Category: Commentaries

  • Nigeria: Silence of the majority, folly of the moment

    Nigeria: Silence of the majority, folly of the moment

    • By Omenazu Jackson

    Sir: Nigeria, often described as the “Giant of Africa,” finds itself trapped in a cycle of missed opportunities, recurring political crises, and underdevelopment. At the core of this stagnation lies a troubling paradox: the silence of the majority and the folly of the moment.

    Nigeria’s population, estimated at over 220 million, is overwhelmingly youthful and vibrant. However, this majority often remains voiceless in matters of governance and national direction. Silence, in this context, is not always literal. It manifests in voter apathy, in the acceptance of injustice as normal, in the fear of speaking truth to power, and in the prioritisation of survival over civic engagement.

    Decades of broken promises, systemic corruption, and brutality—both military and civilian—have taught many Nigerians that speaking out can be dangerous and futile. The masses have become spectators in their own country, watching elites exchange power while the socioeconomic conditions worsen. This silence is not born from ignorance, but from disillusionment.

    Yet, silence has a cost. When the majority refuses to engage, a minority seizes control—not necessarily because it is more capable, but because it is more willing. And so, Nigeria continues to be led by a revolving door of opportunists, many of whom serve self-interest rather than the national good.

    Nigeria’s political history is littered with decisions that prioritise short-term gains over long-term stability. Whether it is electing leaders based on ethnic or religious affiliations, accepting last-minute handouts before elections, or embracing populist rhetoric with no clear policy direction, Nigerians often fall victim to the folly of the moment.

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    In every election cycle, the signs are familiar: recycled politicians, shallow manifestos, and emotionally charged campaigns that exploit divisions rather than propose solutions. The consequences are predictable—once elected, such leaders rarely deliver on promises. Public funds are looted, institutions weakened, and the same cycle repeats.

    What drives this folly? Partly desperation, partly manipulation. Many Nigerians live below the poverty line and are easily swayed by immediate benefits—bags of rice, cash gifts, temporary jobs. Politicians understand this and use poverty as a tool of control, buying compliance with breadcrumbs from the national loaf.

    Nigeria’s path to true greatness will not come from foreign aid or international interventions. It will come when the silent majority finds its voice and demands accountability. It will come when Nigerians begin to think beyond the moment and invest in sustainable, value-driven leadership.

    This requires civic education, economic empowerment, and platforms for honest dialogue. It requires technology and social media to be used not just for entertainment, but as tools for mobilisation, transparency, and advocacy. It requires courage—especially from the youth, the middle class, and the intellectuals—to challenge the status quo.

    •Dr Omenazu Jackson

    omenajak@yahoo.com

  • In defence of Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    In defence of Reps Deputy Speaker Kalu

    • By James Nwachukwu

    Sir: The recently published writing of one Uche Ezewudo resorted to concocting some de-marketing narratives in his petty media warfare with a federal law maker whose sin was nothing but building a grassroots team for the leader of his party, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in Abia State, through his new initiative, RENEWED HOPE PARTNERS, a group aimed at projecting the good works of the current administration and raising structures for an increased vote for the party in 2027.

    Ezewudo spun tales of power tussles between the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Okezie Kalu, and the governors of the South East, whereas a robust relationship exists between Kalu and the governors. 

    Surely, this hatchet writer needs a timeline of the deputy speaker’s most recent synergistic affinities with the governors of the South East to repudiate his unfounded claims.

    Between May 2 and 3, 2025, Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State played host to the deputy speaker at the Government House during the maiden gathering of the Nigerian Former Legislators  Forum (NFLF) in Enugu, convened by Kalu. To further demonstrate the extent of that relationship, the governor, who had earlier kicked off the marathon exercise with Kalu, later graced the event at the newly commissioned International Conference Centre (ICC), hosted by the deputy speaker. It is needless to echo Mbah’s encomiums on Kalu for his legislative sagacity, foresight and indefatigability. That was the third time the deputy speaker was visiting him as governor of Enugu State.

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    Also, Ezewudo blinded his eyes to the rousing reception and brotherly embrace Governor Soludo of Anambra accorded the deputy speaker during the recent visit of President Tinubu to the state, an event he personally insisted the deputy speaker must grace because of their warm relationship. In fact, Kalu had before then visited him more than four times.

    Yet again, he blinded himself to the display of brotherly love that played out during the recent 2024 Vanguard Award in Lagos, where Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma was an awardee, which Kalu graced in solidarity with his big brother. Flying into Lagos from Abuja with over 20 high-profile politicians and business men to honour a brother meant so much to him.

