The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

June 12 and its abiding spirit
- By: Opeyemi Bamidele
June 12, 1993 was truly a watershed in our post-independence history as a federation of diverse people. It was a day that no fewer than 14.29 million voters trooped to their polling units nationwide to elect a new civilian president and put paid to the regime of tyranny that eclipsed our fatherland. Before us were two presidential candidates – Chief MKO Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC).

United by our excruciating thirst for a democratic Nigeria, at least 58.36% of the accredited voters cast their ballots in favour of Chief MKO Abiola, a business magnate and a man of the people, whose influence transversed the length and breadth of Africa. The voters, perhaps by a collective resolve, put their divergence behind them to overwhelmingly elect the presidential candidate of the SDP. It was a decision without a dot of religion, tongues and tribes. More precisely, it was a decision taken consciously in defence of people’s aspiration, freedom and future.

At least 3,000 election observers, national and international, were accredited to monitor the 1993 presidential poll. The figure also included 135 foreign observers that keenly monitored the process nearly from all developed democracies in Asia, Europe and North America, among others, Unlike the 1979 election that was largely skewed in favour of the establishment candidate and the 1983 process that was laced with fundamental flaws that later triggered violence, observers gave the 1993 process a clean bill of health. In their report, they reached a consensus that the election “was well-conducted, free, fair and therefore credible,”

What else did a leader or a regime require to uphold people’s most critical decisions, especially at a time of national emergency when people took off their togas of ethnicity and religion to elect a leader of their choice? But the Federal Military Government under General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida refused to toe the path of honour and respect the will of the electorate. Rather, in collusion with the military hierarchy of the time, IBB annulled the June 12,1993 presidential poll without justification; installed the Interim National Government that lacked legitimacy and appointed General Sani Abacha, now late, as the guardian of that contraption.

This flaw, either by commission or by omission, subsequently plunged our fatherland into a six-year vicious reign of brute despotism, the kind of which Nigeria never witnessed since the end of colonial rule on October 1, 1960. It was also a reign of brutality and incarceration, extermination and subjugation, injustice and invasion, oppression and repression that evidently set back our development trajectory and earned us pariah status among nations.

Rather than surrender to the whims of the late tyrant and his associates, June 12 bred bravery and courage, sacrifice and unity, aggression and rebellion in the hearts of masses and marketers, students and labour unions, intellectuals and professionals, political class and leaders of ethnic nationalities across the Niger. Indeed, it was a fierce battle of all against tyranny and not the state, against the despots and not the people, against the cruelty of regressive forces that sought to bring us back into subjugation.

These grim realities culminated in the birth of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), an amalgam of democratic adherents that transcended the primordial considerations that dominated our politics before that time or that criss-crossed all ethnic nationalities that constitute the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The forces never left the battle for the South-west because Chief MKO Abiola hailed from the region. For any consideration, they never saw it as the battle of the South alone; neither did they approach the battlefront with the mindset of the North against the South or the South against the North.

For all democrats alike, it was essentially a battle for the soul of Nigeria. It was a battle for the future of Nigeria and her teeming people. It was a rescue mission that united all democrats against tyrants, masses against the despots as well as civil society against the mindless jackals that prowled our fatherland. And the battle was fought fiercely and won collectively, though with sore bruises that pro-June 12 advocates had to bear and the conscionable cost that they sacrificially paid for the liberation of our fatherland.

In the battlefront were Pa Anthony Enahoro, Pa Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Bola Ige, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, Amb. Walter Carrington, Com. Frank Kokori, Dr. Fredrick Fasehun, Rear Admiral Ndubudi Kanu, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Dr. Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, Sir Alex Ibru, Com. Chima Ubani, among others. All these titans of the struggle for democracy either died while the battle still raged or at some points after the battle was won. Nevertheless, they were all heroes of the June 12 struggle. And they will ever be remembered for standing firm against the rage of the military junta.

The struggle also paraded the fearless warriors without firearms that are still living till date. The list, though inexhaustible, eminently comprises Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Col. Dangiwa Umar, Gen. Alani Akinrinade, Chief Ayo Opadokun, Oba Olu Falae, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Chief Cornelius Adebayo, Hon. Olawale Oshun, Chief Olisa Agbakoba, Chief Femi Falana, Dr. Amos Akingba and many more. Till this moment, they all occupy a prime place in the heart of our collective struggle that brought about transition to civil rule on the 29th May 1999.

Read ALso: June 12: Tinubu to confer National Honours on select legislators

The cost of the struggle was too hard to bear. The blood of the innocent was spilled on the streets of our major cities. The leaders of the struggle were murdered. In this category was Pa Alfred Rewane, who was murdered in his Ikeja home; Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, who was hacked down on the street of Lagos and Bagauda Kaltho who was torn into pieces in the heart of Kaduna. Even the murder of Rear Admiral Babatunde Elegbede, Dr. Sola Omatsola, Toyin Onagoruwa, Alhaja Suliat Adedeji and Mrs. Bisoye Tejuosho, among others, is still a source of sordid reflection that refuses to completely pale into the pit of our memory.

