Category: Comments

  • Understanding Nigeria’s security crisis beyond the noise

    Understanding Nigeria’s security crisis beyond the noise

    By Adejare Rewane Adegbenro

    There is no denying that Nigeria continues to grapple with serious security challenges. Across different regions, the threat has taken multiple forms—banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, and communal clashes. These challenges are often discussed along ethnic and religious lines. While such clashes exist, this narrow framing obscures deeper and more complex drivers of insecurity.

    One critical but under-reported factor fueling violence in parts of Nigeria is illegal mining. Globally, history has shown that wherever mineral resources—especially gold—are exploited illegally, violence often follows. From parts of the Sahel to Central Africa, unregulated mining sites have become magnets for criminal networks, arms trafficking, and insurgent financing. Nigeria is no exception. In several flashpoints of insecurity, illegal mining has created economic incentives for armed groups, who destabilise communities, displace residents, and exploit chaos to continue their activities.

    It is also important to state clearly that Nigeria’s current security challenges did not begin with the present administration. Insecurity has evolved over decades, shaped by governance gaps, porous borders, climate pressure, and underdevelopment in remote areas. What is different today, however, is the scale of institutional rethinking and strategic recalibration underway within Nigeria’s security architecture.

    Under President Bola Tinubu, deliberate efforts have been made to strengthen coordination at the highest levels. The reshuffling of the service chiefs, alongside the appointment of a former Chief of Defence Staff as substantive Minister of Defence, reflects a move toward institutional memory, operational coherence, and strategic continuity. For the first time in a long while, all arms of the security services are reportedly working in tandem—an alignment that has improved inter-agency cooperation and reduced duplication of effort.

    At the centre of this evolving framework is the National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, whose role has gone beyond domestic coordination to include active engagement in international security collaboration. Nigeria is increasingly plugged into global counter-terrorism networks, particularly with the United States and other strategic partners. These engagements involve intelligence sharing, capacity building, and technical support—many aspects of which, by necessity, cannot be disclosed publicly.

    READ ALSO: Kwara massacre belies end of Mamuda/JNIM terrorists

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign engagements further underscore this approach. His recent diplomatic and security-focused visits, including engagements in Türkiye, were not ceremonial but targeted at deepening defence cooperation with countries that have confronted prolonged insurgent threats. Such partnerships offer Nigeria access to advanced intelligence systems, military training, and counter-insurgency expertise that strengthen long-term security capacity.

    On the domestic front, plans to reinforce community-based security mechanisms, including forest and ranger units, highlight the recognition that local knowledge is indispensable. Communities understand the terrain—forests, informal routes, and hidden enclaves—better than anyone else. When properly regulated, vetted, and supervised, these local structures can significantly enhance intelligence gathering and early warning systems.

    That said, no security initiative is without risks. Community-based systems, like all human institutions, can be compromised by coercion or infiltration. This reality reinforces the need for strict oversight, accountability, and intelligence vetting. It does not, however, negate the value of the broader strategy when implemented responsibly.

    Operational challenges persist. Vast, underdeveloped terrains, poor infrastructure, and the threat of improvised explosive devices continue to test the military’s response capacity. Senior security officials have acknowledged that response times in remote areas can be delayed, not from indifference, but from logistical constraints. Even so, security forces have recorded measurable successes in dislodging bandit and terrorist enclaves—progress that often receives less attention than isolated attacks.

    This moment, therefore, is not one for cynical disengagement or relentless delegitimisation of state efforts. It is a period that calls for vigilance, constructive criticism, and national support. Citizens play a crucial role by cooperating with security agencies, particularly through the provision of timely local intelligence. Counter-terrorism thrives on information, and communities are often the first to notice unusual movements or threats.

    While democratic scrutiny remains essential, persistent sensationalism and the rush to undermine ongoing security operations can weaken morale and distort public understanding. Nigerians must recognise that many critical actions in national security are necessarily confidential and cannot be litigated in newspaper headlines.

    Nigeria’s security challenges are real, but so are the efforts to confront them. The repositioning of the country’s security architecture has begun, and continuity is vital for these reforms to yield maximum gains. A stable and secure Nigeria is fundamental to the administration’s broader economic vision, including the pursuit of a one-trillion-dollar economy. Security is the foundation upon which investment, growth, and national prosperity rest—and it is clear that this reality is not lost on the current leadership.

