The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • How NASENI is powering the Nigeria First movement

    How NASENI is powering the Nigeria First movement

    By Khalil Suleiman Halilu

    In 1961, South Korea was a textbook case of despair. Per capita income sat below $100. Literacy rates hovered around 30%. Samsung was still a grocery trading company, and Hyundai was repairing fishing boats. But instead of outsourcing its future, Korea placed a bold bet—on its people, its industries, and on disciplined, deliberate execution.

    Today, Samsung’s market cap exceeds $260 billion. Hyundai earned over $120 billion in revenue last year. For perspective, Nigeria’s entire 2024 federal budget is about $20 billion. The lesson here isn’t to idolize Korea—it’s to recognize what becomes possible when a nation aligns purpose with policy, and ambition with action.

    At the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), we see Nigeria’s opportunity in similar terms. With 220 million people, a median age of just 18, and nearly four million young Nigerians entering the workforce every year, we’re not short on energy or ambition. But to turn this into prosperity, we need more than potential—we need a movement that aligns strategy with action: One that transforms “Nigeria First” from a policy into a shared national priority.

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Nigeria First policy, it was not just a symbolic act. It was a hard reset: A new operating system for national development.  It is a deliberate shift toward prioritizing Nigerian-made solutions, Nigerian innovation and Nigerian enterprise. This is not politics. This is economics—with purpose.

    At NASENI, we see this not as rhetoric, but as roadmap. The data is clear: in Q3 of 2024 alone, Nigeria spent trillions of Naira on imports. A large share of that spending went toward products we have the capacity to build here—solar panels, software, machine parts, even furniture. What if we redirected even a fraction of that capital toward homegrown production? What if we bet on ourselves?

    The movement we are leading is about exactly that—putting Nigeria in motion, powered by local capability. This is not about isolationism. It is about inclusion. It is about choosing to reinvest value here at home—stimulating manufacturing, deepening our tax base, strengthening the Naira, and most importantly, creating jobs. This is not theoretical. The movement is already underway.

    In Katsina, our smart irrigation systems have doubled farm yields. In Ebonyi, we are testing locally built lithium batteries for off-grid communities. In Anambra and Ogun, we are working with manufacturers to remove friction using Nigerian-made technology. And just last year, NASENI launched 35 market-ready products, secured $3.25 billion in private and development capital, and trained over 5,000 local innovators.

    We are not only driving innovation—we are creating a new industrial backbone, built for and by Nigerians. But no movement thrives in isolation. Government must lead, but the private sector must scale. Public procurement—estimated to be 25–30% of GDP—is a powerful lever. With Nigeria’s GDP projected to reach $1.4 trillion in 2025, this means $350–$420 billion in procurement spending. Directing even half of that to Nigerian producers could unlock over 2 million jobs each year.

    This is not charity. This is smart economics. Every time a government agency chooses Nigerian-made goods—vehicles, equipment, software—they are investing in trust, signaling belief, and building the momentum of the movement. Patriotism must become more logistical than symbolic. It should live in vendor lists, procurement memos, and balance sheets.

    That’s why NASENI is scaling HatchBox—our incubation platform—to support over 10,000 innovators this year. That is why we launched the NASENI Innovation Hub with AfriLabs to provide critical infrastructure for startups. And that’s why we’re working with state governments to build regional manufacturing hubs focused on energy, agriculture, and IT—creating 10,000+ direct jobs and over 30,000 indirect ones.

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    We are also laying the groundwork for Nigeria’s first lithium-ion battery manufacturing plant—a critical step for energy independence and electric vehicle (EV) adoption. Alongside that, we are designing templates to make it easier for MDAs to source Nigerian technologies, targeting a 25% increase in local content for public procurement.

    All of this is part of a broader movement—one that says: we do not need to wait to be developed. We can build. But to do this at scale, we need coordination. Agencies must align. Budgets must serve solutions, not just systems. And policies must speak to each other—because when that happens, we go faster, together.

    Let us be clear: this movement isn’t about resisting globalization. It is about shaping it from a place of strength. It is about building a Nigeria that does not just consume value—but creates it: One that earns respect not because of our size but what we build and how we solve problems.