In his own case, Sir Alex Ibru survived the gunshot of the despots. But he was never the same again until God finally called him home on the 11th November 2011. Perhaps by providence, Pa Abraham Adesanya and Air Commodore Dan Suleiman were shot at a close range, but came out unhurt. Scores of the June 12 advocates ended up in underground detention. The list includes Chief Olu Falae, now the traditional ruler Ilu-Abo in Akure North Local Government, Senator Olabiyi Durojaiye and Chief Lam Adesina, who was paraded on the street of Ibadan as a prisoner of war.

The media was not exempted from the victims of the June 12 struggle. The fearless in this industry fought convincingly with their pens. The ink of their pens still bears witness to the gore of that slain that smeared our cities, the agony of incarceration that eclipsed the hearts of the victims and the undesirability of political asylum that became an option they never hoped for. Obviously, June 12 is one historic event that Dare Babarinsa, Nosa Igiebor, Chris Anyanwu, Soji Omotunde, Kunle Ajibade, Babafemi Ojudu, Dapo Olorunyomi, Niran Malaolu, Chris Anyanwu, George Mbah, Ben Charles Obi and Bayo Onanuga, among others, will ever relish to commit their ink to scribble down their own battles against the regime of tyranny. In varying measures, they all had their own share of the bitter bile that the regime of despots served them, whether in detention or in exile, whether in brutality or in harassment, whether as fugitives or in the trench of guerilla journalism.

As an attorney that just kicked off my legal practice, I was a victim of the vicious military junta. I still remember most vividly how I was enlisted in the legal team that fought for the restoration of the June 12 mandate. I also remember how Chief G.O.K. Ajayi, now of blessed memory, led the team of eminent legal luminaries to reverse the annulment of the June 12 election. I remember how I argued for the release of 11 students of the University of Abuja before a Federal High Court in the FCT. I remember how the agents of the vicious regimes invaded my law office in Abuja because of my resolve for the release of the 11 students. I remember how my chamber assistant contacted my wife to inform me about the invasion of my law office. I remember how my wife, then a registered pharmacist with Garki General Hospital, organised an ambulance to rescue me from where I was hiding. All these scenarios marked the beginning of my journey into exile. But why did the agents of the junta invade my Abuja law office? They were, according to my chamber assistant, looking for arms and weapons they presumed I stockpiled in my law office and private residence.

History is now our living witness that bears abundant testimonies to what Nigeria and Nigerians went through under the reign of despots. In June 1998, however, the wrath of God descended up the vault of the tyrant. And that regime, again by providence, came to an abrupt end. At home or in exile, nearly all June 12 advocates could glaringly behold a ray of light at the end of the tunnel. Just at this point, the last death knell loudly rang from the cave of power in Abuja, announcing the demise of Chief MKO Abiola. What a conspiracy! What a tragedy!! What a disappointment!!! It was the end of an era that sealed the theft of people’s mandate. Chief MKO Abiola became the last victim of the struggle when we had already beheld the light.

The narrative is entirely different today. Our civil space is more participatory than ever before. Our politics is open to virtually all Nigerians without discrimination. Our courts are now sacred sanctuaries where the oppressed can freely seek redress. Unlike that era, we can freely make our choices without intimidation or exercise our rights without trepidation. Whether by law or by rights, we now enjoy all these benefits because the heroes and heroines paid supreme sacrifices for the liberty our children are now exercising in the digital space, the rights they are always willing to enforce in the court of law and the privileges they most times take for granted since the return to civil rule.

Sadly enough, the significance of this day rarely resonates with our present generations, especially those that were born shortly before June 12, 1993 and those that came after. Our upcoming leaders too are not in sync with the essence of the struggle that brought our fatherland to this new era of political liberty. These are dangerous signposts to our collective heritage. And as a consequence, the next generation may entirely lose the essence of what June 12 represents in the history of this federation if we do not brace for the task before us. The onus, first of all, rests upon us as a government or as a federation to sustain the spirit that drove the June 12 struggle and bequeath it to the future generations.

The struggle was driven absolutely by the unity of purpose. It was sustained by the spirit of self-sacrifice at a cost no actor could ever quantify. It was won by a sheer commitment to the cause that unites us rather than the fault line that divides us. These are the core drivers that then enable the spirit of the June struggle. As a federation, we must sustain and uphold the values that drove the struggle in the task of building a federation that works for all. This is the only way we can build a resilient democracy together. This is the only way we achieve a viable economy together. This is the only way we can ensure a functional democracy that purely serves the overriding public interests..

