, initiatives like the Nigeria Artificial Intelligence Research Scheme (NAIRS) and the National Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (NCAIR) are important for strengthening a robust AI ecosystem. These initiatives support local research, innovation, and the development of AI applications tailored to Nigeria’s unique challenges in critical sectors such as agriculture, education, healthcare and so on.

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    Notably, the current skills gap in AI poses a significant challenge to its adoption across Africa. With many professionals leaving the continent for opportunities abroad, there is a pressing need to cultivate local talent. Stakeholders should prioritise the establishment of standardised metrics and frameworks for measuring digital literacy to help identify skill gaps and track progress, particularly among vulnerable populations. Programmes aimed at upskilling the workforce, such as the federal government’s 3 Million Technical Talent (3MTT) programme, and Microsoft’s commitment to training two million professionals by 2025, are steps in the right direction.

    However, these efforts must be complemented by broader educational reforms that integrate AI literacy into curricula at all levels to ensure that future generations are adequately equipped with the necessary skills to thrive in a digital economy.

    When inclusive education and local talent is prioritised, there is a high guarantee that the benefits of AI are accessible to all, leaving no one behind. Therefore, as we advance into this new digital age, it is our collective responsibility to shape a future where AI serves as a tool for empowerment and equality, rather than a source of division.

    •Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi,

    abideenolasupo@gmail.com

  • Bury the violence, not our people

    Bury the violence, not our people

    • By Chiechefulam Ikebuiro

    Sir: For decades, the threat of farmer-herder conflict has persisted in Nigeria, leaving in its wake a trail of sorrows, tears, and blood. Despite a range of policy interventions, these efforts have had little impact in resolving what has become a perennial crisis. Every cycle of violence in Benue and other Middle Belt states drags us through the same weary motions of shock, outrage, blame, silence, and then forgetfulness, until it happens again. The most recent horror, the killing of over 200 people in Benue, painfully reinforces this. May God rest their souls. It is one too many, and we must finally summon the will to confront this crisis head-on.

    Truth be told, this issue is hydra-headed. It is about land, yes, but also about religion, indigeneship versus settler identity, ethnic tension, political manipulation, and cultural traditions. To address it meaningfully, we must tackle each “head” deliberately, and everyone has a role to play, from local actors and traditional leaders to state governors and, ultimately, the president.

    A critical starting point is ranching. Today, ranching is being championed as a practical way to limit open grazing and prevent clashes between herders and farmers. Whether state-owned, community-managed, or public-private partnerships, ranches offer a more modern, more peaceful, and more productive approach. Granted, this represents a shift away from nomadic pastoralism, but we must accept that the old ways no longer serve us in a world marked by land scarcity and climate change.

    With ranching, you get fatter cows, better meat yields, and healthier herds, not to mention the peace it comes with. It’s a win-win. We should not just hold on to tradition without thinking.  It’s about time we embraced a smarter, safer, and more profitable future for Nigeria’s livestock economy.

    Yet ranching alone won’t solve the crisis. Documentation is key. I recently came across a tweet by Dr. Tokunbo Otitoju (@fimiletoks) that captured the broader solution succinctly:

    “Herders must ranch, herders and farmers must be documented and captured on NIN, stop trans-border migration of foreign terrorists claiming to be herders, farmlands must be properly documented, land boundaries respected amongst ethnic groups, state or regional law enforcement units, locally integrated crisis surveillance systems, compensation and justice.”

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    This is common sense and long overdue. Without data and traceability, we are simply chasing shadows. How can we solve a problem if we don’t even know who is involved? Shouldn’t every herder and farmer be properly registered so we know who owns what? Without clear records, how do we hold anyone accountable when things go wrong? Don’t we think organizing things this way would make it easier to settle conflicts before they turn violent?

    And here’s the real danger: when we fail to do these basics, we leave room for armed outsiders to take advantage.

    In truth, we may also be facing an even more sinister threat of foreign elements- terrorists masquerading as herders, armed and untraceable, exploiting our porous borders and very weak surveillance. This angle must not be ignored. Our border security must be tightened and cross-border movement carefully monitored.

    Now, let’s be honest: we are quick to blame leaders, and yes, many are guilty of indifference or politicizing the crisis, but we, the people, must also look inwards. Why is it so hard to respect traditional land rights? Why must we violate agreements, encroach on land, and resort to violence? Are we not better than this? Peace begins with personal restraint and community discipline. We cannot claim to seek peace while enabling anarchy.