    Also, Kalu attended an APC South East Stakeholders meeting in Ebonyi State, where a notable display of camaraderie was witnessed between him and Governor Nwifuru. The deputy speaker lauded Nwifuru’s efforts in building on the significant progress made by his predecessor, showcasing a spirit of collaboration and mutual respect. That was the second time he was visiting Nwifuru as a state governor.

    And for Dr Alex Otti, Kalu’s home state governor, the bond between them transcends their political affiliations, rooted in a long-standing friendship that predates their entry into politics. The deputy speaker and the governor share a deep-seated friendship that has withstood the test of time. Their familiarity and affection are evident in Kalu’s fond reference to Otti as ‘De Ally,’ a term of endearment that speaks to the familial bonds, trust and brotherly love that defines their relationship. It was the same Otti who gathered the entire traditional rulers of the state to welcome the deputy speaker after his election in 2023 to Abia, and conferred on him the highest chieftaincy title in Abia State, which only one person holds for a lifetime, ENYI ABIA (the Great Elephant of Abia State).

    In the course of their service to the people and the nation, Kalu has consistently demonstrated his commitment to mutual collaborations, frequently attending state functions in Abia at Governor Otti’s invitation, as well as attracting projects beyond Bende federal constituency, which he represents at the National Assembly.

    Notably, Kalu’s working relationships are built on mutual respect and shared goals, rather than emotional attachments, as evidenced by his professional interactions with various leaders, including those in the South East. Kalu has no issues with the governors from his region. The region will never function well without the governors. The governors have played major roles in keeping the stability and peace of the region and cannot be belittled by any reasonable leader.

    Talking about wooing notable people in the South East, Kalu’s stellar legislative performance on a daily basis does the magic of attracting personalities. In Abia State, it is no news that a good number of men and women with a high electoral value across the 17 local government areas have since defected to the APC. 

    Ezewudo’s malicious and baseless claims against Kalu are nothing but a desperate attempt to discredit the deputy speaker’s achievements and contributions to Abia and the South East region. But his robust relationships with the governors, his legislative prowess, and his commitment to spreading the Renewed Hope message have all been glaringly evident. Kalu’s impact on the region, particularly through the Peace In South East Project (PISE-P), has been transformative. The South East Development Commission (SEDC) testifies to his advocacy and dedication to the region’s development.

    This hatchet job will not deter Kalu’s determination as he continues to project the party’s agenda and ensure President Tinubu’s reelection in 2027.

    •James Nwachukwu

    Umuahia, Abia State

  • Why increasing electricity tariffs won’t solve problem

    Why increasing electricity tariffs won’t solve problem

    • By Monica Maduekwe

    Sir: Nigeria’s long-standing struggle to provide stable electricity reveals something more fundamental than technical or financial challenges: it points to a system that either lacks the will or the capacity to deliver on its promises. If low tariffs were truly the core problem, then after years of reforms, countless policies and multiple price adjustments, we would have solved it by now.

    Electricity is a market, yes—but not just any market. While it involves supply, demand and pricing like others, electricity underpins the entire economy. When power costs are too high, the effects ripple across production, manufacturing, service delivery and daily life. Local goods become uncompetitive, businesses shut down and economic growth slows. A government serious about development must regard a functional electricity market as non-negotiable.

    The fact that Nigeria has failed to build such a market decades after independence raises critical questions. Is it a lack of political will or a lack of institutional capacity?

    Let’s assume the will exists. That makes the capacity gap even more troubling. The technologies to achieve universal electricity access are available. The global body of knowledge on market design, regulation and grid modernisation is vast. The issue is not knowledge, but implementation.

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    Why is that? One likely explanation is interference from entrenched interests whose agendas are misaligned with the goal of reliable electricity for all Nigerians. These may be individuals or groups—both public and private—who benefit from the current dysfunction. Upstream, we see this when substandard equipment is procured to maximise profit margins, contracts are awarded on anything but merit, or power projects are approved without rigorous supervision, leading to recurring breakdowns and reinvestment cycles.

    Downstream, the sabotage continues: electricity infrastructure is vandalised or repurposed for personal gain, meters are bypassed, and large users simply refuse to pay their bills, sometimes using intimidation. These are not isolated incidents; they are routine, systemic, and corrosive.

    While no society is immune to dysfunction, the difference in Nigeria is that these behaviours occur so frequently and at such scale that they undermine even well-meaning policy interventions. This is not about blaming citizens. A high-performing government is one that can resist such pressures and deliver outcomes regardless.