The quest for a more democratic Nigeria is not just for the government in power. The opposition also has a frontline role to play in the task of building a functional democracy. The onus now rests upon the opposition to offer credible alternatives that can reposition our economy and stabilise the political system. This is not the era to campaign for a shadow government, an idea that does not demonstrate the spirit of the June 12 struggle or that will further endanger the unity of our fatherland. It is the era that works for the unity of our fatherland and fights all divisive tendencies that threaten our collective prosperity.
- Bamidele is Senate Leader
June 12, 2025
Uba Sani: Upholding the ideals of June 12

By Henry Ugbolue

The June 12, 1993 presidential election remains one of the most poignant chapters in Nigeria’s democratic history. It was not merely an election — it was a referendum on justice, unity, and the people’s right to determine their future. Nigerians, across ethnic and religious divides, defied cynicism and cast their votes overwhelmingly for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (M.K.O.) Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Abiola’s campaign, “Hope ’93,” was a national movement for equity, prosperity, and dignity — a moment where the Nigerian spirit found its voice.

Yet, that collective voice was silenced when the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the election. This act of authoritarian suppression ignited a storm of resistance across the nation, birthing a generation of democracy advocates who risked everything to defend the people’s mandate. Among those brave patriots was a young Uba Sani from Kaduna — a name now indelibly etched into both the story of Nigeria’s democratic evolution and its current renaissance in purposeful governance.

Uba Sani’s role in the June 12 pro-democracy movement is both profound and sometimes underappreciated. As a passionate activist aligned with the Campaign for Democracy (CD) and the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria (JACON), he was instrumental in challenging the perception that the struggle to reclaim Abiola’s mandate was a sectional affair. Operating from northern Nigeria — a region often seen as monolithic in its political leanings — Uba Sani defied stereotypes and built bridges between northern activists and their southern counterparts.

His activism was more than symbolic. It involved real risks — arrests, harassment, detention — all for daring to demand that Nigeria honour its commitment to democracy. Alongside allies such as Shehu Sani (who was imprisoned for his activism), and northern leaders like the late Mallam Balarabe Musa and Col. Dangiwa Umar, Uba Sani carried the torch of June 12 with clarity, conviction, and courage.

June 12 shaped Uba Sani. It was a political and moral crucible in which he learned to view governance not as a tool for dominance, but as a platform for service. Today, as Governor of Kaduna State, his administration embodies the principles for which Abiola stood: inclusivity, equity, justice, and economic liberation.

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When Senator Uba Sani assumed office as Governor of Kaduna State on May 29, 2023, the weight of history seemed to converge on him. The state was grappling with multiple afflictions — sectarian tensions, entrenched poverty, infrastructural decay, insecurity, and mass exclusion from financial services. In just two years, Governor Uba Sani has spearheaded what many now describe as a “Kaduna Renaissance.”

This renaissance is not defined by headlines, slogans, or political grandstanding. Rather, it is a deeply strategic, people-centered transformation that draws from his activist roots and his unflinching commitment to democratic ideals.

One of the most revolutionary aspects of Governor Uba Sani’s leadership is his refusal to politicise governance. This is a man who believes governance is sacred — a trust bestowed not just by voters, but by the weight of history. As he has repeatedly explained, “From Day One, I made it clear that we must relegate politics and focus on governance.” This rare ethos has yielded remarkable results: peace across political divides, mass defections from the opposition based not on coercion, but confidence in leadership, and a unified political landscape once deeply fragmented.

Shaped by several years of civil rights activism, especially the June 12 struggle, Uba Sani views security as not just merely about arms and patrols. He insists that security is about addressing root causes: poverty, illiteracy, and alienation. In his words, “We are reversing the ugly trend of hopelessness and lack of economic prosperity.”

From this perspective, his administration developed a dual-pronged approach: kinetic operations against criminal elements, paired with the non-kinetic extensive community-led peacebuilding to reclaim Kaduna’s social fabric from the brink of collapse. The effects have been tangible. Violence-ravaged zones like Birnin Gwari have returned to economic productivity, with commerce reviving in previously shuttered markets.

With improved security came bold infrastructural development especially in hitherto underserved and unreached rural communities. Uba Sani views roads, bridges, and transport as instruments of justice — ways to bring opportunity to the most neglected corners of society. This effort aims to enhance urban mobility and connect rural areas to economic hubs.

This commitment to connectivity echoes Abiola’s vision of inclusivity — of a Nigeria where no region is left behind, and where development is not a privilege, but a right.

Governor Sani’s education reforms mirror the egalitarianism that defined the June 12 movement. He has drastically reduced tuition fees, invested in learning infrastructure, and prioritized teacher training. “Kaduna was number 12 in WAEC rankings. Now we are number 7 — and rising,” he said. His target is excellence, but his method is equity.

In healthcare, the transformation is just as dramatic. Under his leadership, 250 primary health centers have been upgraded to level two — the highest by any state in Nigeria. The conversion of Kafanchan General Hospital to a Federal Medical Centre is both a functional upgrade and a testament to federal confidence in Kaduna’s health sector.