    History offers us guidance. The Ife-Modakeke crisis, once one of Nigeria’s longest and bloodiest communal conflicts, was ultimately resolved through sustained community dialogue, clearly defined boundaries, political will, and locally accepted mechanisms for justice. We must adopt a similar multi-layered approach. We must seek out the 11-point recommendation and implementation of the Bode George committee that was acceptable to all concerned. We have done it before. We can do it again.

    Again, state and community policing cannot come soon enough.

    We must also talk about justice. Without justice, peace will always be fragile. Whether herders or farmers, all perpetrators must be prosecuted. Victims must be compensated. There must be consequences for violence, no matter whose ox is gored.

    Finally, the buck stops at the president’s desk. President Tinubu’s government must rise beyond condolence tours, PR, and buck-passing. Promises need to start being matched with results. The cost of inaction is too high.

    Benue and every part of Nigeria caught in this cycle deserve (deliberately built) peace.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro,

    chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Why Africa’s education must embrace disruption with vision and courage

    Why Africa’s education must embrace disruption with vision and courage

    • By Adetola Salau PhD

    Sir: There’s a quiet crisis happening across Africa, one that doesn’t always make headlines, yet directly shapes the destiny of our continent. That crisis is the state of education.

    For decades, we’ve relied on systems inherited from colonial frameworks, structures designed for compliance, not innovation. While the rest of the world is rapidly evolving, embracing artificial intelligence, digital learning, and real-world skills training, many African students are still memorizing content for exams that have no connection to their future lives.

    As an educator, STEM advocate, and education policy strategist, I believe the time for transformation is now and disruption must be part of that journey.

    Disruption, to many, sounds uncomfortable. It feels like chaos, instability, or loss of control. But to me, disruption is an invitation, a call to courageously rethink what education could look like if we centred it on relevance, equity, and opportunity. I’ve seen first-hand the power of what’s possible when we shift from rhetoric to results.

    As the Special Adviser on Education to the Kwara State government and the former Senior Special Assistant on Education in Lagos State, I had the privilege of collaborating on several pioneering reforms. From integrating STEM clubs in public schools and drone soccer competitions to developing new frameworks for digital learning, we moved beyond “access” to focus on quality and creativity. Our work earned Kwara a global spotlight at the 2025 Africa Education Leaders Roundtable in Cambridge. But more importantly, it planted seeds of possibility for what African-led reform can look like when driven by vision and action.

    Disruption also means embracing public-private collaboration. No single ministry, donor, or NGO can solve education alone. We need an ecosystem of thinkers, builders, teachers, and investors who can co-create solutions. It’s why I founded Carisma4U Educational Foundation (now ELIA (Education Leadership Innovation Advancement) Africa, to bridge that gap between policy and classroom, between potential and real impact. Over the years, we’ve reached thousands of learners across Lagos and Kwara with hands-on STEM experiences, teacher training programs, and student innovation challenges.

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    We must also stop being afraid of technology.

    AI isn’t the enemy, it’s a tool. When integrated wisely, it can personalize learning, reduce our teachers load, and offer students access to skills that will keep them globally competitive. The danger isn’t the technology; it’s ignoring it and seeing our children fall behind.

    Most significantly, disruption requires rethinking what success looks like. For too long, African education has been reduced to test scores and certificates. Yet the future needs thinkers, innovators, problem-solvers, young people who would build solutions for their communities.

    Education should not be about memorizing the past. It should be about designing the future.

    We have the talent. We have the ideas. What we need is bold leadership, people willing to disrupt the status quo, even when it’s uncomfortable.

    Africa’s next chapter depends on how we educate our children today. Let’s not settle for reform that tweaks around the edges. Let’s dare to reimagine, rebuild, and fully transform our education systems, one bold step at a time.

    •Adetola Salau PhD,

    Lagos.

  • From Ghana, with a message

    From Ghana, with a message

    What’s in a title? Ask the Ghana Tertiary Education Commission (GTEC) that has just forbidden holders of honorary doctorate and professorial titles from wearing the labels publicly henceforth in that neighbouring country.

    In what it called a final warning, the commission restated its earlier caution against the use of honorary doctorates and professorships publicly and stressed the need for compliance. The directive, according to GTEC, is particularly aimed at politicians, business people and other public figures who often flaunt honorary titles in their official communications and at public engagements. The commission described the practice as deceitful and unethical, saying it undermined the credibility of the higher education system and devalued the significance of earned doctoral degrees and academic promotions.

    GTEC further said in its statement that it would “from now onwards, in addition to naming and shaming those individuals found to have flouted (its) directives, take legal action against them.” It urged all stakeholders to support efforts aimed at preserving the integrity and standards of Ghana’s tertiary education landscape.