    Against this backdrop, the government’s plan to increase electricity tariffs, citing the unsustainability of subsidies, seems dangerously simplistic. Proponents argue that higher prices will attract investment. But what if, instead, they push more consumers toward self-generation? Already, many households and businesses rely on solar systems, diesel generators, or standalone gas solutions. This trend could fragment the grid further, reduce economies of scale, and widen the gap between those who can afford reliable power and those who cannot.

    How do we achieve universal energy access and net-zero emissions in the power sector when energy decisions become household decisions, rather than a national, government-led strategy?

    A steady climb in electricity tariffs, without addressing the underlying structural and governance issues, will not deliver lasting results. At best, these strategies offer the fleeting comfort of ointment on a deep wound. Without a systemic rethink, electricity may remain one of Nigeria’s most enduring failures.

    What then must be done? Despite this grim picture, the current administration has an opportunity to write a different chapter in the story of Nigeria’s power sector. Minister Adebayo Adelabu could go down in history as the son of the soil who instilled a culture of excellence in a sector long plagued by mediocrity.

    At the personal level, this means reviving a culture of meritocracy, attention to detail, discipline, and pride in work—from subordinates to supervisors. At a systemic level, it means:  Adopting a mindset that failure in the power sector is a personal failure for every staff member in relevant MDAs—federal and state alike; Tracking institutional capacity, by establishing and publishing clear indicators of delivery success and accountability; Establishing a leadership track, identifying and grooming young talent to rise into reform-driven leadership roles.

    Nigeria has dwelt too long in the land of quick fixes. Yes, when there is a fire, the instinct is to find a bucket and douse the flames. But we must also ask: what caused the fire, and how do we prevent the next one?

    Whether increasing tariffs is good or bad is the wrong question. It is not good for the government, which seeks economic growth, nor for the citizens, who will bear the burden. But if accompanied by bold, systemic reforms, such moves could at least reflect solidarity with the people and a genuine determination to break free from the cycles that have held the sector back for decades.

    •Monica Maduekwe

    PUTTRU, Abuja

  • Last gash

    Last gash

    The Yoruba have a saying: the latter stab is far more painful than the earlier one.  With the Akwa Ibom governor threatening to repeat the Delta mass defection from PDP to APC, that should capture the minds of the historically minded, even among PDP members. 

    By this time in 2003 — May 2003 — the PDP had just cleared out all the South West governors of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) — except Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos.  The media promptly dubbed him the “last man standing”!

    Then President Olusegun Obasanjo, smug in triumph, had quite a smirk on his face, for that ruthless bit of military ambush, that cleaned the AD from its South West lair, though he did not quite achieve his reported battle cry of take Lagos at all cost!

    Seeing the ruin and confusion now tearing PDP apart, with gale of defections and more defections to the ruling APC, that smirk must have frozen, replaced by a grimace — everything allegedly being strutted by the last man standing of 2003!

    Yes, Baba Iyabo has since declared himself “non-partisan” elder statesman.  You can tell that to the marines!  His soul is in PDP — and justifiably so.  He’s likelier to pop up at a PDP governor’s show, and praise the fellow to high heavens, just to reassure himself that he could still confer honours, as when he was feared PDP czar.

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    Indeed, the former president’s pains would be deep.  The one he tried to toss into the political sea in 2003 has not only powered the political comeback that tossed PDP into power Siberia in 2015, he is allegedly strutting the boom orchestra, now turning the PDP inside out!

    In truth, the very last cut sinks far deeper than the first! 

    So, the former president is condemned to fretting and watching the very gashes he inflicted on AG and even the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), now being received by PDP!  Though AD died, ANPP is one of the legacy partners that fused into APC.  A case of tormentor-turned-tormented?  Ha!

    Still, the APC too should know.  Its legacy won’t be cemented by how many governors and elected people that it snatched from other parties, mouthing the cant — as PDP did before it — of democratic choice and free gathering.  Rather, it would be based on how many lives it changed for the better. 

    The tragic story of PDP is that it wasted its power years — and Nigerians’ lives with it.  That’s why the history-minded won’t pity it, even with its present meltdown.  APC should learn from PDP’s pitfall.  The same history now messing up PDP awaits APC in the future.

  • Strengthening democracy via regional partnership

    Strengthening democracy via regional partnership

    Sir: The Regional Partnership for Democracy (RPD) represents a timely and essential initiative in the pursuit of inclusive, accountable, and resilient political systems across West Africa. This forward-thinking initiative launched by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), not only underscores Nigeria’s commitment to deepening democratic governance in West Africa, but also highlights the essential role of regional cooperation in overcoming common challenges to democracy. Countries in West Africa had faced various political and socio-economic challenges; the RPD Programme aims to serve as a beacon of hope for citizens striving for better governance and civic engagement.