Uba Sani’s most radical reforms may lie in his economic justice agenda. He speaks passionately about the exclusion of over 85% of Northwestern Nigerians from financial systems as of 2023. “We must look at ourselves in the mirror and apologize to the people of Northern Nigeria,” he declared — a moment of rare political introspection.

But Uba Sani is not content with apologies. His administration has rolled out aggressive financial inclusion programmes targeting rural women, youth, and MSMEs. The Kaduna Enterprise Development Agency (KADEDA) now supports entrepreneurs with grants, training, and low-interest loans. In just two years, these efforts have created jobs, unlocked potential, and begun to correct long-standing economic imbalances.

Transparency is a cornerstone of the Uba Sani Renaissance. Procurement has been digitized, budgeting processes opened, and Kaduna has become a magnet for foreign direct investment in agro-processing, logistics, and infrastructure.

This reflects the moral foundations instilled in him during the pro-democracy struggles of the 1990s. Like M.K.O. Abiola, Uba Sani believes that poverty is not inevitable — it is a policy choice, one that can be reversed with courage, integrity, and people-first policies.

His philosophy of leadership: quiet, intentional, and resolute, is perhaps best summarized in his refusal to be distracted by the politics of 2027. “Leadership is about lifting others,” he maintains. And through every kilometer of road, every revitalized school, every empowered entrepreneur, he is doing just that.

Two years into his tenure, Uba Sani has proven that the sacrifices of June 12 were not in vain. His journey from street protester to state governor is a moral arc that bends toward justice, much like that envisioned by Abiola himself. He has taken the ideals of that struggle — unity, dignity, equity — and translated them into living, breathing governance.

Kaduna State is now a reference point for purposeful leadership in Nigeria. It is a laboratory for what is possible when political ideology meets social vision, and when democratic values are lived, not merely preached.

In many ways, the story of Uba Sani is the continuing story of June 12. It is the saga of a country that, though battered by cynicism, still dares to dream. It is the chronicle of a man who, shaped in the fires of struggle, now shapes the future of his people.

Interestingly, Governor Uba Sani sees in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu a kindred spirit, not just in the struggle for the actualization of the June 12 mandate of Chief Moshood Abiola but in renewed hope in what is possible in today’s Nigeria. Governor Uba Sani believes that like M.K.O Abiola, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership is speedily healing Nigeria and truly renewing the hopes of the people. Uba Sani stands as both a bridge to our past and a blueprint for our future. The spirit of June 12 lives on, not just in memory, but in motion, in the renewed streets of Kaduna, in the hope of its youth, and in the work of a Governor who knows that leadership is service, and service is destiny.

•Henry Ugbolue, is a Media and Communication Professional

June 12, 2025
For Africa Continental Free Trade Agreement to work

Sir: In 2018, a noble dream was birthed in Kigali: The dream of “one Africa market” to be guided by Africa Continental Free Trade Agreement. AFCTA aims to create a single market for goods and services in Africa and trigger intra-African economic integration for the purpose of prosperity.

AFCTA’s aspirations are very lofty and very important considering the disjointed economic blocs in Africa running on sub-regional ethos against continental economic goals. The disjointed sub-regional economic blocs such as ECOWAS, EAC, COMESA, AMU, CEN-SAD etc. have rendered African Union (AU) practically “shirtless” as it operates largely as a “political union”. Unfortunately, the disjointed sub-regional economic blocs have not able to achieve much for member-states making AFCTA a necessity regardless of justified or unjustified paranoia.

According to the Afreximbank’s Africa Trade Report 2024, intra-African trade is worth $192.2 billion as at 2023; this is nothing significant when compared with EU intra-regional trade for 2024 which valued $4trillion+ according to Statista reports. In 2022, 56 percent of the value of Asia’s trade originated within the region.

AFCTA enjoys the privilege of being the largest trade area by number of participant-countries numbering more than 50 but the dream lacks specific action plans and ambitious plans. Africa being the most populous continent but the poorest will have to be more strategic and intentional to trigger prosperous trade. Africa needs strategic infrastructures and uniform trade policies to unlock prosperous regional trade which can rival that of Europe in 20 years considering the untapped potentials in human resources, natural resources and geography.

The following are the proposed fundamental solutions to unlock regional trade in Africa and benefit more from globalization leveraging on AFCTA.

First, Africa needs to invest more in strategic infrastructures especially super railways, super highways, strategic ports and fibre internet. Africa needs infrastructure project similar to Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) that will connect Lagos-Abidjan, Kano-Fez, Pretoria-Luanda, Oyo-Yamousoukro, Cotonou-Mauritania, Cairo-Addis Ababa etc. AFDB can mobilize $100billion strategic investment fund to finance these infrastructures subject to unique investment treaties. The super fibre internet project (UBUNTU) is also important to enable Africa’s sovereign data integrity and security.

Secondly, Africa needs a common/uniform tariff on import trade in Africa. I will recommend 1.5% import tariff rate on all imports involving trade partners and zero tariff on agri-produce and medical products. African countries have the highest import tariffs when compared to European and Asian countries. Most African countries charge 10-20% on average rates for import tariffs while fast developing economies in Asia and Europe charge 2-6%.