    The GTEC is the equivalent of the Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC), and you would wonder if titles are the biggest challenge facing that country’s tertiary education system at the moment. Besides, the task of implementation the commission has set itself to promises ordinarily to be enormous – unless, perhaps, the commission has assessed that the violation rate is minimal and monitorable, in which case it could as well have ignored it. You would wonder if the commission would have time left for anything else other than running after vanity trippers.

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    But the Ghanaian commission has a persuasive case against misuse of titles that resonates even here in our own country. In an earlier statement on the matter that it issued in April, GTEC said the misuse was particularly concerning because the titles were increasingly being conferred by institutions both within Ghana and abroad. It noted that awardees were flaunting the titles “Doctor” and “Professor” after receiving honorary awards, and worried that the practice was misleading and could damage the credibility of the academic community and public trust in the nation’s higher education system.

    While GTEC acknowledged the value of recognising individuals for their outstanding contributions to society, it insisted that honorary degrees should only be conferred by accredited and recognised institutions within Ghana’s higher education system. Furthermore, the honorary titles shouldn’t be used as part of a recipient’s name after being awarded. “The use of these honorary titles as part of someone’s name misleads the public about their true academic credentials… Misuse of honorary titles diminishes the prestige of legitimate academic qualifications and erodes public trust in the educational system,” the commission argued.

    Now, you can’t fault the argument, can you?

  • Fraud, mismanagement killing real estate investment

    Fraud, mismanagement killing real estate investment

    Sir: There was a time when investing in land and property was considered one of the safest and smartest moves in Nigeria. Real estate was the golden goose, promising high returns, generational wealth, and long-term security.

    Today, a dark cloud hangs over the industry. Investor confidence is at an all-time low, and many Nigerians have painfully learned the hard way: not all that glitters in real estate is gold.

    Across the country, countless individuals and families have fallen victim to a growing pattern of deceit. Real estate companies collect millions in payments from unsuspecting clients, promising prime plots of land with “instant allocation.” But months—sometimes even years—go by without any land being allocated. In worst-case scenarios, the land either doesn’t exist or has already been sold multiple times to different buyers.

    These companies often present themselves with glamour, hosting expos, building flashy websites, and flooding social media with promises. But behind the scenes, it’s a different story.

    Many of the managing directors and top executives of these firms use investor funds to finance personal luxury lifestyles, with reports of exotic cars, high-end shopping sprees, and luxury homes abroad. Essentially, they are siphoning money out of Nigeria under the guise of business.

    This level of betrayal has broken the spirit of many. A growing number of Nigerians are now wary of putting their money into real estate, especially with private developers. Once considered a pathway to prosperity, real estate is now being viewed as a risky gamble.

    Part of the reason this rot has been allowed to spread is the near-total absence of regulatory enforcement. Most of these companies operate without licenses or transparent business practices. There is no central authority ensuring that they follow through on land allocation or that they even own the land they are selling.

    To make matters worse, the legal system offers little protection. Court cases drag on for years. Many victims don’t have the time, money, or energy to fight legal battles, especially against well-funded companies with lawyers on their payroll.

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    Can the industry be saved?

    Despite the mess, all hope is not lost. But rebuilding trust will require serious reforms, including strict regulation and registration of real estate firms; a centralized land database to verify ownership and prevent multiple sales of the same plot; public blacklisting and prosecution of fraudulent developers; and investor education to help Nigerians identify red flags before parting with their money.

    Real estate still holds potential in Nigeria. The demand for housing and land remains high. But without accountability and transparency, the sector will continue to decline, leaving in its wake broken dreams and empty bank accounts.

    The Nigerian real estate industry is in crisis, not because there is no demand, but because too many have abused the trust placed in them. Until the government steps in and the industry cleans up its act, many Nigerians will simply walk away—and who could blame them?

    •John Amabolou Elekun,Ajuwon, Lagos

  • Rethinking border governance for regional security

    Rethinking border governance for regional security

    Sir: Travelling through the land borders of Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana by road reveals a corridor where mobility is regulated less by law than by informal economies, and where the promise of regional integration is stifled by extractive practices posing as governance.

    What does it mean when borders function more like revenue points than security infrastructures? And how can West Africa achieve collective security if its frontline institutions are structured for transactional gain rather than ethical enforcement?

    In Nigeria and Benin, border processing is direct: security officials engage travellers personally, but often in ways that prioritized unofficial payments over formal procedures. Across the Benin–Togo and Togo–Ghana borders, however, a new pattern has emerged where intermediaries now handle interactions, standardizing “fees” that mask the informality of the system.

