Category: Commentaries

  • A call for intervention of Hon. Benson, Sen. Abiru

    A call for intervention of Hon. Benson, Sen. Abiru

    • By Feyisetan Akeeb Kareem

    Sir: Please allow me to use this medium to draw the attention of Hon. Babajimi Benson, member of the House of Representatives of Nigeria representing the Ikorodu Federal Constituency in Lagos State, and Senator Tokunbo Abiru, the Senator representing the Lagos East Senatorial District, that Igbogbo II, Igbe laara, Banana Estate located in Bayeku LCDA, has been without power supply for over seven months due to a bad transformer.

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    Please intervene on our behalf, Sirs. Help us use your good offices to deliver us.

    Thanks, in anticipation.

    •Feyisetan Akeeb Kareem

    karfeyio@gmail.com

  • Rehabilitate Kano-Maiduguri Road

    Rehabilitate Kano-Maiduguri Road

    Sir: Last year, the Kano-Maiduguri Road suffered severe damage as a result of flooding. The disaster caused immense hardship for ordinary citizens, displaced several communities along the route, and inflicted economic losses running into hundreds of millions of naira. It also disrupted access to Maiduguri from key states such as Abuja, Kano, Jigawa, and Yobe, effectively cutting off the northeast from the rest of the country.

    On August 15, 2024, a Federal Government delegation led by the Minister of Works, David Umahi, and accompanied by the governor of Bauchi State, visited the affected site. They assessed the extent of the damage and promised urgent intervention, recognising the road’s economic significance, not just for the northeast, but for the country as a whole. Unfortunately, to the dismay of the affected communities, no tangible action has been taken since that visit – only temporary fixes that have had little to no impact.

    There is now growing concern among residents that if urgent intervention is not undertaken before the rains intensify, the road could suffer even more extensive damage than last year. This poses a serious threat to lives and property, as was previously experienced.

    The rehabilitation of the Kano-Maiduguri Road is not merely about filling potholes or patching the surface – it is a vital aspect of regional and national development. The benefits of well-maintained roads are immense: improved safety and reduced accidents, enhanced economic activities, better quality of life, strengthened social integration, and even environmental advantages.

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    As an optimist and a believer in equitable governance, I hold firmly that all six geopolitical zones of Nigeria deserve equal attention and investment. Every part of this country matters. Mr President must lead with sincerity of purpose and see all Nigerians as his constituency.

    It is worth noting that during his visit, the Minister of Works acknowledged this imbalance, stating: “Let me make it clear that the shortfall in road distribution was not the doing of President Tinubu, nor mine. However, the President is addressing it. That is why the fourth legacy project – stretching from Akwanga to Jos to Bauchi State – has been initiated. We are pleased that work is progressing significantly on major portions of the road in Bauchi State.”

    The minister further pledged that the President is determined to provide adequate funding for legacy projects through various intervention mechanisms. It is our hope that the government will act swiftly and treat this as a matter of national urgency by repairing the damaged sections of the Kano-Maiduguri Road, particularly within the Jama’are and Azare-Potiskum axes.

    As an engineer, the Minister of Works should set a precedent that prioritises action over rhetoric. When entrusted with responsibility, those in positions of power must demonstrate competence and a genuine commitment to service.

    This is a humble but firm appeal to the Federal Government to urgently address the long-standing issue of the Kano-Maiduguri Road, which remains in a state of disrepair since the devastating floods of last year.

    •Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani Azare, Bauchi State

  • Striking teachers and shut schools in Abuja

    Striking teachers and shut schools in Abuja

    Sir: In Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), right in the heart of Nigeria’s seat of power, pupils in public primary schools have remained at home with public primary schools shut as a result of the industrial action embarked upon by primary school teachers over wages.

    What this means is that for more than two months now, human capital development in children from low-income households has completely ground to a halt, stalled by the strike of their teachers.

    As is customary with industrial actions, there was surely a flurry of engagements between the teachers and the government, and a series of warnings and interventions. If none of these worked, the only reasonable conclusion is that someone did not do enough to prevent what is a catastrophe for human capital development in Nigeria.

    This is not the first time this is happening to primary school pupils within the Federal Capital Territory. In fact, this latest strike action is threatening to become a recurrent development.

    It is sad that children in public primary schools are getting used to strike actions because their teachers are disgruntled over wages. It is even sadder that the authorities have shown a lack of tact in managing what has been a thorny problem, leading to more than three such interruptions in the last three years.