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Africa must rethink its “import substitution” policies, unite sub-regional economic blocs and fashion beneficial bilateral treaties engaging non-African trade partners. Cheaper import tariffs for Africa trading partners will attract more foreign investments. Albeit, this policy should also be backed up with “seamless port clearance standards”, a standard that will be mandatory on all trading partners on ensuring modern, speedy and seamless port operations.

Air transportation is another important avenue of boosting regional trade and economic integration but it is cheaper flying within Europe than flying within Africa. For example, a direct flight from Berlin to Istanbul cost almost $150 but flying from Lagos to Kinshasa costs $400-$500 according to Business Insider. There is a need for a common benchmark on aviation charges/levies across Africa to limit over taxation of air transportation by many African countries to foster cohesion through trade and tourism. Visa policies can be left as an independent state policy pending the creation of regional identity system.

The world needs Africa because it houses the largest youthful population but Africans need each other by sharing prosperity, breaking trade barriers and transacting more regardless of political frictions.

•Dada-Kadri Esq; Abuja.

June 12, 2025
The hidden health crisis in Mokwa

Sir: As rescue teams continue their desperate search for survivors and the displaced mourn their losses following the catastrophic flooding in Mokwa, Niger State, a silent yet potent health threat rises with the receding waters: microbial contamination. On May 28, the peaceful town of Mokwa was swallowed by floodwaters after torrential rainfall and alleged collapse of a nearby dam. The resulting devastation was staggering: “at least 175 lives lost, more than 100 people missing, 121 injured, and over 3,000 residents displaced,” according to reports. President Bola Tinubu swiftly ordered emergency response measures, including the provision of relief supplies and temporary shelter.

While national attention rightly focuses on the immediate toll of the disaster, the microbial consequences of such flooding could provoke a secondary wave of suffering if not urgently addressed.

Floodwater is rarely just water as it becomes a hazardous cocktail of sewage, chemicals, agricultural runoff, and industrial waste. In Mokwa, as in many parts of Nigeria, the proximity of pit latrines, open defecation areas, and poorly managed waste systems to residential zones has led to widespread microbial contamination. When floodwaters invade homes and public areas, they introduce a variety of disease-causing microorganisms. One of the most common is Escherichia coli (E. coli), which is a key indicator of faecal contamination and is known to cause diarrhoea, urinary tract infections, and severe gastrointestinal distress.

Another serious threat is Vibrio cholerae, the causative agent of cholera, which thrives in unsanitary flood conditions and can lead to fast-spreading outbreaks.

Other pathogens such as Salmonella, Shigella, and Giardia lamblia are also frequently present in floodwater. These microbes are linked to gastroenteritis, which may result in long-lasting intestinal problems if untreated. Moreover, the bacterium Leptospira interrogans, commonly spread through rodent urine, can cause leptospirosis, a condition that may lead to kidney or liver damage and, in severe cases, death.

With more than 3,000 residents displaced and now residing in makeshift camps or overcrowded public facilities, the risk of microbial infection is intensified. These environments often lack access to clean water, proper sanitation, and basic hygiene supplies, creating ideal conditions for microbial transmission. Health experts warn that without immediate and sustained sanitation interventions, the region could face a cholera outbreak within weeks, potentially compounding the already heavy toll of this tragedy. Vulnerable groups such as children, pregnant women, the elderly, and those with weakened immune systems face the greatest risk of illness from these invisible but dangerous threats.

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While President Tinubu’s call for relief and temporary shelter is commendable, microbial threats demand a more targeted response. There is an urgent need for mobile water purification units to be deployed, along with the distribution of chlorine tablets to help purify local water sources. Emergency vaccination campaigns against cholera, hepatitis A, and typhoid should be initiated in high-risk areas to protect the most vulnerable populations. Routine microbial testing of both water sources and sanitation facilities must also be prioritized to monitor the spread of infections and identify potential hotspots.

In addition, community members need to be educated on basic public health practices, including proper hand hygiene, safe food preparation, and how to recognize the early signs of infection.

As Mokwa counts its dead and begins the painful process of recovery, Nigeria must recognize that the most dangerous threats often remain unseen. The microbial effects of flooding are not merely a side note; they are a looming public health crisis. If unchecked, these pathogens could unleash a post-disaster epidemic, turning a natural tragedy into a full-blown health catastrophe.

•Dr. Umezurike Emeka Taye,Lead City University, Ibadan.

June 12, 2025
Democracy Day: Nigerians’ expectations

Sir: As we mark another June 12 — a day symbolic of our collective struggle for democracy, justice, and the voice of the people — Nigerians have clear and heartfelt expectations of their leadership. These are not mere wishes, but urgent calls to action for healing, progress, and transformation.