    While these processes vary in structure, they share a common feature: they bypass the very principles of trust, dignity, and transparency needed to secure borders in any meaningful sense.

    This is not about individual misconduct. It is about systemic practices that have become normalized—where “virgin passports” (those not yet stamped at certain borders) attract graduated payments, and where travellers are often unaware of their rights under ECOWAS free movement protocols.

    If the first contact between state and citizen or migrant is a negotiation over non-transparent charges, what does that say about the rule of law? If entry into a country can be facilitated or blocked depending on how much a driver or traveller can pay, how can intelligence sharing, counter-terrorism cooperation, or trafficking prevention truly function?

    West Africa’s borders should serve as sites of trust-building and coordinated security—instead, they are becoming fragmented and monetized, undermining the very cohesion ECOWAS was designed to foster.

    To safeguard both regional mobility and collective security, West Africa must shift from enforcement-heavy border models to relational, rights-conscious governance. Borders should not operate as toll gates of uncertainty, but as nodes of ethical interaction and public trust.

    This transition demands a threefold agenda:

    Investment in capacity-building for border officers, not just in surveillance or interdiction, but in human-cantered protocols that prioritize dignity, due process, and the rights of travellers. Officers must see themselves not as enforcers of authority alone, but as frontline diplomats of the state.

    Digitisation and standardisation of clearance systems to minimize the space for arbitrary decision-making and reduce citizens’ reliance on informal intermediaries. Digital transparency can interrupt the shadow economies that flourish at points of crossing.

     Establishment of clear, public-facing transparency mechanisms so that all border fees, rights, and procedures are published, reviewable, and enforceable. Every traveler should know what to expect—not based on rumour, but on law.

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    These are not radical demands. They align squarely with ECOWAS’ 2020–2024 Action Plan for Enhanced Border Governance, the AU’s Free Movement Protocol, and the broader aspirations of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Yet these ambitions remain aspirational unless we address the embedded institutional cultures and economic incentives that undermine cooperation from below.

    Border governance is not simply a technical or security issue—it is a question of public ethics. The way we structure crossings shapes how citizens perceive the state, and how states relate to one another. The border, in essence, is a living political space where trust is either built or broken.

    Borders are not just checkpoints, they are mirrors. They reflect the ethical standing of the state, the coherence of the region, and the daily experience of the citizen. They tell us who belongs, who is protected, and who must pay extra to pass.

    If West Africa is serious about regional peace, economic integration, and free movement, then its borders must be reimagined not as zones of suspicion and extraction, but as sites of care, dignity, and cooperation.

    Anything less is a quiet betrayal of the unity we claim to build.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Governor Alia should prioritise security

    Governor Alia should prioritise security

    Sir: Despite ongoing development efforts under the leadership of Governor Hyacinth Alia, a harsh reality persists: insecurity in Benue State is escalating, and it threatens to undermine every stride made in infrastructure, agriculture, and social welfare.

    From community development projects to policy reforms, Alia has shown a clear drive to uplift the state. Many, including myself, recognise his zeal and achievements. In fact, even at this early stage of his tenure, one could begin to draw parallels between Alia and past icons like Aper Aku and Moses Adasu. His chances of re-election are high, and that is no surprise; his popularity remains strong, especially among those who believe in his vision.

    But popularity is not enough. Progress cannot thrive where fear reigns.

    The sad truth is that the security situation in Benue has worsened, and the roots of this crisis are not just external. There is growing evidence that some of the violence is sponsored and instigated from within, by political actors, vested interests, and even some elements considered part of the native fabric of the state. Yet, silence surrounds these revelations, especially when those implicated are politically connected.

    Benue people are being killed, displaced, and silenced—while development projects are being unveiled elsewhere. We must ask: who benefits from this progress if the beneficiaries are no longer alive or free to enjoy it?

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    Governor Alia must recognise that the office of the governor is not a ceremonial extension of power, it is a mandate of protection. The seat demands more than governance; it demands guardianship. No matter how stiff the resistance, he must confront the forces behind the killings and chaos, whether or not they wear party colors.

    History gives us lessons to follow. Sir Ahmadu Bello once ceded federal authority to Tafawa Balewa in order to give undivided attention to the North. That sacrifice was not a sign of weakness, it was a mark of true leadership.

    Likewise, Governor Alia must rise above party loyalty and political diplomacy where the lives of citizens are concerned. He must represent the interest of the Benue people at all costs.

    Benue deserves both peace and progress. The governor has the vision, now, he must summon the courage to fight for the safety and dignity of every citizen.