    We are not chasing miracles. We are compounding progress. This is what “Nigeria First” looks like—not as a slogan, but as a daily practice. One procurement decision, one innovation, one young entrepreneur at a time because our Samsung moment won’t come from imitation. It will come from commitment—to our people, our producers, and our collective power to build.

    •Halilu is Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) sent this piece from Abuja.

  • Benue people will decide its future

    Benue people will decide its future

    Sir: Since 2007, after serving for eight years as the third elected governor of Benue State, Senator George Akume has undeniably played a recurring role in influencing who becomes governor of Benue State. But curiously—and tellingly—his influence has tended to last only through part of the first term of those he installs. History has consistently proven that Akume’s overreach, often cloaked in “leadership,” eventually leads to avoidable fractures within his camp and setbacks for the party he belonged to: the (now defunct) Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) or the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Benue.

    In 2007, Akume supported Gabriel Suswam’s rise as the 4th elected governor. Their alliance crumbled, and Suswam forced Akume out of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Akume fled to the then-Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), fielding the calm and competent Ambassador Prof. Steve Ugbah against Suswam in 2011. Suswam prevailed, but Akume clung to his Senate seat.

    By 2013, a historic merger birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC). Akume rode this wave to foist Samuel Ortom, a PDP defector, as APC gubernatorial candidate in 2015—abandoning his long-standing ally, Ambassador Ugbah. Ortom won, defeating by more than 100, 000 votes Suswam’s preferred candidate, Terhemen Tarzoor (“The Man Wey Sabi”).

    But Akume turned against Ortom too, about midway into his first term. I was among stakeholders from Benue Zone A who visited the Government House Makurdi in May 2018, led by our late leader, Papa Wantaregh Paul Unongu, and pleaded with Governor Ortom to not leave the APC. Sadly, he couldn’t endure the meddling anymore and decamped back to PDP, where he defeated Akume’s anointed APC candidate, Hon. Emmanuel Jime, in 2019. So, APC lost Benue. That same year, Akume too lost his own Senate seat to Hon. Orker Jev—a historic personal defeat. Later the same year, President Buhari offered Akume a lifeline appointment as a federal minister after this defeat.

    Even after President Buhari had appointed Ambassador Ugbah as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Russia and Belarus in 2017—a critical diplomatic post—Akume, inexplicably, barely a year after Buhari had offered him a political lifeline in 2019, influenced his recall in 2020. In his place, nominating no other than “The Man Wey Sabi,” Mr Tarzoor, sending him to far less strategic Namibia. The logic? Personal preference trumping Benue’s interest. During a 2022 visit to Russia, I heard first-hand the high praise for Ugbah’s diplomatic leadership—testimonies that make his recall a clear act of political sabotage, not national service.

    Fast-forward to today: Akume—now a federal appointee under President Bola Tinubu—is once again fighting the sitting governor, Dr Hyacinth Iormem Alia, Benue’s sixth elected governor. From ignoring Alia’s nominee for ministerial appointment to stirring propaganda, distractions, and internal party friction, Akume seems committed to another season of political instability in Benue.

    Read Also: Tinubu can build ‘Nigeria of our dreams’ – Wike

    But this time, the script may not go as he’s used to. Governor Alia enjoys widespread popularity, commands the respect and cooperation of the Benue State House of Assembly, and has earned the loyalty of the APC state structure under Comrade Omale. The 23 Local Government Chairmen in Benue State, overwhelmingly elected on APC’s platform and recently affirmed by the Appeal Court, further signal where the wind of legitimacy is blowing.

    To those who claim, even after this legal validation, that “Akume will decide in 2031,” I ask: Who decides for Benue? One man or the people? How about 2027? And who knows what a day will bring forth? Let us remember that we are mortal men, not the only True God.

    Governor Alia’s inclusive leadership, prudent governance, and statesmanlike respect for political elders—such as Senator Barnabas Gemade, Akume’s own political godfather (who was instrumental in then-civil servant Akume becoming governor of Benue State in 1999)—are refreshing. He doesn’t trade insults; he works across party lines to develop Benue. In him, we see that Christian faith, humility, and administrative wisdom are not mutually exclusive.