    Nigeria is a country of boundless potential. With its abundance of human and natural resources, Nigeria should have no business with multidimensional poverty. Yet, tragically, 83% of the world’s extremely poor people now live in Nigeria. Never has there been a better case study of what happens when management fails than the country as it is today.

    At the heart of this crisis lie children. The children the country failed to train yesterday have become its problem today. The children it is failing to train today would surely pose a handful tomorrow.

    A country that allows its schools to close is one that opens its gates to its enemies. Every shut school is a highway to prison as education is the foundation of every egalitarian society; and without education, crime, and poverty enjoy a field day.

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    Education is invaluable to the human person. For children, especially those from extreme poverty, it is a lifeline, an equaliser, an indescribable gift.

    No sane country would allow this kind of systematic compromise of its future to happen on its watch. Given the critical role human capital development plays in national development, no serious society would allow the human capital of its youngest to fall under the hammer of systemic labour disputes, poor funding and regulatory inefficiency.

    It is roundly scandalous that the pupils were allowed to miss their end-of-term exams and have again been missing crucial school work in the new term with devastating consequences for the children, their families, and the country at large.

    Every day the children spend at home is a lost opportunity for Nigeria. The loss of social and economic value through the lack of human capital development in children, zero productivity from the striking teachers and interruptions to the jobs or businesses of parents whose schedules have been disrupted because children who should be in school are at home.

    The consequences of this kind of disruption are usually years in the making. But come they must, especially for a country where critical sectors are managed by grossly irresponsible and embarrassingly inept people.

    •Kene Obiezu keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Oloyede: Blind rage against truth and leadership

    Oloyede: Blind rage against truth and leadership

    Sir: One of the few administrators I deeply respect in Nigeria is Prof. Is-haq Oloyede. His credentials speak for themselves. His impact is as visible as the sun in a cloudless sky. As Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ilorin, he pulled the institution out of relative obscurity and into national prominence, making it Nigeria’s top university for several consecutive years.

    When he took the helm at the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), he brought the same transformative touch. Under his leadership, the once corruption-ridden institution became a model of transparency, efficiency, and accountability. He digitalised the Board’s operations and drastically increased remittances to government coffers, without inflating costs for candidates.

    Prof. Oloyede is one of the few public figures in Nigeria with a spotless record, no corruption scandals, no bribery allegations, no hidden skeletons. Both his personal and public lives have been bereft of tribalism, fanaticism or favouritism.

    Sadly, when the recent Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) glitches occurred, many Nigerians, motivated by Twitter trends and half-truths, turned on him with astonishing speed. We need to understand that criticism is not condemnation. We must learn the difference.

    Criticism is rooted in reason. It aims at improvement. It identifies flaws and suggests remedies. It leaves room for redemption, for learning, for growth. It corrects what is broken. Condemnation, on the other hand, exists only to destroy. It shames without offering solutions. It mocks without attempting understanding. It closes the door to progress and paints every mistake in the darkest shade. Condemnation crushes.

    Some have taken their pure poppycock even further, twisting it into an ethnic and religious narrative. They claim the UTME glitches were intentionally orchestrated to mock the Eastern region of Nigeria, suggesting that the failure disproportionately targeted that area. In their blind rage, they conveniently ignore the fact that Lagos, far from the East, was also significantly affected. This descent into ethno-religious blame games is not just illogical; it is dangerous. It drags us further away from truth and progress, and plunges us deeper into division. If we continue down this path, we will earn more disdain and destruction than national unity or development.

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    When the UTME technical issues broke out, JAMB responded with rare urgency. Unlike the typical arrogance of Nigerian institutions that always insist “nothing went wrong,” JAMB listened. An independent investigation followed. Experts from diverse, technically competent fields confirmed that no fewer than 165 of the 800+ centres were compromised. And what did Prof. Oloyede do? He owned it. He told the truth, with clarity and conviction. He apologised to affected candidates. He implemented corrective measures immediately. And he didn’t hide behind bureaucracy.

    But Nigeria is a place where honesty is a threat and humility is mocked. We say we want our leaders to take responsibility. But, the moment one does, we descend like vultures on fresh meat. We drag them. We insult them. We cancel them. As the Gen Zs would say, “we pour spit on them.”