    Recently, high-level discussions have taken place between key figures involved in the RPD, through a series of stakeholders’ engagement strategy, which brings together the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, UNDP and Civil Society Organisations. This African-led initiative aims to strengthen democratic institutions by promoting inclusive participation and embedding resilience into governance across West Africa. This reflects Nigeria’s commitment to sustainable, people-centred reform, peace and security efforts.

    The RPD Programme is part of Nigeria’s broader Foreign Policy strategy, which is focused on Democracy, Development, Demography and Diaspora. This initiative not only supports sustainable governance, but also empowers communities fostering a resilient and vibrant democratic landscape across West Africa.

    West Africa has a history of political transitions and democratic challenges, with fragile governments ousted by a spate of military coups; violent extremist organisations have continued to expand their footprint across territories consisting of transnational security risks. The RPD seeks to confront these challenges head-on by leveraging collective resources and secure democratic stability and governance reform across West Africa.

    The central goals of the RPD are to promote inclusion, promote reforms and strengthen institutions. Institutional reforms aimed at enhancing the rule of law are essential for promoting public confidence in democratic processes, safeguarding human rights, and upholding justice. The civic space is vital for fostering inclusive governance, as they serve as pillars of democratic legitimacy and accountability.

    African countries need to find a way to solve their problems their own way. The RPD emphasises the promotion of African-led solutions to problems faced within the region. This provides a platform for collaboration among governments, civil society, academia, media, and development partners; the initiative aspires to harness local knowledge and foster innovative reforms.

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    Nigeria’s unique leadership role within the African Union (AU) places it in a pivotal position to drive regional approaches to governance reform. As one of the largest and most influential countries in West Africa, Nigeria possesses the resources and political will to lead by example. By working closely with the UNDP and other key stakeholders, Nigeria can align national strategies with regional frameworks, fostering more transparent, inclusive, and sustainable democratic outcomes. This leadership role is essential for strengthening democratic reforms and fostering regional dialogue.

    The RPD can effectively address the root causes of democratic challenges in West Africa. Furthermore, the collaboration between the RPD and UNDP will enhance the production of evidence-based strategies and policies, ultimately leading to more informed decision-making at all levels of governance.

    As the RPD is piloted across West Africa, it is essential to establish clear mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation. These mechanisms will enable stakeholders to assess the initiative’s effectiveness and make necessary adjustments along the way. The ability to evaluate progress not only enhances accountability but also reinforces the commitment of all partners involved in promoting democratic governance.

    Additionally, involving citizens in this evaluation process can bolster public trust in democratic institutions. When citizens are aware of how their governments are performing in relation to democratic commitments, they are better equipped to hold leaders accountable and advocate for necessary reforms. This transparency serves as a cornerstone for a robust democratic culture and contributes to strengthening the social contract between citizens and their governments.

    The Regional Partnership for Democracy stands as a significant step towards strengthening democracy in West Africa, symbolises a collective vision for a region where inclusive, accountable, and resilient political systems prevail, ultimately contributing to peace, stability, and prosperity. By working together, Nigeria, the UNDP, and other stakeholders can cultivate an environment where citizens feel empowered to participate actively in the democratic process.

    As the initiative unfolds, Nigeria’s leadership and operational role will be instrumental in shaping not only the design and implementation of the RPD but also in facilitating knowledge-sharing processes that can inspire reforms across the region. The success of the RPD relies on the commitment of all stakeholders to uphold the principles of democracy, harness local expertise, and work collaboratively towards a brighter future for West Africa.

    •Isah Aliyu Chiroma aliyuisahchiroma29@gmail.com

  • Yoruba films and Oyo obsession

    Yoruba films and Oyo obsession

    Sir: In recent years, Yoruba-language movies have taken a commanding stride onto the global stage, with ambitious historical epics capturing both cultural pride and critical acclaim. From ‘Aníkúlápó’ to ‘Jagun Jagun,’ and from ‘House of Gaa’ to ‘Elesin Oba,’ the spotlight has frequently settled on one recurring protagonist—not a person, but a place: the ancient Oyo Empire.

    Even ‘The Woman King,’ a Hollywood production inspired by the ‘Dahomey Amazons,’ could not resist the gravitational pull of Oyo’s far-reaching influence. And now, with the debut of ‘Kabiyesi’ on Africa Magic, another battle epic set in Oyo unfolds on screen.