    Let it be made clear: Benue APC is not one man’s farm. It is a platform built by many, sustained by people’s trust, and led today by a governor who has refused to be distracted from the mission of governance.

    This is no longer the Benue of 2007 or 2015. Governor Alia is not leaving the APC; instead, he is building it into a real development vehicle. If Akume’s playbook remains stuck in the politics of imposition, disrespect, and removal, then both 2027 and 2031 may well repeat a familiar ending: one in which the Benue people—not a power broker—decide their governor.

    It is time for all Benue sons and daughters to embrace developmental politics over power games. Politics should not merely be about elections or appointments, but about improving lives. That is the politics Governor Alia is modelling. That is the politics Benue must defend.

    •Prof. Leonard Karshima Shilgba shilgba@gmail.com

  • Fuelling growth, not hardship

    Fuelling growth, not hardship

    Sir: Although the Federal Government declared the removal of fuel subsidies in 2023, prevailing realities indicate that certain forms of price support still exist within Nigeria’s fuel economy. The persistence of high importation costs, foreign exchange pressure, and domestic inefficiencies continues to fuel inflation, increase transport costs, and burden the everyday Nigerian. Without robust local refining capacity and efficient energy infrastructure, the country remains overly dependent on expensive imports—a dynamic that weakens the naira, inflates household costs, and reduces national productivity.

    This situation has strained farmers, transporters, traders, and small businesses alike. The intended fiscal reforms, while valid in principle, are yet to be matched with the structural investments required for sustainable fuel affordability. As a result, public trust continues to erode.

    Subsidy removal should not translate to prolonged national pain. Instead, it should mark a new chapter of economic renewal—driven by domestic refining, smarter distribution, energy diversification, and productive job creation. Rather than reverting to inefficient subsidy regimes, the country must pursue policies that promote fuel self-sufficiency, economic inclusion, and long-term price stability.

    Key Solutions:  Rehabilitate and Operate Government Refineries:  Nigeria’s continued reliance on imported fuel—despite having abundant crude oil—remains counterproductive. The government must urgently complete the rehabilitation and efficient operation of Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries. Local refining reduces forex demand and eliminates the high costs of shipping, insurance, and foreign margins.

    However, given Nigeria’s track record of inefficiencies in state-run enterprises, it is crucial to prevent future waste of public funds. As the country gradually moves away from full government control of business ventures, a joint ownership model with credible private investors should be explored. This public-private partnership approach would bring in operational expertise, improve transparency, and ensure commercial viability—while allowing the state to retain strategic oversight.

    Read Also: Zenith is ‘Best Bank in Nigeria’, says Global Finance

    Expand Private Refining Through Competition: While the Dangote Refinery is a major step forward, avoiding monopoly is crucial. The government should provide tax incentives, credit access, and streamlined licensing to encourage modular and independent refinery development. A competitive refining sector will drive innovation and reduce costs for end users.

    Prioritise Domestic Processing and Job Creation: If crude must be imported temporarily, final processing and packaging should occur within Nigeria. This will stimulate industrial activity, increase GDP, and empower young professionals. The oil and gas sector should become a hub for Nigerian talent—not a pipeline for foreign contracts.

    Modernise Fuel Distribution with Technology: Fuel diversion, smuggling, and hoarding must be decisively addressed. Deploy digital tracking systems across the fuel supply chain—from depots to retail stations—to ensure real-time monitoring and eliminate artificial scarcity. Data-driven oversight will enhance pricing transparency and fuel accessibility.

    Strengthen the Naira Through Industrial Growth: A stronger currency directly reduces the cost of fuel imports. Nigeria must invest in productive sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, and ICT to boost exports and reduce import dependence. A healthy naira creates a sustainable path to fuel affordability—without recurring subsidies.

    Scale Renewable and Alternative Energy:  Fuel is not the nation’s only energy option. Solar, wind, and gas systems can diversify the power mix, especially in rural and peri-urban areas. Government should incentivise solar mini-grids, gas-powered transit systems, and industrial-scale clean energy to reduce dependence on petrol and diesel.