    The fight to stem security challenges is not merely a military campaign; it is a societal one. It demands unity, patience, responsible discourse, and a shared commitment to safeguarding Nigeria’s future.

    Security is not a private concern; it is a collective national responsibility. It demands that Nigerians—regardless of faith, ethnicity, or political leaning—stand united in support of policies aimed at restoring peace and stability. At the same time, the Tinubu administration must decisively improve the welfare, equipment, and morale of our security forces, while according traditional institutions clearly defined constitutional roles that place them at the forefront of grassroots intelligence, mediation, and decision-making. Only through unity, shared responsibility, and institutional strengthening can Nigeria secure the peace it urgently needs and deserves.

    • Otunba Adegbenro is a peace and security advocate

  • When Tinubu travels at night joy comes in the morning

    When Tinubu travels at night joy comes in the morning

    • By Bamidele Atoyebi

    One really wonders why the hullabaloo about the frequent travels of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu without checking the boxes of what those travels have yielded, leaving one with the impression that those dwelling on it do so in just playing opposition politics. Or do we then take it that seeing nothing more to complain about with the numerous successes of his recovery policies, they have to latch on to every minute and mundane issue as a handle to not being blown into oblivion, maybe, something to keep them in the limelight?

    I guess the best objective approach is to interrogate with facts and figures where the situations were before the travels and where they presently are which when plotted in a graph would have seen a steady upward trajectory on all indices of recovery.

    While being minded on looking at the gains, one is in a quagmire on how to explain it without listing the gains  as capturing all of them in a single narration will be an exercise in futility and leaving anyone out will be a disservice to Mr. President’s efforts and report card.

    However, we have to advert our minds to few of them which will in all ramifications not be exhaustive.

    The statistics of the opposition may look good on.paper but is dwarfed by the performance indices. They argue that in January, the President spent only 10 days in Nigeria and some say 22 while others say 23 days outside. They failed to see the silent declaration of emergency on the issues that take him away from the comfort of his domain to go to even areas with well known conflicts just to extract the best for the country.

    It is an aphorism that spectators always escape with the impression that they can do better from the sidelines till they are physically in the fray where they realise that they gasp for air without any tangible performance which reduces their opinions and criticisms to mere huffing and puffing- hot air. On the diplomatic front, President Tinubu has been hitting the bull’s eye with consistent rapidity or who would have thought that the “gun ablazing” Donald Trump threat will quickly transmogrify into the closest diplomatic relationship the country has ever had with the United States of America? Whereas when the country was in dire need of defence products for use to deal with its security challenges, we were denied on flimsy excuses but what we couldn’t get when relations were rosy, Tinubu has navigated it and we are getting all we want and can pay for…a rate feat.

    Read Also: Tinubu unveils major sports sector reform, orders funding reset from 2026

    While Obama blocked Nigeria’s attempt to acquire U.S.-made fixed wings and armaments via Israel, citing Nigeria’s anti-LGBTQ stance and human rights concerns, those same helicopters are now being built in American factories for the Nigerian Air Force with some already delivered and inducted into service with visible effects. Biden suspended the sale of Super Tucanos to Nigeria over alleged human rights concerns, but Trump with all his threats  has been made by Tinubu to lift the ban and approve the deal. Added to that is the prized resumption of intelligence sharing with Nigeria, but significantly expanded it. Something that would have been unthinkable during the Biden and Obama eras.

    Not since the Bush and Obasanjo era have defense ties between the two countries been this close. It appears Republican administrations take a more pragmatic approach to defense relations with Nigeria than Democrats.

    On the Turkiye visit that opposition has taken umbrage on, a lot have been achieved as the  first Turkey bank has concluded plans to open office in Nigeria in furtherance of deepening trade and financial relations. That will come with jobs for Nigerians as well as businesses that would leverage on the operations for their lines of businesses. In that visit, Tinubu inked a total of nine agreements on defence, energy, military training and equipment, intelligence sharing, health, education and prized trade investment valued at about $5 billion and in reality, Nigeria- Turkey trading crossed five billion. That definitely were not lightly considered given the military advancements of that country and it’s experience in tackling insurgency. Perhaps what the opposition should have applauded is the delicate balancing between defence agreements with America and Turkiye, as each country rarely allows mixing their defence knowledge with countries opposed to their systems but Tinubu has leveraged on both without the usual rancour associated with it.