Top on the list is restitution and justice for the June 12 legacy. The annulled June 12, 1993 election remains a painful scar on our national conscience. As many patriots have rightly pointed out — including Senator Orji Uzor Kalu and former governor, Sule Lamido — there can be no true reconciliation without restitution.

Nigerians expect the federal government to offer official restitution — including financial compensation and a national monument — to the family of Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, the widely acclaimed winner of that election.

This is not just about a family; it is about restoring dignity to our democratic foundations.

Second is the need for genuine electoral reforms. A stable democracy demands free, fair, transparent and credible elections. The spirit of June 12 calls for an electoral system where every vote counts and no citizen is disenfranchised.

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Nigerians expect the President and National Assembly to implement the recommendations of past electoral reform panels (e.g., Uwais, Nnamani Committees); strengthen INEC’s independence and transparency, push for the use of technology for real-time results collation, protect voters and electoral officers from violence and manipulation.

Thirdly, to reclaim our nation’s greatness, we must build a vision rooted in good governance, equity, innovation, and national unity.

The people expect a leadership that empowers entrepreneurs, particularly youth and women, invests in public health and universal healthcare, one that fosters sustainability and environmental resilience, strengthens institutions and the rule of law, and prioritizes education, job creation, and digital transformation.

Without security, there can be no freedom. Without unity, there is no future. Nigerians yearn for decisive and intelligent responses to banditry, terrorism, and communal conflict, community policing and intelligence-driven security, national healing across ethnic, religious, and regional divides, and justice for victims of violence, injustice, and neglect

The Nigerian people no longer want promises — they want results. Democracy Day must not end with symbolic speeches. Let it mark the beginning of tangible reforms, courageous decisions, and people-first leadership.

June 12 is a call to conscience. It reminds us that power belongs to the people, and leadership must be used to right wrongs, build trust, and deliver hope.

Let this year be the year we take a bold step forward — not just in memory of the past, but in service of our future.

•Richard Odusanya, odusanyagold@gmail.com

June 12, 2025
Police and the protection of human rights

Sir: There exists, inevitably, a latent temptation for the police to act beyond their statutory authority. As Don Campbell aptly observed in his book Police: The Exercise of Power, “There will always be an apparent conflict of interest between those who must investigate crimes and those who wish to limit the power of the state over a citizen’s life. On one hand, a conscientious investigator may resent limitations that hinder effectiveness; on the other, any extension of police power risks the erosion of individual freedoms.”

The Nigerian Police Force (NPF), despite its structural challenges and systemic lapses, has made commendable contributions to national security. Many officers serve with integrity and dedication. Yet, these individual efforts cannot obscure the institutional deficiencies and abuses that undermine public trust. The pervasive reports of brutality, unlawful detentions, extortion, and torture, often shared on social media, demand urgent and sincere reform.

Arbitrary arrests and detentions for the purpose of extortion have become alarmingly routine. Despite the clear constitutional provision that makes bail free, what has been obtained in reality is different. A report by Human Rights Watch documented testimonies from individuals across Lagos, Anambra, and Kaduna who were compelled to pay bribes to secure the release of detainees, most of whom were neither charged nor informed of any offense.

This impunity flagrantly violates Section 35 of the Constitution, which guarantees every person the right to personal liberty and stipulates that no one shall be deprived of such liberty except in accordance with due process.

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The Police Act (Section 4) outlines the statutory functions of the police, which include crime prevention, the apprehension of offenders, and the preservation of law and order. Yet, these constitutional and statutory responsibilities are routinely betrayed. The ACJA (Administration of Criminal Justice Act), particularly Section 30(1), mandates that persons arrested without warrant for non-capital offenses be charged within 24 hours or released on bail. This legal safeguard is regularly flouted.

In The Federalist Papers, John Jay reminds us: “Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government; and it is equally undeniable that, whenever and however it is instituted, the people must cede to it some of their natural rights in order to vest it with requisite powers.” The Nigerian people have ceded such powers in good faith. The government must now reciprocate with duty, by investing in police reform, enforcing accountability, and upholding human rights as non-negotiable.

The answer lies not in mere rhetoric as it seems to be the case. An independent oversight mechanism must be put in place, there has to be vigilance by civil society organizations and unflinching political will on the part of the government is needed to transform the Nigerian Police from a force feared by the people into one respected by them.

•David Bassey Antia, Topfaith University, Mkpatak, Akwa Ibom State.

June 11, 2025
Benue: A just cry from the Bishops

Sir: The recent statement by the Catholic Bishops of Nigeria condemning the persistent killings in Benue State and the silence—or complicity—of both the federal and Benue State governments is a just cry. I commend the bishops for rising above denominational and partisan affiliations to speak boldly for the oppressed.

This is not merely a matter of law and order; it is a matter of justice. When human life is desecrated daily by coordinated acts of murder and communities are repeatedly displaced by terrorists masquerading as herders, while those entrusted with the defence of the innocent issue platitudes and evasions, we must ask: What is the purpose of government if not the protection of lives and property?