    •David Tersoo Heke,hekedave@gmail.com

  • June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    June 12: Remembrance and omissions

    There were many actors in the fight for democracy after the annulment of Nigeria’s June 12, 1993, presidential election under the military dictatorship headed by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. It was, therefore, predictable that the recent list of people rewarded with national honours for their roles in that struggle could not be exhaustive. However, the 66-person list released by the President Bola Tinubu administration was more remarkable for its omissions.

    The president announced the names of the honourees during his Democracy Day address to a joint session of the National Assembly on June 12, saying, “As we mark a 26th year of unbroken democracy, it is right to honour those who have made sacrifices in the past, braving all the odds and the guns to ensure we have a regime of democracy in our country.”

    There were reactions highlighting omissions. Among the noteworthy ones was a statement issued by Chief Tokunbo Ajasin, son of the late Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin. He said: “It is unconscionable that the leader of the group (NADECO) best known for fighting the military and bringing about the much-touted democracy never got a single mention in the scheme of June 12 celebration/anniversary.”  He added that his father “in his lifetime doubled as the Leader of Afenifere and NADECO, the two organisations that were the arrowheads and in the forefront of the fight against military dictatorship.”

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    He also said: ‘While Chief Ajasin was the leader of NADECO, Chief Anthony Enahoro was the Deputy leader, and Mr Ayo Opadokun was the General Secretary. None of these names appeared on the published list!” He asked: “So, what happened?”

    Another striking reaction that drew attention to omissions came from Dr Kayode Fayemi, a former governor of Ekiti State and a notable participant in the June 12 struggle, in an interview on Channels TV on June 12. Fayemi, who coordinated the Kudirat Abiola Radio abroad, a strong pro-democracy medium, said: “Those who were the drivers of that project were not recognised today. According to him, “There were so many voices, people who risked their lives. But they were not the ones mentioned today.”  

     It is unclear how the list was produced, and it is also uncertain if some names were intentionally omitted. The list is not, and indeed cannot be, exhaustive, partly because individuals may be omitted due to extraneous considerations.

    However, perhaps the controversy about omissions could have been less intense if the presidency had been more history friendly. 

  • The PDP debacle

    The PDP debacle

    • By Sunday Olagunju

    Sir: The gargantuan political vicissitudes that befell PDP and wreaked somewhat irreparable havoc on its psyche, reminds one of the timeless and immortal words of late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, first President of Nigeria, “It is not a sin to fall, but it is a sin to refuse to rise after a fall”.

    Since committing what one political scientist described as a political hara-kiri, the once inimitable PDP has not only fallen from the pinnacle of political success to the abyss of political guagmire but like the Biblical Simon, it is now singing its own political nunc-dimittis.

    The PDP debacle at its very onset was its failure to distinguish between the personalities of the party and party doctrinal principles and their roles and obligations to their numerous esteemed electorate that voted tem to power.

    At its pinnacle, the personalities loomed large at the peril of party’s nuances, principles and objectives agreed upon at its formation. Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, the turn-over of senate presidents was unprecedented because of his hold on the party at the expense of the party constitution.

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    Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has contested the presidency more than three times as the party’s flag bearer, and his penchant to still contest the 2027 remains not just high, but almost incontrovertible.

    The party’s chairmanship and the presidential candidate have remained in the North and all appeal to decentralize the position have fallen on death ears. The PDP as a political party places more premium on personalities and influential individuals at the detriment of the party constitution and supremacy.

    Since the loss of 2015 election, the PDP has become boundless in principles and conscience with the governors and the National Party Executives (NEC) at each other’s jugular for the control of the lever of the party. As the main opposition political party that has all it takes to challenge the ruling APC in 2027, the PDP has descended to the lowest base of consciousness by uniting in cahoots with splinter political groups to a rather irreverent coalition that appears dead before arrival. It is like falling from grace to grass.

    The wholesale defection of the entire PDP in Delta State and Akwa Ibom to APC is a sign that all may no longer be well with the PDP. Described as political tsunami, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, ex-Governor Okowa and the PDP leaders moved en masse to join APC. Described as unprecedented in the country’s political history, it is the height of loss of faith in PDP and whatever future it stands for.

    Since 2015, the PDP leadership has not only lost direction they have touted leaders who imbibe the selfishness motive and greedy character, lacking the zeal and quintessential attitude to pilot a drowning party to safety.

    Like Simeon’s nunc-dimittis “Now lettest thou depart”.

    •Sunday Olagunju,

    Ibadan, Oyo State.