    Support Transport and Agriculture with Targeted Relief:  Instead of generalised subsidies, the government should support priority sectors. Provide subsidised agro-diesel for farmers, improve logistics networks, and invest in rural roads. Cheaper transport lowers food prices and improves the cost of living for millions.

    Reform Government Agencies for Performance: NNPC Ltd., the Petroleum Equalisation Fund, and related bodies must be restructured for efficiency and transparency. Performance metrics, digital governance, and independent audits should replace political patronage and bureaucratic bottlenecks.

    Expected Outcomes: Lower transport and food costs across urban and rural communities; Increased industrial productivity and job creation in energy, logistics, and manufacturing; Strengthened currency, reducing dependency on external loans; Broader public trust and reduced civil unrest; Sustainable fuel pricing, supported by local value chains.

    While Nigeria has officially removed fuel subsidies, fuel pricing continues to reflect underlying support mechanisms that require greater transparency and sustainability. This moment presents an opportunity—not to return to blanket subsidies, but to drive the long-term transformation of our energy economy. Through domestic refining, smart distribution, and strategic investment in alternatives, Nigeria can shift from subsidy dependence to sustainable prosperity—fuelling growth, not hardship.

    •Adeniyi A. Oluwaseun talk2_manfred@yahoo.com

  • Nigeria’s transformative strides in maternal health

    Nigeria’s transformative strides in maternal health

     Sir: I write in response to the article published on June 3, 2024, titled “Nigeria is world’s most dangerous country to give birth, says BBC.” While the report highlights past challenges, it does not reflect the remarkable progress Nigeria has made in maternal and child health under the leadership of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, since 2023.

    In just two years, Nigeria has witnessed unprecedented reforms and investments that are changing the narrative of maternal care across the country:  $1billion Maternal and Child Health Fund: In 2025, the Federal Government approved a $1 billion fund to support all 36 states in reducing maternal and child mortality. This includes upgrading 774 primary healthcare facilities to provide free emergency obstetric care.

    Free Cesarean Sections Nationwide: Under the Maternal Mortality Reduction Innovation Initiative (MAMII), the government has made cesarean sections available free of charge in public facilities nationwide—removing a key barrier that once claimed thousands of lives.

    Obstetric Fistula-Free Programme: Launched in 2024, this initiative has successfully treated over 1,600 women across 18 facilities, offering them a second chance at life. All associated costs—from transportation to post-surgical rehabilitation—are covered by the Federal Government.

    Primary Healthcare Upgrades: Through the PHC revitalisation effort, 238 facilities have already been upgraded, with over 2,000 more in progress. These facilities now offer 24/7 services, better equipment, and skilled birth attendants. Health Workforce Expansion: Enrollment quotas for medical and nursing schools have more than doubled—from 28,000 to 64,000 annually—ensuring that Nigeria has the human capacity to staff its growing health infrastructure.

    Read Also: FBI arrests Nigerian ‘tech queen’ over alleged multi-million dollar fraud scheme

    Adolescent and Reproductive Health Services: The integration of adolescent-friendly services into PHCs is ongoing through the AGILE Project, offering menstrual hygiene, reproductive health education, and mental health support to young girls.

    These efforts, driven by clear political will and backed by strong policy implementation, are already yielding measurable results. Nigeria is no longer the nation described in 2021 statistics—it is now on an upward trajectory toward safer, equitable, and more inclusive healthcare for women and children.

    While we acknowledge that challenges remain, it is equally important that the media offers fair and current coverage that reflects the nation’s progress. We invite the media to join in amplifying these critical achievements that impact the lives of millions.

    •Isah Abuh Yusuf Abuja

  • Afenifere wannabe

    Afenifere wannabe

    Afenifere in 2025 is a mere shadow of the mighty Afenifere, which in 1999 packed quite a muscle; and wore a chip on its shoulders, determining who got what in political Yorubaland.

    Still, playing the Afenifere leadership wannabe, even in its present sorry state, has own consequences.  That appears completely lost on the scions of the Afenifere faction that Chief Ayo Adebanjo created before he died.

    Chief Adebanjo deluded himself as “leader” of Afenifere, when he knew the Afenifere Leader, Baba Reuben Fasoranti, was alive and well, if not so active.  When his wings were clipped, he declared himself “national leader” — non-existent in Afenifere storied lore.