The bishops’ lamentation is not hyperbole—it is a factual representation of our tragic reality. For too long, the victims of these attacks have borne their grief in silence, while state actors blame vague “bandits”, invoke tired clichés of “unknown gunmen”, or every so often, mere “relocation” of a defence chief to the affected states is ordered. In the face of sustained patterns of aggression, such passivity is betrayal, and regular repeats of unworkable rituals are comedic displays.

As someone who has lived, taught, and led among Benue’s academic and civic institutions, I know too well the cost of fear and the paralysis of leadership. We cannot build roads soaked in blood, nor can we wholeheartedly celebrate governance achievements while graves are being dug daily in our villages. All these other achievements, including infrastructural development, by both federal and state governments are noteworthy, but they are being dwarfed by the ceaseless shedding of blood of innocent lives: our mothers, fathers, children, brothers, and sisters.

I call on the president, the National Assembly, and the Benue State government to treat the bishops’ call as a moral verdict and a national alarm. Enough of the statements—what the people demand now is action: decisive, just, and protective. The killers must be stopped, their sponsors must be exposed and prosecuted, and peace must be returned to Benue State, and every other region in Nigeria.

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There cannot be such coordinated attacks involving such sophisticated weapons being deployed without sponsors. It is in the light of this that I take seriously Governor Alia’s recent revelation that the interim report of a Benue Panel of Inquiry contains names of some sponsors of Benue terrorism. Benue people and the nation await the bombshell revelation and a bombshell prosecution following the bombshell arrest of the sponsors of those coordinated attacks on the people of Benue, which for too long have been moderated under the euphemism “herdsmen attacks”.

President Tinubu’s Minister of Defence (rather than only the COAS), along with his colleagues, the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, must be given the appropriate orders to liberate Benue State and other states of those murderers of our people, whether they are called “herdsmen”, “militia”, “bandits”, or whatever. The governor of Benue State should be assisted to root out the evil.

Let us remember: Every government that fails in its primary duty to protect life forfeits its moral claim to leadership. President Tinubu must act now and act smartly. This is the message that the bishops have sent.

•Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,<shilgba@gmail.com>

June 11, 2025
End of USSD banking in Nigeria?

Sir: For years, USSD (Unstructured Supplementary Service Data) banking in Nigeria has been a lifeline for millions of Nigerians. It was simple, fast, and accessible even on the most basic mobile phones. From transferring money to paying bills, and checking balances to buying airtime, USSD provided seamless access to banking without the need for internet access.

But now, a terse, polite message from banks may have sounded the death knell of the service. In what feels like a final move in a long-standing tussle between telecom service providers and banks, the new directive from the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) mandates that going forward, USSD banking charges will be deducted directly from customers’ airtime, not their bank accounts.

The innocuous-looking message read in part “Dear Customer, from Tuesday, June 3, 2025, USSD banking charges will no longer be deducted from your bank account. Instead, the fees will be billed directly to your airtime in line with the NCC’s End-User Billing (EUB) directive. Each session will attract a charge of N6.98 per 120 seconds.”

Buried in this simple announcement is the latest twist in the long-drawn battle between telecom operators and banks over USSD service charges. This is a battle that has lasted for years, involving regulators and resulting in service disruptions, legal threats, and regulatory interventions. Now, it seems banks are preparing to exit the USSD battlefield altogether.

The NCC directive effectively removes the banks from the fee-collection equation and places the burden squarely on the end-user. For many, this change marks more than a billing switch; it signals the slow phasing out of a channel that revolutionized financial inclusion in Nigeria.

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There are, undeniably, a few upsides to this new structure. First, customers now receive prompts before airtime deductions are made, ensuring a more transparent process. Second, telcos finally receive payment for services rendered, which could encourage better service delivery and network investments. Finally, the new model simplifies the revenue flow i.e. banks no longer need to collect and remit fees on behalf of telcos. In short, the move creates regulatory clarity and administrative efficiency.

However, the challenges are just as significant, if not more so. USSD banking emerged as a revolutionary tool for financial inclusion. It brought formal financial services to people without smartphones, data, and internet access. With just a basic phone and a GSM line, millions of Nigerians were able to check balances, transfer money, and buy airtime.

Now, each session comes at a direct cost, N6.98 per 120 seconds. For the average urban user, this may seem trivial. However, for rural dwellers, low-income earners, petty traders, and others at the economic margins, this is a heavy toll.

There’s also the psychological shift. A service that was once “free” or indirectly billed now requires upfront airtime, confirmation prompts, and network reliability. Add this to the banks’ not-so-subtle nudging of customers towards mobile apps and Internet banking, and the writing becomes clear: USSD banking is being slowly phased out.

You can’t blame the banks, it’s simple economics. USSD doesn’t allow for tailored digital engagement or targeted marketing. It lacks the analytical depth of app-based platforms. And now that they must rely on telcos to facilitate and collect the fees, it’s no longer strategically beneficial.