    Some movie enthusiasts are beginning to ask: Must every Yoruba epic lead us back to Oyo? The question is fair. But so is the answer many historians and cultural custodians would offer: Yes—because Oyo was not just a kingdom; it was an empire. At its peak between the 17th and 19th centuries, Oyo dominated much of present-day Western Nigeria and extended its political, military, and economic influence into modern-day Benin and Togo. It commanded vassal states, shaped regional trade, waged monumental wars, and institutionalised a governance system that still intrigues scholars.

    To depict Yoruba history without touching Oyo is akin to retelling the story of Rome and skipping Caesar. Or documenting Greek mythology while ignoring Mount Olympus.

    Even stories centered elsewhere often find their narrative arc intersecting Oyo’s domain. The ‘Lisabi’ story, an Egba tale of heroism, gains full resonance only in the context of resistance against Oyo’s overreach. The ‘Woman King,’ though primarily focused on Dahomey, couldn’t help but portray its fraught relationship with Oyo overlords.

    In that context, Oyo is not overexposed—it is underexplored. The truth is, Yoruba cinema has barely scratched the surface of Oyo’s storied past. Entire chapters of its influence remain untouched on screen—the famed Kiriji War that saw Ekiti-Parapo rise against Ibadan, the final heir of Oyo’s military culture; the rise of Ibadan war generals like Balogun Oderinlo and Lagidigba; and the compelling command of Basorun Gaa, whose ruthlessness redefined Oyo politics.

    What about the Kakanfo tradition—Aare Ona Kakanfo, the Empire’s highest military title, carried by fierce warlords like Toyeje, Oluyole, and later, Samuel Ladoke Akintola?

    What about the secret diplomacy between Alaafin Abiodun and colonial agents? The spiritual authority of the Alaafin not just as king, but as the imperial oracle whose command determined life and death across the land? There is still much to tell.

    However, the growing concern about over-concentration on Oyo does not come from ignorance—it often comes from a yearning for balance. Yoruba land is vast, spiritually layered, and ethnically intricate. Each sub-group has its stories, customs, heroes, and battles waiting to be told.

    What of the mystery-laden Eyo Festival in Lagos, with its white-robed masqueraders and regal processions? The tale of Ajagunla, the Igbómìna warrior whose conquests reshaped Eastern Yorubaland? Or the ancestral journey of Odùduwà’s grandchildren, who scattered across the region to found great kingdoms—Alára, Ajèró, and Òràngún?

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    The exile and deification of Sàngó, the warrior-king who became thunder; the sacrifice of Queen Moremi, whose bravery saved Ifè; or the resistance of Oba Esugbayi, who challenged colonial power in Lagos—these are not side stories; they are cinematic goldmines.

    Other under-explored epics include the rise of Òsun-Òsogbo and her first priestess, the bitter Jalumo war, and the establishment of Kétu by the Ànàgó, custodians of Yoruba identity in modern-day Benin Republic.

    Yoruba heritage is a forest of stories—Oyo is the tallest tree, but not the only one. It is the case of “One Story, Many Branches.” Still, the dominance of Oyo narratives should not be mistaken for creative laziness. When European filmmakers return repeatedly to Ancient Greece or the Roman Empire, audiences rarely complain. Spartans, Caesars, Trojan heroes, and gladiators have lived on screen for decades.

    Likewise, Middle Eastern history often centres on Persia or Babylon. North African history leans on Ancient Egypt. When it comes to the Yoruba story, Oyo is our historical equivalent—a central axis around which many other stories rotate.

    The key, perhaps, lies not in abandoning Oyo, but in telling its stories with deeper nuance while interweaving the histories of other Yoruba kingdoms. Yoruba filmmakers today stand at a powerful threshold. They’ve earned local loyalty and global recognition. Now, they can take bolder steps: to amplify lesser-known heroes, explore spiritual origins, and reimagine ancient conflicts through fresh lenses.

    The stories are here. The audience is ready. And the culture is rich enough to carry generations of epic films. Let Oyo continue to shine—but let the light spill generously across the vast canvas of Yoruba civilisation.

    •Opeyemi Amudipe oluwamarc@gmail.com

  • Exercise: Free medicine for a healthy heart

    Exercise: Free medicine for a healthy heart

     Sir: Imagine a pill that slashes your risk of heart disease, lowers blood pressure, eases stress, and improves sleep—with zero side effects. Sounds like a miracle, right?

    The good news: that pill exists. It is called daily exercise. And science confirms it might be the most powerful, accessible medicine for your heart—and your life.