    The strident gains of the Nigerian military against insurgents and terrorists are undeniable gains from the frequent trips which have made capacities and positive policies to favour the country. Drones, shared intelligence and availability of real time information that has led to decimation of terrorists and insurgents.

    As it stands, there is no home in Nigeria without Turkish products while a lot of investments of Turkey citizens in Nigeria with over 44 companies and a combines business value of nearly $10 billion. The interface between Nigeria’s private sector and that of Turkey will bouy manufacturing and assist Nigeria in its quest for industrialisation.

    Back home, salaries of civil servants have been increased and taxes on incomes below certain figures  are exempted while inflation has been on a steady decline thereby increasing the purchasing power of the ordinary Nigerian. He has successfully enthroned the policy of progressive tax which takes more from the rich to provide services for the poor. Food inflation has been on the decline which all prove that Tinubu is adroitly combining repositioning Nigeria globally while easing pressures on Nigerians on the inside.

    His consultations and execution of policies in the financial sector has led to the removal of Nigerian from the financial grey list which shows global confidence on the Nigerian economy which has manifested in unprecedented increase in our foreign reserves to an all time high, nearing the $50 billion mark.

    Now, the international Monetary Fund has put the projected growth rate of the Nigerian economy at over 4.4 percent  and  classed Nigeria among the 10 most economic contributors to global growth. All these are just within two years.

    Tinubu should be commended instead of villified over these strides that we now take for granted but hitherto were above expectations.

    •Bamidele Atoyebi is the Convener of BAT Ideological Group, National Coordinator of Accountability and Policy monitoring and a publisher at Unfiltered and Mining Reporting.

  • A diplomatic masterstroke: When the World prays with  ‘Mother of the Nation

    A diplomatic masterstroke: When the World prays with  ‘Mother of the Nation

    • By Hon. Durosinmi Meseko

    The hallowed halls of Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, have witnessed many historic moments, but few have resonated with the profound diplomatic significance of the 74th National Prayer Breakfast. Amidst a gathering of global leaders, lawmakers, and spiritual icons, the spotlight fell unmistakably on Nigeria’s First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu

    The impressive accolades showered upon her by President Donald Trump were not merely pleasantries; they represented a seismic shift in how the world’s most powerful democracy perceives the “Giant of Africa.”

    Only a few months ago, Nigeria found itself in a precarious diplomatic position, having been designated a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC) by the U.S. government. However, the deliberate and public recognition of Senator Oluremi Tinubu by President Trump serves as a powerful diplomatic courtesy that effectively pivots this narrative.

    This recognition signals a thawing of tensions and a robust recalibration of bilateral relations between Nigeria and the USA. When the American presidency chooses to honor the First Lady of Nigeria on such a prestigious platform, it is a clear endorsement of the sovereignty and the emerging positive image of our great nation.

    Crucial to this international commendation is the global appreciation of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s uncompromising stance on security. 

    The world has watched closely as the administration moved to curb the activities of jihadists and armed bandits.

    Read Also: Kidnappers demand N260m for abducted children in Edo

    The specific acknowledgment of the government’s swift and decisive actions following the tragic massacre in the Woro Community of Kwara State has not gone unnoticed. By tackling these security threats head-on, the President has demonstrated a commitment to protecting all citizens, a move that President Trump’s accolades have now validated as a victory for regional stability.

    For months, local and international naysayers have cast shadows of doubt over the bold “Shock Therapy” reforms of the Tinubu administration. Critics predicted gloom following the removal of subsidies and currency unification.

    However, the “Trump Endorsement” acts as a profound embarrassment to those who bet against Nigeria’s recovery. This high-level validation serves as a “Green Light” to the international financial community. The impact on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is expected to be immediate; when the U.S. signals confidence in the leadership of a nation, global capital inevitably follows.

    The accolades in Washington are the harvest of a seed planted over two decades ago.