    This is exactly why most of our politicians and public officers never admit wrongdoing. They know what awaits them isn’t engagement, but public crucifixion. Not feedback, but fury. Not reform, but ridicule. And it is a shame. We shout “accountability” in public but destroy those who dare to embody it. We claim to loathe dishonesty, yet crucify integrity when it makes a human mistake and owns up to it.

    If you still cannot recognise Oloyede’s brilliance, blame not the man. Blame your own blindness. After all, it is not the sun’s fault that the blind cannot see it.

    So, what do we really want? A better country? Or just another excuse to make noise? This moment demands that we pause and think. Not react. Not condemn. But reason. If we keep punishing the few good ones, who then will stand up to fix the broken walls?

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa Folorunsofatai03@gmail.com

  • Parley at Rome

    Parley at Rome

    The picture virtually set X ablaze — of President Bola Tinubu, Kayode Fayemi, former governor of Ekiti State, and Peter Obi, namesake of St. Peter, whose throne Pope Leo XIV just mounted, and Labour Party presidential candidate in 2023.

    Obi mounted an impassioned campaign against Tinubu’s “Muslim-Muslim” ticket, with endless sorties to churches; asking Nigerian Christians to “take back your country”. 

    One of such forays produced the infamous “Yes Daddy” telephone conversation with Bishop David Oyedepo of Winners Chapel, exposing Obi as grovelling and craven.

    Happily however, no dirty faith politicking this time round, with Fayemi chaperoning Obi to have a friendly chat with the president; and Obi himself grinning like some pleased school boy, effusing goodwill to all, malice to none.  About time!

    Yet, one of the X folks couldn’t just resist the banter: “Tinubu just islamized the Pope!”

    But in that joke was the irony.  Here was Tinubu, Fayemi and Obi cracking jokes.  Yet, many of their supporters would, on that same X, traduce and curse one another, after having their fill of bile, abusing either of the two leaders.

    Then, Pope Leo XIV of the Holy See, as “Christian” — more: as Catholic as they come; not some hustler Pente-rascal (sorry, Pentecostal!) mouthing prosperity to feather own nest, not win souls for Christ — invited Ahmed Tinubu (very Muslim), and President of Nigeria, to his coronation.

    Fayemi himself is very Catholic.  Yet, that has not stopped him from being Tinubu’s long-running political protege; by that acing two non-consecutive tenures as Ekiti governor and, in-between, a minister under President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Obi himself had been a two-term governor of Anambra.  His state doesn’t have a sizable Muslim population, save the itinerant northern folks, found everywhere in southern Nigeria in their “Sabo”, pushing their daily bread, just as southern folks are found in northern “Sabongeri” settlements. 

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    But there were also claims that Governor Obi’s was pretty much a “Catholic” order, against other Christian Anambra denominations, with embittered Anglicans loudly protesting that stance.  If that was true, it would explain Obi’s 2023 virulent faith campaign.

    Still, truth to tell, a “Muslim-Muslim” ticket is a big issue in some parts of the country — with northern Christians, for starters, who complain of alleged political subjugation and wilful blockage from sundry opportunities.  That should be noted — and such discriminations should end.  Our politics should seek healthy balances.

    Still, neither President Tinubu nor Vice President Kashim Shettima are rabid Muslims to worry anyone.  Chief MKO Abiola, who first essayed such a pick — and won a pan-Nigeria mandate too — was much a great friend of Christians as he was of Muslims.

    Our people have much more in common than whatever separate them.  That’s the message from Rome, with Tinubu, Fayemi and Obi chatting and  smiling as members of the same Nigerian family.  So, let’s place the politics of ideas, not faith division.

  • Why Artificial Intelligence matters in Nigerian classrooms

    Why Artificial Intelligence matters in Nigerian classrooms

    By Ismaila Temitayo Sanusi, PhD

    Artificial Intelligence (AI) is rapidly transforming our world—driving innovation across sectors, enhancing efficiency, and reshaping the way we live and work. Today, AI is applied in a wide range of contexts, from diagnosing diseases in medicine to detecting fraud in banking, and even recommending music for leisure. With the growing reliance on AI technologies to fuel economic growth, countries around the globe must prepare their citizens for an AI-enabled future. This preparation is especially crucial for the youth, who need to be equipped with the essential skills and competencies to thrive in the ongoing AI revolution and navigate the technologies of tomorrow.