    A 2023 study published in the European Heart Journal followed over 100,000 people worldwide. It found that just 15–30 minutes of moderate activity daily—like brisk walking, cycling, or dancing—cut the risk of heart disease by up to 25%.

    More intense workouts, such as running or high-intensity interval training (HIIT), pushed that benefit even higher—to 35–40%. And the benefits are cumulative, meaning even 5–10-minute bursts throughout the day can add up to big gains.

    Here is what regular movement does for your heart: Strengthens the heart muscle; Lowers blood pressure; Improves cholesterol (reduces bad LDL, increases good HDL); Reduces inflammation, which helps prevent artery blockages.

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    The World Health Organization ranks physical inactivity as one of the top causes of death globally, responsible for over 3.2 million deaths a year—surpassing smoking in some regions.

    When you hear “exercise,” you might picture crowded gyms or strict routines. But heart-healthy movement is much simpler—and more fun—than that.

    A 2022 Harvard study found that just walking 21 minutes a day reduced heart disease risk by 30%. Gardening, taking the stairs, playing with kids, or dancing to Afrobeats or amapiano all count. Your heart does not care how you move—just that you move.

    The American Heart Association recommends: 150 minutes of moderate activity per week, or 75 minutes of vigorous activity, or a mix of both, spread across the week. That is roughly 21 minutes a day—less time than a scroll through social media or a TV show binge.

    Common obstacles include time, motivation, and misinformation. But think of exercise not as a task, but as a gift to your future self. A stronger heart today means fewer hospital visits, less medication, and a longer, healthier life.

    From Lagos to London, Nairobi to New York, the message is the same: your heart thrives on movement.

    If exercise came in a bottle, it would be the world’s best-selling drug. But it is free—and all it takes is a decision to move.

    So tomorrow morning, skip the snooze button. Take a walk. Stretch. Dance. Just move. Your heart will thank you. And science agrees.

    •Maimuna Katuka Aliyu Abuja

  • Trump and Qatar’s plane gift

    Trump and Qatar’s plane gift

    When Americans returned President Donald Trump to the White House for a second term, they knew too well trying days lay ahead for their more than two century-old constitutional democracy. Now, they’re dealing with the reality. The country lately roiled in controversy over the president’s determination to accept a luxury aircraft offered as gift by oil-rich Qatar. He insists the offer is “a great gesture,” but critics argue that accepting the gift is “wildly illegal” under American law. The controversy rages as we speak.

    The American leader recently concluded a four-day trip to the Gulf countries of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), during which he pressed for investment in the United States economy. Ahead of that trip, the Qatari royal family offered his administration the gift of a luxury Boeing 747-8 dubbed a “flying palace” and estimated to be worth $400million. Under the terms of the offer, the 13-year-old jumbo jet is being gifted the US Department of Defence, to be retrofitted as Air Force One for official use by Trump; and when he leaves office in 2029, the ownership will be transferred to the Trump Presidential Library.

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    By the current provision of American law, US officials can only accept gifts valued at less than $480. The country’s Constitution also has a provision known as the Emoluments Clause, designed to prevent leaders from becoming beholden to foreign governments by restricting what gifts US presidents can accept from foreign governments. The Constitution also says no elected official could accept “any present…of any kind whatever” from the leader of a foreign state without congressional approval.

    None of these provisions is considered an impediment by the American president regarding the Qatari plane gift, however. When questioned by reporters, Trump said: “It’s a great gesture from Qatar. I appreciate it very much. I would never be one to turn down that kind of an offer.” He also posted on his Truth Social platform: “The Defense Department is getting a gift, free of charge, of a 747 aircraft to replace the 40-year-old Air Force One, temporarily, in a very public and transparent transaction.”  Legal opinion formulated by Trump’s Department of Justice and White House counsel argued that the gift is permissible because it isn’t being offered to the president personally but to his government, and after his tenure would not be available for his private use but transferred to the presidential library.

    The catch is, retrofitting the gifted aircraft to make it suitable for transporting the American commander-in-chief would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars. The makeover by Boeing is expected to last till close to the end of Trump’s tenure, meaning the aircraft will be in use for only a short period before being discarded as memorabilia. But that is the choice Americans made in the last elections.

  • Climate Change: The rising tide of climate migration

    Climate Change: The rising tide of climate migration

    By Adebayo Adeleye

    Climate change is one of the most pressing issues of our time, with far-reaching consequences for our planet and its inhabitants. One of the most devastating effects of climate change is climate migration – the forced displacement of people due to rising temperatures, sea-level rise, and extreme weather events.