    Since her days as the First Lady of Lagos State in 2000, Senator Oluremi Tinubu has been a consistent champion for the marginalized.

    Through the New Era Foundation, she revolutionized youth engagement. Her advocacy for the education and protection of the girl-child has become a global blueprint for social development.

    Her interventions have provided lifelines to thousands in underserved communities.

    Today, through the Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI), her philanthropy has reached new heights, touching the lives of widows, orphans, and the elderly across the 36 states. 

    Her presence at the National Prayer Breakfast—an event rooted in faith, prayer, and moral reflection—perfectly mirrors her life’s work: a blend of spiritual devotion and practical humanitarianism.

    This recognition has bestowed an unprecedented level of prestige on both Senator Tinubu and the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It reaffirms her status as a global stateswoman and a compassionate pillar of the Renewed Hope agenda.

    As she returns from Capitol Hill, she does so not just as the wife of the President, but as a symbol of a Nigeria that is respected, secure, and increasingly indispensable to the global community. The message is clear: Nigeria is back, and the world is taking note.

    • Hon. Durosinmi Meseko Deputy National Publicity Secretary, All Progressives Congress (APC)
  • Food prices ease under Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, markets urged to reflect gains

    Food prices ease under Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, markets urged to reflect gains

    • By Gbenga Abiola

    The Tinubu Media Force has observed with keen interest the gradual easing of food prices across major markets nationwide, a development that underscores the growing impact of the economic and agricultural reforms introduced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu under the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    Key staples including rice, various strains of pepper, and poultry feed have recorded noticeable price reductions, signalling improved supply conditions and stabilising market dynamics.

    These improvements are clear indicators that President Tinubu’s policy direction is beginning to yield measurable results. Strategic interventions in agricultural production, import regulation, logistics efficiency, and market coordination have significantly reduced pressure on production inputs, particularly within the agricultural value chain.

    A clear example of this progress is the drastic reduction in the price of poultry feed across the country. Poultry feed constitutes one of the highest cost components in egg production, and its recent price drop should ordinarily result in a corresponding reduction in the price of eggs. 

    However, despite this significant decrease in input costs, the price of eggs has largely remained unchanged in many markets. This disconnect highlights a gap between policy gains and retail pricing behaviour, where relief achieved at the production level has yet to reach the average consumer.

    Despite these policy-driven gains, the Tinubu Media Force notes with concern that the benefits have not been fully transmitted to consumers at the retail end of the market. While prices were swiftly increased when costs surged, many local vendors and retailers have been slow to reflect the current downward trend, thereby weakening the intended impact of recent reforms.

    For the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Tinubu to translate into tangible relief for Nigerian households, pricing practices must be fair, responsive, and reflective of prevailing market conditions. When prices rise, Nigerians feel the impact immediately. When prices fall, relief should follow with the same urgency. We therefore call on market associations, retailers, and vendors to align their pricing structures with current realities in the national interest.

    The Tinubu Media Force reiterates that sustainable economic recovery is a shared responsibility. As food prices continue to stabilise under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership, cooperation across the supply chain will ensure that Nigerians experience the true dividends of reform, affordable food, improved purchasing power, and renewed confidence in the economy.

    • Gbenga Abiola is the national coordinator of Tinubu Media Force (TMF). 
  • Nigeria past and present: What is the way for the future?

    Nigeria past and present: What is the way for the future?

    By Idowu Adewara

    Nigeria is a country that has never lacked potential. What it has lacked is the discipline, leadership, and collective will to turn that potential into a prosperous reality for most of its people. Both our past and our present moment confront us with the same question: Will we finally learn from experience, or will we continue recycling the same mistakes in new forms?

    A look into the past shows that Nigeria did not begin as a carefully negotiated national project. Its creation in 1914, through the amalgamation of diverse ethnic, cultural, and religious groups, was driven largely by colonial administrative convenience rather than shared identity or consensus. British colonial governance prioritised extraction over development, centralised authority over participatory governance, and obedience over citizenship. Institutions were designed to serve imperial interests, not to foster accountability or national cohesion.