    AI’s growing influence on all aspects of daily life and society is reshaping the world, making AI literacy an essential skill for everyone. As a result, AI concepts should increasingly be integrated into both formal school curricula and out-of-school learning systems. Policymakers, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and researchers across the globe recognize the urgent need for AI education. In fact, AI literacy is now widely regarded as a critical competency that young learners must develop to thrive as future creators and innovators. In response, researchers and stakeholders continue to explore appropriate standards, frameworks, and guidelines for effectively embedding machine learning and AI education into schools. Learning about AI and applying it in educational settings are now seen as vital pathways for building the digital skills and competencies necessary for broader digital transformation.

    The value of AI education lies in fostering three key domains: knowledge, skills and attitudes. Knowledge refers to an awareness of AI’s role in society and its influence on multiple dimensions of human life. Skills pertain to the ability to interact meaningfully with AI-powered technologies embedded in everyday experiences. Attitudes encompass a critical understanding of AI’s implications, particularly the importance of caution, as many AI systems rely on user interaction data—sometimes to enhance services, and other times to subtly influence behaviour.

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    In my research on AI education for K–12 students—conducted across diverse regions and contexts including North America (e.g., the United States, Dominican Republic), Europe (e.g., Finland), Asia (e.g., Hong Kong), and Africa (e.g., Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, Namibia)—I identified numerous benefits of integrating AI into school curricula. Teaching about AI in schools has been shown to foster career readiness, enhance critical thinking, and prepare students for future learning. It also supports learning in other subjects, empowers students as informed citizens, and contributes to broader societal good.

    Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa and the sixth globally, boasts one of the youngest populations in the world. This youthful demographic presents a significant opportunity for innovation, a robust future workforce, and sustained economic growth. Equipping young Nigerians with AI skills is essential to prepare them for a future where human-AI collaboration becomes standard in the workplace. Investing in AI education not only empowers the youth but also positions Nigeria to harness innovation and drive national development.

    A recent UNESCO report highlights that no African country currently has a government-endorsed K–12 AI curriculum. Yet, Africa’s youthful population—among the largest globally—could be a powerful asset if strategically equipped with AI competencies. Encouragingly, governments across sub-Saharan Africa are beginning to recognize AI’s potential, with Nigeria taking notable steps. These include the National AI Strategy (NAIS) draft, the establishment of the Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics, the development of a multilingual large language model, and the launch of a free AI Academy targeting youths and civil servants.

    Currently, in Nigeria, both the integration of AI into classroom instruction and the direct teaching of AI concepts in schools remain limited. According to the draft National Artificial Intelligence Strategy (NAIS), the country’s educational infrastructure is not yet equipped to support widespread AI education. Many schools, particularly in underserved areas, lack the necessary resources—including access to technology, trained educators, and supportive infrastructure—to teach AI effectively. Moreover, with nearly half of Nigeria’s population residing in rural areas, a significant number of students and teachers remain disconnected from the global AI revolution, leaving them ill-prepared for the demands of future workplaces.

    To address these disparities, the government must allocate more resources to schools in low-resource settings. A public–private partnership approach could prove effective, drawing on the support of international organisations, NGOs and tech companies. Additionally, dedicated funding mechanisms are needed to support researchers and instructional designers in developing implementable learning tools, materials, and frameworks. Curriculum developers must also revise existing school curricula to include AI tools, encouraging teachers to align with updated instructional standards.

    In pursuit of equitable AI education, I developed and implemented AI curriculum activities during my doctoral research. My work, conducted in both Nigeria and the United States, was grounded in ethical considerations and aimed to introduce AI concepts meaningfully into school education. The core objective of my research was to identify effective pedagogical strategies for teaching AI to young children across diverse learning environments. My findings offered guiding principles for integrating AI learning both in and out of the classroom.

    To build widespread AI competency, Nigeria must establish comprehensive teacher training and workforce development programs. These efforts will ensure that students receive consistent exposure to AI education from early childhood through higher education. Such a foundation will nurture creativity, critical thinking, and digital fluency—qualities essential for success in an AI-driven world. Furthermore, AI-focused professional development initiatives will empower educators with the skills, knowledge, and confidence to teach this complex and evolving subject, ensuring that Nigeria’s next generation is not just prepared for the future but poised to lead in it.