    The Alarming Reality: The World Bank estimates that climate change could displace up to 143 million people by 2050, mainly in sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. This is not just a humanitarian crisis, but also a threat to global stability and security.

    Causes of Climate Migration

    Rising Sea Levels: Coastal communities are being displaced due to rising sea levels, erosion, and increased flooding.

    Drought and Water Scarcity: Changes in precipitation patterns and increased evaporation due to warmer temperatures are leading to droughts and water scarcity, forcing people to migrate.

    Extreme Weather Events: Increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters, such as hurricanes, wildfires, and floods, are displacing communities and destroying livelihoods.

    Loss of Livelihoods: Climate change is impacting agriculture, fisheries, and other industries, leading to loss of livelihoods and forced migration.

    Consequences of Climate Migration:

    Social and Cultural Disruption: Climate migration can lead to the loss of cultural heritage, social networks, and community cohesion.

    Economic Burden: Climate migration can place a significant economic burden on host countries and communities, straining resources and infrastructure.

    Human Rights Concerns: Climate migrants often face human rights challenges, including limited access to education, healthcare, and employment.

    Global Security Risks: Climate migration can contribute to global security risks, including social unrest, conflict, and terrorism.

    Solutions and Strategies:

    Climate-Resilient Infrastructure: Investing in climate-resilient infrastructure, such as sea walls, levees, and green roofs, can help protect communities from climate-related disasters.

    Sustainable Agriculture: Promoting sustainable agriculture practices, such as agroforestry and permaculture, can help communities adapt to changing climate conditions.

    Climate Education and Awareness: Educating communities about climate change and its impacts can help them prepare and adapt to climate-related challenges.

    International Cooperation: Strengthening international cooperation and agreements, such as the Paris Agreement, can help address the global challenges of climate migration.

    Conclusion: Climate migration is a pressing issue that requires immediate attention and action. As the world grapples with the challenges of climate change, it is essential that we prioritize the needs and rights of climate migrants. By working together, we can reduce the impacts of climate migration and create a more sustainable and equitable future for all.

    Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) – Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450

  • Nigeria’s governors: Halfway to where? (2)

    Nigeria’s governors: Halfway to where? (2)

    According to Kolapo Olatunde, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Ekiti State Chairperson, Oyebanji’s achievements include prompt salary payments, pension defrayment, and welfare initiatives like car and housing loans for primary school workers. He also implemented the N70,000 minimum wage, promoted graduate teachers and reinstated sacked workers. “BAO has showcased his commitment to workers’ welfare and infrastructural development. He has our unalloyed support”, the NLC Chairman concluded.

    Adewale Adeoye, representing the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), praises Oyebanji’s achievements, including affordable education, road construction and healthcare investment. He notes the governor’s political tolerance and lack of salary arrears for workers and pensioners. These accomplishments, Adeoye argues, “make a strong case for Oyebanji’s re-election, considering the state’s available resources and population dynamics.”

    Samson Akinde, a priest, is of the strong belief that Ekiti State is evolving under Oyebanji’s leadership. He further expressed his views, saying: “I commend his approach to politics, which has avoided unhealthy confrontations and power struggles. He has treated his predecessors with dignity, giving them their due respect.” Akinde also shared feedback from friends who recently traveled through Ekiti en route to Abuja, praising the state’s progress.

    Idowu Ephraim Faleye, a native of Iloro-Ekiti and a social commentator, praises BAO’s leadership. He notes: “Governor Oyebanji’s humble leadership shines through people-centric projects. Thousands of youths have gained skills through initiatives like the Innovation Hub. His approach to governance, coupled with the recently empowered forest guards, may well be a model for other governors to follow, particularly in understanding the nuances of cooperation with the federal government.”

    In Olanipekun’s words, “Oyebanji enjoys unprecedented acceptance, across the board, irrespective of political or other leanings in the state.” He then added, “I wish most of our governors could learn from him, especially in human relations and governance.”

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    Despite these praises, the ultimate verdict on Oyebanji’s performance will depend on the voters’ evaluation. Voters’ opinions, as we all know, magically materialize after they’ve had a chance to be thoroughly underwhelmed after midterm assessments. Now, as BAO’s first term is hurtling towards its grand finale, it’s report card time! The honeymoon phase has worn off, and voters are getting restless. Whispers among keen observers suggest a few t’s to cross, some i’s to dot, and perhaps a few promises to keep.

    As the governor gears up for re-election, isn’t it time for “the present true Omoluabi Sheriff of Ekiti” to prove he’s more than just a catchy slogan? After all, when the ballot box beckons, governance tends to take a backseat, and politicians suddenly recall their ‘public servant’ memo.