    At independence in 1960, Nigeria inherited these structures without sufficiently reimagining them. The early post-independence years, marked by political instability and ethnic rivalry, quickly gave way to military rule. For decades, the military dominated Nigeria’s political life, interrupting democratic learning and weakening civilian institutions. Decision-making became highly centralised, dissent was suppressed, and accountability was treated as optional.

    Perhaps the most consequential development in Nigeria’s political economy was the discovery and exploitation of oil. The oil boom of the 1970s presented a historic opportunity to transform infrastructure, education, and industry on a grand scale. Instead, oil became both a blessing and a curse. It fuelled corruption, and the neglect of agriculture and manufacturing, sectors that had once sustained broad-based livelihoods. While oil revenues promised prosperity, they entrenched a rent-dependent economy. Productivity, innovation, and taxation were side-lined as the state became reliant on oil proceeds. Successive military and civilian administrations treated the nation as a dispenser of oil rents rather than a platform for productive enterprise and social investment. This culture elevated proximity to power over competence and replaced genuine economic planning with routine federal allocations.

    The return to civilian rule in 1999 raised hopes for a new chapter rooted in constitutionalism, accountability, and growth. More than two decades later, democracy has survived, but it has yet to mature into a system that reliably delivers security, justice, and opportunity for the average Nigerian.

    Elections remain high-stakes contests, frequently marred by vote-buying, low turnout, and a dangerous mix of apathy and cynicism. Institutions meant to check power, including the courts, legislatures, and regulatory agencies, too often bend under political pressure, patronage, or chronic underfunding. The result is a steady erosion of public faith in the rule of law.

    Public office, rather than being widely viewed as a platform for service, is commonly perceived as a route to personal security and enrichment. This perception has shaped a leadership culture that prioritises political survival over stewardship. Policies change with administrations, long-term planning is sacrificed for short-term advantage, and public trust continues to weaken.

    Yet leadership failure alone does not explain Nigeria’s condition. Civic culture has also suffered. Years of disappointment have bred apathy and resignation. Dysfunction is increasingly seen as normal, something to be endured rather than challenged. Elections are approached with low expectations, civic engagement is irregular, and accountability is often demanded selectively, if at all.

    This mutual disengagement, with leaders governing without genuine accountability and citizens retreating into survival mode, has produced a fragile social contract. The state does little to earn trust, while citizens feel little obligation beyond navigating the system for personal survival.

    The consequences are now evident. Nigeria’s young people, among the most talented and energetic in the world, increasingly view emigration as the most viable path to dignity and opportunity. Professionals leave not only in search of better wages but also in search of systems that function. Those who remain frequently contend with underemployment, frustration, and a growing sense of alienation.

    Economically, the country struggles to diversify in any meaningful way. Infrastructure gaps persist, education systems underperform, and poverty remains widespread despite decades of substantial revenue inflows. Social divisions are deepened by insecurity, inequality, and mistrust. Morally, there is a creeping fatigue, a sense that little truly changes, regardless of who holds power.

    Perhaps the greatest cost is the erosion of national belief. When citizens no longer trust that effort will be rewarded or that institutions will protect them, society becomes transactional, brittle, and vulnerable to breakdown.

    Scholars of nation-building consistently argue that unity cannot be decreed. It must be earned through inclusive governance, equitable distribution of resources, and institutions that protect all citizens, not just those with connections. Where injustice is a daily experience, ethnic and religious identities become defensive shelters rather than components of a shared civic identity.

    Breaking this cycle requires action on three interconnected fronts: leadership reform, institutional rebuilding, and renewed civic responsibility.

    First, leadership must be redefined. Nigeria does not merely need new leaders; it needs a new understanding of leadership itself. The country must move from personality-driven politics to institution-driven governance, where rules are clear, consequences are real, and public office is centred on service and measurable outcomes. Leadership should be understood as stewardship, not entitlement. Competence, integrity, and continuity must replace patronage and improvisation. Sustainable development cannot rest on individuals alone; it depends on strong, enduring institutions.

    Second, institutions must be rebuilt deliberately. Strong institutions create predictability, fairness, and trust. This demands policy consistency, respect for the rule of law, and an end to selective enforcement. Education, healthcare, security, and the judiciary must be insulated from political interference and treated as national priorities rather than bargaining tools. Local governments must also be strengthened as genuine centres of development, enabling citizens to hold leaders accountable at the closest level to their daily lives.