    While AI education from kindergarten through high school is vital, lifelong learning resources are equally important to adapt to a rapidly evolving job market shaped by technology. Teaching AI enhances digital skills crucial for digital transformation, and Nigeria should embrace this approach. I continue developing AI software tools and competency models to support K–12 integration, offering comprehensive training for educators and early AI exposure for students to build an AI-ready workfo

    • Dr Sanusi a computer science education researcher with a specific interest in artificial intelligence (AI) and data science education, writes from the United States

  • Cleric seeks ratification of Canada-Nigeria investment pact

    Cleric seeks ratification of Canada-Nigeria investment pact

    As global attention turns to the upcoming Canada-Africa Fintech Summit and the Canada-Africa Trade and Investment Expo 2025, renowned Pan-African faith leader and economic strategist, Apostle Cornelius Olajide Babalola, has issued a compelling call for the final ratification of the Canada-Nigeria Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (FIPA).

    In a statement, he noted that the FIPA, which was signed in May 2014, was crafted to create a stable, transparent, and investor-friendly environment between Nigeria and Canada.

    Yet, over a decade later, this landmark agreement remains unratified, stalling the full economic potential of one of Africa’s most strategic partnerships.

    “We have waited long enough,” said Apostle Cornelius. “The world is watching. The 2025 Expo is the right moment to bring FIPA to life—to prove to investors and citizens alike that Nigeria and Canada are serious about building a future anchored in trust, innovation, and mutual prosperity.”

    According to him, its ratification would send a bold signal that Nigeria is open for business—not just any business, but investment grounded in integrity, accountability, and long-term development.

    The Canada-Africa Trade and Investment Expo, taking place from August 3–8, 2025, comes at a time when Canada is scaling up its engagement with Africa through its new Global Africa Strategy.

    According to the cleric, Nigeria is pushing forward with bold reforms under the Renewed Hope Agenda, seeking to boost non-oil exports, attract global capital, and empower its young population.

    The Expo will host over 500 stakeholders, including top government officials, global investors, development finance institutions, CEOs, and innovation leaders, making it an ideal platform to announce the ratification of FIPA.

    “This is not just a trade event—it’s a strategic convergence of vision, leadership, and opportunity,” Apostle Cornelius said. “We must seize this moment.”

    According to Apostle Cornelius, ratifying the FIPA could ignite investment in critical sectors of Nigeria’s future in Agriculture & Agri-Business, strengthening value chains and food security, renewable Energy & Infrastructure, driving energy access and sustainable growth, Boosting financial inclusion and digital innovation, Creating jobs and scaling local enterprises, enhancing transparency and environmental responsibility in Oil & Gas Services, among others.

    “Canada brings world-class expertise and capital. Nigeria offers scale, talent, and market potential. FIPA can turn this potential into powerful, inclusive partnerships,” he added.

    Apostle Cornelius views FIPA as a continental signal.

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    “This could inspire a new generation of Africa-Canada economic frameworks—rooted not in extraction, but in shared success. Nigeria must lead by example and redefine Africa’s investment narrative.”

    Apostle Babalola is calling on the Federal Government, the Government of Canada, private sector leaders, the African diaspora and civil society

    …to prioritise the final ratification of the FIPA in the lead-up to the Expo.

    He urged all parties to mobilise diplomatic and legal pathways to ensure the agreement is activated and announced on the global stage.

    The Canada-Africa Trade and Investment Expo 2025 is Canada’s flagship platform for building inclusive economic partnerships with Africa. This year’s themes include: Inclusive Economic Growth, Digital and Financial Transformation, Sustainable Development, and Resilient Infrastructure.

    The event will feature a High-Level Investment Roundtable, SME Forums, and B2B Matchmaking Sessions—designed to turn dialogue into investment and policy into progress.

  • National Assembly should reconsider rotational presidency

    National Assembly should reconsider rotational presidency

    By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

      Sir: Nigeria is a diverse nation facing unprecedented insecurity and ongoing religious and ethnic violence. Implementing a rotational presidency would undoubtedly promote peace, unity, tolerance, and rapid development across the country. It’s crucial to recognise that since the beginning of our democracy, certain geopolitical zones have yet to produce a president. This situation poses a significant threat to our democracy as some regions and ethnic groups are agitating for disintegration.

      Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, from Ogun State in the South West, ruled Nigeria for eight years, from 1999 to 2007. After his tenure, the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua from Katsina State in the North West assumed the presidency for two years. Following his death, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan served as interim president for two years, and was later re-elected in 2011; he hails from Bayelsa State in the South-South geopolitical zone.