    Baba Adebanjo’s power grab was scuttled by the grim reaper. He probably thought Baba Fasoranti, older by two years, would go first.  Adebanjo did. 

    No one can say the late chief didn’t live an impactful life as a celebrated progressive.  But even his most doting fan would admit the “last-minute” stain to his name, by trying to upstage his leader, now risks defining his memory. History never forgets such things!

    Still, the dead stay dead but the living have their daily chores to pursue.  Which is why the irony of Chief Adebanjo’s exit has not sunk in the band over which he paraded himself as “national leader”.

    Oba Oladipo Olaitan — the new “national leader”? — and factional spokesperson, Justice Faloye, took the Tinubu Presidency at two to the cleaners.  That’s no crime. It’s a democracy, for God’s sake!

    Read Also: Nigeria secures over $2.2bn funding commitments for health sector reforms – Tinubu

    But when a traditional ruler dabbles into politics, under whatever cover, it seldom ends well. 

    Well, the Kano debacle is still playing out.  Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the radical  social critic, conflated self with Muhammadu Sanusi II, the conservative traditional ruler.  That led into a deposition.  Even the bid to return Sanusi to the throne has led to a peculiar mess, breeding two Emirs, one throne!

    Even, history.  The Afenifere tendency are not unaware of the one-kobo-a-year royal salary.  They perfected it during the Action Group (AG) days.  That might be antiquated now, but there are always risks for royals playing blatant politics.

    Still, if you must do that, why must it be linked to organizational disloyalty — Afenifere’s No. 1 crime — with which Baba Adebanjo signed off? 

    Let the “national leader” faction be careful.  The dead stay dumb.  But let the living not lug a needless can!

  • The plastic problem: Moving from pollution to progress

    The plastic problem: Moving from pollution to progress

    Sir: For more than half a century, June 5th has marked World Environment Day (WED). This initiative by the United Nations, in collaboration with key stakeholders, aims at spotlighting critical environmental challenges across the globe. From desertification in Africa to melting ice in the Arctic, each year’s observance draws attention to a pressing issue that affects our existence and interaction with the environment, and the planet at large.

    In recent years, one of the most persistent threats to the environment has been plastic pollution. The 2025 theme titled, ‘Putting an End to Plastic Pollution,’ furthers the conversation to the 2023 edition that focused squarely on this crisis, under the theme ‘Beat Plastic Pollution,’ calling for a global end to plastic waste by 2040—a target as ambitious as it is urgent. The emphasis on this plastic issue, therefore, underscores the importance.

    According to Our World in Data, global plastic production has surged from just 2 million tonnes in the 1950s to over 450 million tonnes by 2019—more than doubling in the last two decades alone. These figures are alarming, not just for their magnitude, but because of what plastic waste does after we discard it. Non-biodegradable by nature, plastic waste infiltrates our oceans, clogs our drains, poisons our soil, and harms both human and animal health.

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    For countries like Nigeria, where waste management remains largely aspirational, the challenge is even more acute. The World Bank estimates that Nigeria generates about 2.5 million tonnes of plastic waste annually, with up to 70% of it mismanaged. This places us among Africa’s top plastic polluters.

    In 2024, the Lagos State government, Nigeria’s commercial capital, announced a phased ban on single-use plastics, with full implementation slated for July 1, 2025. The ban excludes PET bottles, water sachets, and plastic bags thicker than 40 microns. While this is a commendable step, it raises an uncomfortable question: Can we truly beat plastic pollution with bans alone?

    Skeptics are right to worry. Nigeria has a chequered history with policy enforcement. Past attempts at banning certain materials or behaviours have often faltered due to poor planning, weak public engagement, lack of viable alternatives, and inconsistent enforcement. The truth is, a well-meaning ban without an ecosystem to support it will not work. Real change demands more: widespread public education, investment in recycling infrastructure, partnerships with private waste collectors, and stronger civic engagement.

    Take, for instance, the recent viral controversy about Lagos “smelling.” Instead of engaging in blame games, both the government and citizens should have used that moment for serious self- reflection. If our environment reeks, it’s because our systems are broken—and fixing them requires all hands on deck.