    Read Also: Electoral Act: Senate failed Nigerians, Opposition parties allege

    Third, and most importantly, citizens must reclaim their role. Research on nation-building is clear that sustainable progress depends on active citizens who demand better, participate constructively, and hold leaders accountable beyond election day. While anger at bad leadership is justified, it is necessary to confront an uncomfortable truth: no corrupt politician acts alone. Rigged elections involve compromised officials and voters who sell their votes. Inflated contracts require collaborators in the private sector. Every bribe offered has someone willing to accept it. A nation cannot be repaired solely by those in power if those outside power have withdrawn from collective responsibility.

    Nigeria’s history explains its present, but it does not excuse it. The past may have shaped the foundations, but the future will be determined by choices made now, by leaders who choose to govern with vision and by citizens who refuse to accept dysfunction as destiny.

    Nigeria’s challenges are serious, but they are not unique. Other nations with troubled histories have rebuilt themselves through deliberate leadership, institutional reform, and active citizenship. What is required is not blind optimism, but disciplined hope anchored in responsibility, sacrifice, and sustained effort.

    The task before Nigeria is not to search endlessly for saviours or to romanticise the past. It is to commit to the slow, demanding work of nation-building. History has brought Nigeria to this point. What comes next will depend on whether leadership rises to its duty and whether citizens choose engagement over resignation.

    Only then can Nigeria begin to move from a nation that merely endures to one that truly works.

    •Adewara is a fellow of the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy.

  • Toni Kan’s classy COVID-19 chronicle

    Toni Kan’s classy COVID-19 chronicle

    The name Toni Kan has, for decades, moved with ease across the landscape of literature. Poetry, literary fiction, short stories and biography. There are few genres he has not entered, and fewer still that he has not impacted with his distinctive voice. His book, ‘Riding the Storm’, bears quiet but convincing testimony to his range. In it, his versatility is not announced, but revealed, page by page, in the confidence of a writer who has mastered many forms and knows exactly when and how to use them.

    Though not a novel, it unfolds with the confidence and sweep of one. Drawing on his gifts as a poet, novelist, short story writer and biographer, Kan tells the story of Africa’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic using the tools of literary fiction: scene, character, tension and momentum. What emerges is a narrative that reads less like a policy chronicle and more like a carefully structured human drama, one shaped by urgency, uncertainty and the weight of responsibility at a moment when the world seemed to be coming apart.

    The book moves, in most cases, as a novel would, following people rather than abstractions, decisions rather than statistics. At its centre are four figures, three men and a woman, whose paths converge at the height of the crisis: Strive Masiyiwa, John Nkengasong, Benedict Oramah and Vera Songwe. And there is South African President Cyril Ramaphosa playing a key supporting role.

    Kan introduces them not as distant power brokers but as individuals already marked by earlier battles, especially Africa’s encounter with Ebola, and therefore unusually prepared for what was to come. When the pandemic bares its fangs, the reader is shown where each of them is, what they are doing, and how swiftly their worlds are reordered by a threat that respects no borders.

    The author lays bare how Masiyiwa, an industrialist and philanthropist, was drawn into a continental role that requires speed, persuasion and moral clarity. He shows us how Nkengasong, the scientist who operates from the nerve centre of Africa’s public health infrastructure, had to translate data into strategy while racing against time. We are shown how Oramah brought the language of finance into a space dominated by fear and scarcity, mobilising capital as a life-saving instrument. And the book unveils how Songwe, who is grounded in development economics, treated the crisis as a health emergency that is also an economic and social reckoning. Together, they form the backbone of the story, not as committed actors navigating impossible constraints.

    The book shows Nkengasong as a man accustomed to urgency. As head of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, he is portrayed as both scientist and translator, turning epidemiological complexity into continental coordination. The pages linger on his early days of the crisis, when data was scarce, testing capacity uneven, and fear moved faster than facts. Nkengasong’s challenge was not merely to understand the virus, but to persuade governments to trust a shared framework of response. His voice carried the authority of science, but also the burden of history. Africa had long been spoken for in global health conversations. Here, he spoke for himself and for a continent unwilling to be managed from afar.