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      In 2015, Muhammadu Buhari took office and served for eight years, also representing the North West, the same region as the late Yar’Adua. Currently, Bola Ahmed Tinubu occupies the position of president and is from the same geopolitical zone as Olusegun Obasanjo. This indicates that power is primarily rotating among just three geopolitical zones—South West, North West, and South-South—out of the six that exist in the country. The North East, South East, and North Central zones have never produced a president.

      This exclusion has sparked threats of disintegration, particularly from the South East, which feels marginalised despite significantly contributing to the nation’s revenue. Additionally, the North Central and North East zones have never had a president, even though they have historically supported the North West and South West in producing presidents on multiple occasions.  Clearly, the focus of power rotation is limited to the South West and North West, with the South South having produced a president only once, seemingly by chance.

      This narrow rotation undermines democracy, exacerbates instability, and hinders development in the other regions. While the North West and South West are currently the most developed zones in the country, power must rotate among all six geopolitical zones rather than being restricted to just two.

      Therefore, the recent rejection of the rotational presidency bill by the National Assembly is an undesirable and undemocratic move, given the nation’s diversity. Passing this bill into law would enhance Nigeria’s global standing and strengthen its democracy. It is high time the three underrepresented regions began producing presidents, rather than just vice presidents. Accomplishing this would foster a sense of belonging among all Nigerians and significantly improve national peace, unity, and development.

      However, the continued exclusion of certain zones from presidential opportunities compromises the nation’s overall development. It is essential to urge the National Assembly to reconsider the bill for a better Nigeria.

      • Ukasha Rabiu Magama

      Magama, Toro, Bauchi State

    • Wrong approach to crashing food prices

      Wrong approach to crashing food prices

      • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

      Sir: In 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu granted duty waivers for the importation of key food items such as rice, maize, wheat, sorghum, and others. This decision was intended to tackle soaring food prices and has indeed led to a significant drop in the prices of food commodities.

      On May 15 2025, the Chairman of BUA Group, Abdul Samad Rabiu, announced that his company is intensifying efforts to further reduce the prices of rice and other essential commodities. While this gesture may appear patriotic and commendable, it raises critical questions: Is Abdul Samad a farmer? Shouldn’t such statements about food pricing and availability come from actual farmers and those directly involved in food production?

      To be fair, the massive and often irrational hoarding of food items by middlemen has created artificial scarcity and price hikes, which may have prompted the government intervention and Abdul Samad’s statement. However, these efforts, though well-intentioned, highlight a deeper, systemic problem that cannot be solved by importation alone.

      The government’s current approach, focused on crashing food prices through imports, is hurting local farmers and ultimately unsustainable.

      While reducing food prices is essential for national food security and the wellbeing of ordinary Nigerians, the pathway to achieving this goal must be rooted in empowering local producers. Farmers are the real drivers of food affordability. Without supporting them, any temporary relief brought by food imports will ‘collapse’ the local economy under the weight of neglected domestic agriculture.

      President Tinubu should prioritise policies that strengthen local agricultural capacity. This includes granting duty waivers not just for imported food, but more importantly for farm inputs, such as seeds, fertilizers, equipment, and agrochemicals. Supporting local agrochemical manufacturers and agro merchant firms will boost productivity and reduce dependence on foreign inputs.

      Moreover, providing farmers with easy access to affordable loans is critical. Many smallholder farmers lack the capital to invest in modern tools or expand their operations. Through targeted financing and robust extension services, the government can unleash the full potential of Nigeria’s agricultural sector, though many farmers and officials have abused several well-intentioned government incentives for agribusinesses.

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      If current policies continue to favour food importation over local production, the consequences could be dire. The economy may suffer, and Nigeria’s food security will become dangerously dependent on foreign nations. This dependency not only undermines national sovereignty but also exposes the country to global agricultural market shocks.

      Agriculture remains an important sector of Nigeria’s economy. Farmers contribute roughly 25% to the nation’s GDP. It is also the largest employer of labour, with over 25 million people, about 30.1% of the total workforce engaged in the sector. According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), more than 70% of Nigerians participate in agriculture in some form.

      Clearly, supporting local farming is not just about food; it is about livelihoods, national development, and economic stability.

      Cheaper food prices are indeed crucial for Nigeria’s survival, but they must be achieved the right way, through robust, self-reliant, and locally-driven food production. Supporting and scaling small, medium large-scale farming across the country will naturally lead to lower prices, eliminate hoarding, increase food exports, and align with the Tinubu administration’s stated “Nigeria First” policy.