    As we mark the 53rd World Environment Day, we must remember that the burden of environmental responsibility does not rest with the government alone. It rests with all of us. If we truly wish to see clean cities, healthy oceans, and sustainable communities, we must act in concert—citizens, corporations, and country.

    Only then can Nigeria move from pollution to progress.

    •Oluwatosin Oshagbemi tosinoshagbemi@gmail.com

  • Rethinking commercial surrogacy in Nigeria

    Rethinking commercial surrogacy in Nigeria

    Sir: Medical science has evolved significantly over the centuries. One of the most remarkable breakthroughs in this journey is the art and science of surrogacy, a practice where a woman carries a child in utero (in the womb) on behalf of another woman or couple, whose egg and sperm are fertilised in a laboratory to form an embryo before being implanted into the surrogate mother.

    The choice to become a surrogate mother is bestowed upon a woman who undergoes the implantation process, a complex journey that undoubtedly results in experiencing discomfort, physical and emotional pain.

    Regardless of the outcome, these pains persist as the foetus develops during the nine-month gestation period, which comes with its own set of challenges, including hormonal imbalances and resultant body changes.

    Becoming a surrogate mother is not a knee-jerk decision. Financial challenges, especially in developing societies like ours, and sympathy – a woman wanting to help another woman who has been struggling to conceive or whose womb has been certified unfit to carry a child by a medical professional – are often underlying motivations.

    Intended parents also do not jump into surrogacy headfirst; they may have tried other means before settling for such a tedious process. Others, however, would opt for it due to tokophobia – the fear of childbirth. For this group, it is a case of better safe than sorry.

    Other phobias that make couples consider surrogacy include the fear of losing the baby inside the womb, medically known as stillbirth; fear of dying during childbirth; fear of excessive weight gain and other bodily and hormonal changes; fear of mom brain; and baby blues, among others.

    With all these factors in mind, it is mind-boggling that a woman should go the extra mile to carry and birth another person’s child, only to be left high and dry without any form of compensation!

    On May 26, 2025, the House of Representatives initiated legislative action to prohibit commercial surrogacy in Nigeria and establish a framework to regulate the practice solely for non-commercial, altruistic purposes. This move follows the introduction of “A Bill for an Act to Protect the Health and Well-being of Women, Particularly in Relation to Surrogacy and for Related Matters.”

    The provisions in the bill that stipulate “explicit protection against coercion or forced surrogacy arrangements” and “mandating counseling for both surrogate mothers and intended parents” are highly commendable. This is particularly important, given instances where intended parents reject babies based on gender preferences; counseling would help them understand that they must accept the child wholeheartedly, regardless of gender.

    Another twist that underscores the importance of counseling is that, in some cases, surrogate mothers have fought for and claimed ownership of the child, despite prior agreements.

    Secondly, the “endorsement of only altruistic surrogacy, where no financial profit is involved except for reimbursing medical and pregnancy-related matters” is a point of contention. Surrogate mothers should be fairly compensated financially for their role, based on mutually agreed-upon terms and conditions between both parties.

    While the bill in itself may be altruistic, it should consider monetary compensation for women who render such a difficult and time-consuming service, thereby providing them with the necessary tools to maintain proper mental and physical well-being after childbirth.

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    Since the bill seeks to protect the rights of women involved in surrogacy and other parties, the legislators should consider several key factors: What happens if a surrogate mother loses her life? What if a stillbirth occurs? What provisions are made for aftercare? What if the pregnancy leaves the surrogate mother with long-lasting health issues, such as hypertension or diabetes? Addressing these questions will provide balance and add depth to the bill.

    The monetary compensation should be seen as a form of consolation for these surrogate mothers when all is said and done. However, Senator Uchenna Okonkwo, who represents the Idemili North/Idemili South Federal Constituency of Anambra State and sponsored the bill, may have his reasons, which I won’t speculate about. Nevertheless, the bill warrants a second look to make it more comprehensive.

    Lastly, it is no news that baby farms are hotbeds for illicit activities, including human trafficking. Criminalising commercial surrogacy might inadvertently fuel these underground enterprises, whereas a more critical look at the bill to include compensating surrogate mothers could nip the problem in the bud.