    Let’s take Osun State, where another 2026 off-cycle gubernatorial election is already generating buzz, with aspirants moving around, consulting, consolidating and discreetly maneuvering for position. Several prominent figures are vying for the throne at Bola Ige House, including Bola Oyebamiji, the Managing Director/CEO of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), Bashiru Ajibola, APC National Secretary, and former Deputy Governor Benedict Alabi. Babajide Omoworare, Mudashiru Husain and Dotun Babayemi are also part of the growing list of aspirants. Meanwhile, speculations surround potential candidacies from Iyiola Omisore and Akin Ogunbiyi.

    In Osun, the present administration seems to be Dance-A-Thon-compliant, minus the rhythm and coordination. Available evidence suggests that Ademola Adeleke’s government has a greater preference for flashy moves and publicity stunts than for actual governance. Not once, not twice, Adeleke’s government has been criticized for its self-serving actions, perfectly choreographed to the tune of Nigeria’s chaotic politics. It’s been all bones, covered by a very thin layer of flesh!

    Sadly, the opposition APC is also stuck in a rut, struggling to present itself as a viable alternative. Critics aren’t just whispering; they’re crying out loud that Osun APC’s lack of clear programmes and a developmental agenda makes it a carbon copy of the incumbent, just with different letterheads. Until the party takes decisive action to address these issues, the electorate will continue to be the main characters in this never-ending political circus, wondering when the music will stop and the real work will begin.

    In Ogun State, Governor Dapo Abiodun’s second term has seen significant improvements in infrastructure, particularly in the Akute/Alagbole/Isashi axis. The partial rehabilitation of the Alagbole/Berger Road marked a turning point, followed by the completion of the Denro/Isashi/Akute to Berger and Ajuwon roads. The only remaining major project in the area is the 15-kilometre Akute/Olambe road, which serves a densely populated community. These road projects have shifted public perception of the governor from negative to positive, with residents no longer criticizing his administration.

    Back in Osun, Adeleke’s performance remains a subject of debate. While some argue that the state is not delivering enough projects to demonstrate his achievements, others are still watching to see how his administration will drive meaningful development, with the governorship election just a year away. Well, that’s not to say that the majority of the other governors have fared better.

    Unkept promises! Unkempt environment! Inconsistent policies! Inequitable distribution of resources! Unresponsive governance! As the Dancing Governor continues to juggle his priorities, searching for investors in places that defy logic, it’s time for Osun APC to wake up and step up! What the party truly needs is a healthy dose of seriousness, acknowledging that there is no party without power and that power isn’t a party favour served à la carte.

    Truth be told, the era of imposition of candidates appears to be over in Nigeria! So, for Osun APC, the selection of the candidate for the 2026 governorship election is expected to take into consideration the yearnings of the people, both voters and party members, and the concept of internal democracy.

    At this critical moment, the party’s controlling hierarchy would do well to be strategically astute, and astutely strategic. Its propagandists should also temper their enthusiasm with caution to avoid being seen as pretenders and mere beneficiaries who only delight in making a wrong noise. In Osun, affliction must not rise the second time!

    The hills and valleys of the uncertainties in Osun reflect broader challenges facing Nigeria, where the health of democracy is crucial. If the notion that democracy is the worst form of government deserves closer examination, Nigerians have an obligation to become informed about public issues, to watch carefully how their political leaders and representatives use the power entrusted in their care, and to express their own opinions and interests.

    Against this backdrop, those familiar with Nigeria’s dynamics will appreciate the challenges facing the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). If election results lack credibility, the legitimacy of the resulting government is naturally questioned, and widespread irregularities can discredit the electoral umpire. This situation raises broader questions, such as why statutory appropriation bodies rarely scrutinize INEC’s budget estimates and what electoral integrity means if it doesn’t serve the interests of the average Nigerian.

    Taking a closer look at one of INEC’s key initiatives, the biometrics-based Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) was supposed to be the magic pill that cured all our electoral woes. Today, we can see that even promising reforms can be undone by good old-fashioned complexity. For the curious, BVAS in Nigeria has become the linchpin of electoral reform and the challenges of sustaining progress. So, who needs seamless elections when you can have a good story of trial and error?

    As Nigeria continues on its journey, the Israelites’ story reminds us that the search for a ‘promised land’ isn’t just about physical territory. Instead, it’s about building a nation that reflects our highest aspirations and values. The shape of the complexities and the size of the challenges of our own ‘promised land’ require us to confront our differences and contradictions, to forge a sense of shared identity and purpose, and to forge a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • Concluded.