But here’s the catch: Nigeria is still a country with high levels of digital illiteracy, device poverty, and limited internet penetration. To phase out USSD without adequate replacement infrastructure or support systems would risk reversing the gains made in financial inclusion over the past decade.

Some would argue that there would be winners and losers. Yes, Telecom operators who now receive direct payment for USSD sessions; banks which shed the headache of fee collection and shift customers to digital platforms they control and tech-savvy customers who already prefer app-based banking solutions are all winners.

However, low-income users who depend on USSD as their only form of banking, rural communities where smartphones and data access remain luxury items and Nigeria’s financial inclusion agenda which may face a major setback would all be losers.

As we pursue a cashless, digital Nigeria, we must ensure that no one is left behind, not the market woman in Aba, the farmer in Katsina, or the street vendor in Agege. Progress should not come at the cost of access.

•Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

June 11, 2025
Different strokes: NIS vs FRSC

Between the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC), under the supervision of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), it’s a clear case of different strokes.

This stark difference is from the latest news from FRSC. It just announced an increase in what applicants for drivers’ licences would pay, in the two categories of three years and five years.

No, the Nigerian Immigration Service (NIS), under the Interior ministry, is not introducing a new regime of tariffs, no. The difference is in service response, in which the two camps are poles apart. It’s as if they are in two separate worlds. Yet, both are agencies under the same Federal Government of Nigeria.

It takes an average of three weeks for NIS to push out the Nigerian international passport, after data capture. With FRSC, it’s another world, in any case, since 2023.

Before 2023, FRSC managed to push out drivers’ licences some two, three months after data capture — but not since 2023! Since that year, it would appear its data capture and licence production unit has been struck with some paralysis.

There are many folks who have paid and done data capture. Yet, since December 2023, the driver’s licence is yet to materialize. True: the local offices issue temporary licences, valid for three months or so, subject to re-issue, until the real licence is out.

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Still, is it not ridiculous? For instance, if you paid for a three-year licence since 2023; and by 2025, you’re still placed on a temporary licence! What sort of service is that?

Reaching mid-year in the second of your valid three years, and your licence is still in your dreams! Even if you paid for five years, it’s already near-two years gone! Again, compare and contrast: NIS — three weeks. FRSC: more than one year and still counting! Different strokes!

Which is why Hardball asks: on what basis are the tariffs being jacked up? For preening lack of service? If tariffs must go up because of rising costs, let FRSC match that increase with far better service delivery.

Yes, even NIS was not always what it is today. But whatever surgical policies the Interior Minister pressed to achieve the current NIS level of service delivery, the SGF should push the Corps Marshall too wave such “magic wand”.

The SGF should act today. Issuing a driver’s licence one year after — or more — is ode to preening public disservice that should never be tolerated.

June 10, 2025
Return of pseudo-saviours

Sir: Nigerian politics is as cut-throat as they come. Triumphal and gloating, to be out of office is to face all manner of humiliation. For those who have tasted political power, it is as close to death as it comes.

It is what appears to currently afflict some politicians in Nigeria, who have become especially and uncharacteristically vocal about the perceived demise of the country. Of this lot, Nasir El-Rufai, Rotimi Amaechi and Abubakar Malami stand out.

For El-Rufai especially, it is déjà vu. Since the transience of political power swept him off his perch as governor of Kaduna State in 2023, he took only a very short restless break but has since returned with vengeance and is eager to make up for lost time. He clearly does not think it is a major indictment on his part that many in Kaduna State, where he was governor for eight years, are dizzy with relief that he is no longer governor and that his successor is putting in an excellent shift as governor.

El-rufai has since returned to the role he played in the country between 2007 and 2015. In that time, after enjoying heavy influence under Olusegun Obasanjo between 2003 and 2007, he quickly found himself on the fringes in 2007. His response was to begin a venomous and vitriolic campaign against the administration of Umaru Musa Yar’adua and later that of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. He even spent some time on self-imposed exile painting the country and government black abroad, after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) wanted him for economic malfeasance.

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His campaign of calumny against the then government of President Goodluck Jonathan abruptly ended when he became governor, only to put in a disastrous performance in eight years. Now, freshly rested and recovered from the shock of being excluded from President Tinubu’s ministerial cabinet in 2023, El-Rufai has taken to taking pot-shots at the president and the government while rallying Nigerians to oust the government in 2027. Nigerians will do well to ignore him.

To achieve this, he has recruited the equally disgruntled Abubakar Malami, who was Attorney-General of the Federation, Rotimi Amaechi, who was minister of transportation and a handful of others. Their poor strategy of predicting doom and gloom for the country under the current administration rests disproportionately on the fact that the common bone they have to pick with the current administration is that they were left in the cold after years of wielding political power which they failed to use for the good of Nigerians.

Nigerians must learn to be extremely wary of those politicians whose sudden affection for them and their country comes from the cold fire place of political obscurity and irrelevance.

•Kene Obiezu,

keneobiezu@gmail.com

June 10, 2025