    •Arita Oluoma Alih Abuja

  • Police recklessness: Another horrific tragedy

    Police recklessness: Another horrific tragedy

    Sir: On May 16, 2025, Emmanuella Ahenjir boarded a vehicle at Gyado Villa area of Makurdi, the Benue State capital. She was going to Wukari in Taraba State. The 23-year-old student of  Federal University, Wukari, was headed back to school. But she never made it. At the Wurukum roundabout in Makurdi, she was shot dead by another one of many of Nigeria’s trigger-happy policemen, who opened fire on the vehicle when the driver refused to stop.

    Ahenjir’s death predictably elicited a national outcry, with shock running through the country and reminding Nigerians of the fragility of life in the country, and the clear and present danger ironically posed by those paid by the taxpayers to protect them.

    For many Nigerians, the police are the worst nightmare, as frightening as the many bandits who pace Nigeria’s many forests waiting to pounce on innocent people.  The only difference is that while bandits prowl the bush, the police line up on the road, clad in uniform sewn with taxpayers’ money and wielding guns bought with taxpayers’ money, and are no less menacing.

    Read Also: Why Nigerians should behopeful, by NOA DG

    Nigerians have lost their lives to police on the road over sums of money as negligible as fifty naira. Are these avoidable incidents collateral damage in law enforcement, or do they betray deeper structural problems? Should those who wield guns bought by Nigerians for the sake of Nigerians not exercise more circumspection in their use, especially when there is no armed confrontation?

    No country has grown or can grow when its citizens die indiscriminately at the hands of law enforcement.

    For the police, there are yet more questions than answers in what is already a difficult relationship with Nigerians. Nigerians are ordinarily suspicious and skeptical of the police. The police have been working very hard to rebuild trust.

    Yet, with each deadly incident like the one involving the hapless Ahenjir, decades of progress made to rebuild public trust in a key institution, crumble, going up in smoke at the hands of a few trigger- happy personnel.

    There is no perfect institution anywhere, but with serious commitment, genuine progress can be made to improve the perception of the police by Nigerians and prevent a repeat of the deadly incidents that leave families heartbroken and grief-stricken. May Ahenjir’s gentle soul rest in perfect peace.

    •Kene Obiezu keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Soyinka’s fallacy on Amaechi

    Soyinka’s fallacy on Amaechi

    When former transportation minister Rotimi Amaechi marked his 60th birthday, he was a glum man, or pretended to be. Dressed in a bright shirt with distinctive Niger Delta beads, he basked in the moment of his celebration like a sad man. A celebrant in sackcloth.

    “I am hungry” he declared, falling short of saying it in the tone of the Ebi np awa populism because, although he bears the name Rotimi, he cannot speak Yoruba. Anytime he has an opportunity to speak, he roars inelegantly about removing the president, as though it were military uprising or push for a putsch he was trying to inspire.

    If he says he is hungry, Hardball would like to know how much he spent on his birthday bash, and if it was not enough to feed a thousand Naira. If his bash could slake thirsts and stop rumbling stomach, where is the place of his hunger? He is plenty crying like empty. Hardball also wants his response to his kinsman and successor as Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, that he only decided he was hungry after serving in government, not as a clerk, but as a helmsman from 1999 to 2023. Hefty 24 years. He was speaker, governor, minister. People say he was too privileged to complain. They say he had ‘juicy’ positions all through. Joblessness has not juice, so the man is crying in public like an agitator. Crying without tears. He only knew he was hungry because he has not been in government for a mere two years.

    But Hardball sees that as only a tangential affair for this page today. Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, who has made it a point of interest to align with the former minister for whatever reason, committed a fallacy of comparison on his birthday.

    He said he admired Amaechi because he was giving President Bola Tinubu a dose of his own medicine. He adverted to the primary that Tinubu won when candidate after candidate withdrew for the Jagaban. He confessed he was not in the country but followed it from his base in Abu Dhabi.