      Food imports are a short-term fix; now is the time to shift to long-term solutions by putting farmers at the centre of President Tinubu’s government food policies and programmes.

      •Zayyad I. Muhammad

      Abuja

    • Can UN slim down to scale up impact?

      Can UN slim down to scale up impact?

      Sir: The United Nations (UN) has long been the cornerstone of global peace and diplomacy, conflict resolution and humanitarian efforts since its formation at the end of World War II in 1945. However, recent discussions about scaling down the UN, whether due to budgetary constraints, political pressure or call for reform, have raised significant concerns about its ability to maintain world peace and effectively carry out its operations.

      Since the inauguration of US President Donald Trump in January, his Make America Great Again (MAGA) maxim has tilted the world towards unilateralism. The US seeks to cut its financial assistance to the global body by 40 percent, citing that such funds are more urgently needed in America than elsewhere. Major contributors like Japan, Germany, China and Norway have occasionally pushed for cutting measures, arguing for more efficient use of funds.

      Again, political distrust among most UN member states has led to some states criticising the global body for inefficiency, bureaucratic bottlenecks in its operations or perceived bias leading to reduced funding support. In recent years, increased political distrust among states has significantly impacted the UN’s effectiveness. This distrust has led to a decline in trust in the UN itself, hindering cooperation and compromise, particularly within the Security Council.

      Additionally, fraying geopolitical relations and resource constraints have reduced the UN’s influence on global issues. For instance, the Russian-Ukraine War has dominated UN business, making it difficult for the Security Council to function constructively on other pertinent issues.

      It is worthy of note that there has been a renewed push towards regional organisations; entities like the Africa Union (AU), European Union (EU) and even the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as well as the Southern African Development Commission (SADC) etc. have taken up more responsibility and roles hitherto done by the UN, thereby reducing the global body’s role in either peacekeeping, mediation or resolution as the case may be.

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      It is pertinent to note that critics against the UN’s age-long aversion to reform have argued that the UN’s structure, for instance, the Security Council veto power is outdated, leading to paralysis on key issues, particularly when permanent members have blocked resolutions on issues like Macedonia, Syria, and Israel-Palestine.

      The use of the veto has hampered the UN’s ability to act on global security crises, especially when a resolution could have provided an opportunity for the UN to intervene. For example, Russia’s vetoes on Syria in October of 2016. Also, its inability to expand the Security Council membership to reflect a changed world has been criticised by many, especially in the emerging world.

       A downsized United Nations could reduce conflict mediation across the globe as the global body may struggle to deploy peacekeeping missions or mediate disputes, thereby increasing the risk of unchecked conflicts such as in Yemen, Sudan and Somalia. Similarly, much as an effective and efficient UN is needed, especially in scaling down its operations, there is danger in the fact that a weakened UN which has promoted multilateralism could embolden unilateral actions by powerful states such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and Israel’s relentless annexation of Gaza since October, 2023 as well as US government’s weaponising of trade tariffs against perceived trade adversaries could ultimately undermine collective security.

      The UN downsizing could even jeopardise its humanitarian crisis management agencies such as United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), World Food Programme (WFP), United Nations Children Fund (UNICEP), which may face funding cuts, worsening response on famine, refugee crisis and pandemic as the UN provides critical basic services like healthcare, education, potable water, electricity and security to the world’s forgotten places and people.

      Downsizing the UN means its ability to cover fewer peacekeeping missions, potentially leading to forced withdrawal of troops from volatile regions, creating security vacuums, especially in less talked about conflicts like in Somalia, Yemen, Sudan and even the Democratic Republic of Congo.

      A weakened UN could erode known human norms, which was one of the fundamental basics for its formation and its 1948 adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UN plays a key role in upholding international law e.g. (International Criminal Court, ICC, International Court of Justice, ICJ); weakening it may reduce accountability for human rights violations.

      Furthermore, decline in development programmes across the globe could be witnessed, if the current push for downsizing is done, meaning projects supporting the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) could suffer, slowing progress in poverty reduction, healthcare and climate actions.

      In conclusion, while some argue that downsizing could lead to a more efficient UN, the risk to global stability is substantial. The UN’s role in preventing conflicts, aiding vulnerable populations and fostering cooperation remains irreplaceable. Instead of drastic cuts, a balanced approach of combining prudent reforms with sustainable funding from member states may be the best way to ensure the UN continues to serve as a pillar for world peace and diplomacy.

      •Anagba, Joseph Obidi

      Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Abuja