    “…it gave me a great, most malicious pleasure, rascally, if you like, pleasure to see the incumbent president being given a dose of his own medicine,” he said. He asserted that Tinubu fought former president Olusegun Obasanjo “to a standstill” for trying to change the constitution and impose a third term. Obsasanjo also cowed other governors but not Tinubu, the laureate reminded the audience.

    “But one man. He was the last man standing. Well, he obtained a dose of his own medicine from Rotimi Amaechi during the primaries. I enjoyed that very much.”

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    Well, Soyinka got two things abysmally wrong. Tinubu’s fight against OBJ were for fundamental principles of our democracy. He fought to save it from an autocrat who wanted to upturn a republican idea and make a fiefdom of the country. Secondly, OBJ pursued a policy of suffocating the federal idea by taking their funds. Tinubu fought against OBJ for these issues the way he fought against the army. Soyinka was a partner with Tinubu in the now NADECO Abroad. Amaechi was only fighting for power, not for any grand ideal because he never enunciated any. It was a a quest for personal power, a massage of a juvenile ego. Soyinka knows what a grand idea is and he never attributed any to the celebrant that day. Where was Amaechi when Tinubu was drawing swords against OBJ, who Kongi loves to barb.

    More potently, Tinubu won in all his fights. Amaechi, on that night of the primaries, did not step down, but in the language of our politics, o lule in the primaries. And who won? The last man standing. That is why he is bitter. He has no medal, but Tinubu is president. It seems to be his nightmare. I wonder whether he can stand to watch Tinubu on television playing his role as leader of the country.

    So, when our Nobel Laureate praises his man, he should not enjoy a barker, the noise of an empty barrel of a loser “very much.”

  •  Revolutionising Nigeria Customs Service

     Revolutionising Nigeria Customs Service

    Sir: In under two years, the Comptroller-General, Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, has dramatically reshaped the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS). Moving beyond a history of inefficiency and opacity, Adeniyi has diligently steered the NCS towards President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ‘Renewed Hope’ agenda, championing transparency, technological integration, and national economic security.

    Adeniyi’s proactive stance on revenue generation has been pivotal. Despite a challenging economic climate, the NCS has seen significant improvements in collection, not just by hitting targets, but by streamlining processes, curbing leakages, and instilling accountability. This success is largely attributed to the embrace of advanced data analytics and automation, which enhance efficiency and mitigate corruption risks.

    Crucially, Adeniyi has prioritised border security as a cornerstone of national stability. His unwavering focus on strengthening controls, combating smuggling, and tackling illicit trade is indispensable in a nation grappling with security challenges. His aggressive posture against the smuggling of arms and contraband demonstrates a clear understanding of this imperative, further bolstered by enhanced collaboration with other security agencies for a unified approach to border management.

    Furthermore, Adeniyi has invested heavily in the professional development of NCS personnel. Recognising that a well-trained and motivated workforce is essential, he has implemented comprehensive training programmes covering modern customs procedures, ethical conduct, and technological proficiency. This commitment to human capital addresses long-standing criticisms, and is vital for building a sustainable and efficient customs service.

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    Transparency and stakeholder engagement have also defined Adeniyi’s leadership. By fostering open communication channels with importers, exporters, and other stakeholders, he has built trust, promoted collaboration, demystified customs procedures, and reduced bureaucratic hurdles. His more open engagement with the media and the public further underscores this commitment.

    Adeniyi’s alignment of the NCS with President Tinubu’s ‘Renewed Hope’ agenda demonstrates a clear understanding of the agency’s role in national development. He emphasises facilitating legitimate trade, promoting economic diversification, and contributing to a conducive business environment, signaling a positive shift in the agency’s trajectory.

    While challenges persist, and the journey toward a fully reformed NCS is ongoing, Adeniyi’s tenure has established a solid foundation. His focus on technology, transparency, and personnel development, coupled with an unwavering commitment to national security and revenue generation, positions the NCS for a more impactful role in Nigeria’s economic landscape. The progress under his leadership offers hope that the NCS can, indeed, become a model of efficiency and integrity.

    Adeniyi’s self-discipline and selfless service to the nation are evident in his ability to exceed revenue projections, enhance customs services, significantly reduce smuggling, and strengthen relationships between customs, customers, and agents.

    •Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi

    awodiken@outlook.com