    We see that where Nkengasong provided legitimacy, Masiyiwa supplied momentum. The book treats his appointment as African Union Special Envoy on COVID-19 not as a ceremonial gesture but as an admission: bureaucracy alone would not move fast enough. Masiyiwa’s instincts were shaped by markets and systems, not protocols.

    Because systems require money, and this is where Oramah’s role deepens the narrative. The book portrays him as operating in a quieter register, away from press briefings and televised summits. As head of Afreximbank, Oramah understands that solidarity without financing is performance. Vaccine deals demanded guarantees, credit, and risk absorption at a scale few African institutions had ever attempted. Through the African Vaccine Acquisition Trust, Oramah’s bank became the hinge between aspiration and execution. The book is clear-eyed here: without Afreximbank’s balance sheet, Africa’s pooled procurement strategy would have collapsed under the weight of its own ambition.

    If Oramah handled the numbers, Songwe, the book shows us, handled the horizon. Her chapters seem the most reflective in the book, concerned less with the next shipment than with the next decade. As Executive Secretary of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, Songwe is shown persistently widening the frame, refusing to allow COVID-19 to be treated as a temporary disruption. For her, vaccine access was inseparable from economic dignity. The book credits her with asking inconvenient questions: What does recovery mean if manufacturing remains external? What does resilience look like if health security depends on charity? Songwe’s contribution lay in connecting emergency response to structural reform, in reminding leaders that survival without transformation is merely postponement.

    Around them move other characters, aides, technocrats and political leaders, including Ramaphosa, whose support and authority reinforce the collective effort.

    Kan pays attention to these supporting roles, showing how large outcomes are shaped by coordination, trust and persistence rather than lone brilliance. He also draws clear lines between past and present, reminding the reader that Africa’s relatively swift and coordinated COVID-19 response did not emerge from nowhere, but was built on institutional memory, hard lessons and relationships forged during earlier epidemics.

    From Kan’s telling, we see that pandemics do not arrive with instructions, that they arrive as rupture of routines, of borders, of certainty.

    Read Also: How Nigeria’s festive season is fuelling a silent health crisis

    We see that COVID-19 did not simply test Africa’s health systems; it exposed the scaffolding beneath power, coordination, and trust. This book understands that truth, and it is why it resists the temptation to count ventilators or tally infection curves. Instead, it follows people. And through their intersecting paths, it tells a story about leadership under siege at the heart of which is a quiet insistence that Africa’s COVID-19 response was not improvised heroism but deliberate construction.

    We see less a tale of saviours than of builders, working to assemble something the continent had barely quite possessed before: a functional architecture of collective action.

    In telling this important story, Riding the Storm becomes more than a record of events. It is a meditation on leadership under pressure, on Africa’s capacity for self-organisation, and on what it means to act decisively when history accelerates. Kan’s prose allows the reader to feel the anxiety of the early days, the urgency of closed-door negotiations, and the quiet triumph of systems that held when many expected them to fail. It is this human, narrative-driven approach that gives the book its power, transforming a global catastrophe into a story of agency, collaboration and continental resolve.

    What further gives the book its weight is how it vividly paints how the roles of the major and minor characters interlock. None of them, the author shows, could have succeeded alone. Science without logistics would have stalled. Procurement without financing would have failed. Financing without economic vision would have been shortsighted.

    My final take: It takes a village for most causes to succeed. Let’s learn to cooperate rather than compete. Let’s learn to pool resources together than pulling resources apart. Together, we can do more. Apart, we will do less.

  • Onitsha Market: Matters arising

    Onitsha Market: Matters arising

    By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba

    To the disbelief and disappointment of many a critic, traders at Onitsha main market complied with Governor Charles Soludo’s directive for resumption of business on Monday, February 2. For the first time in over four years, excepting for Christmas periods, the market opened for activities on a Monday. News reports spoke of a ‘bustling main market’ and environs, with the protagonist of change, Soludo and team marching through the market streets in proclamation of a new season.

    The blacklisting of Monday as a no-business, no movement, people’s crusade was a terrible siege on the population. The very people who were promised liberation became the major victims of an intervention.

     But the greater tragedy lay in the climate of fear that paralysed reasoning. It was a setting in which it was a virtue to be pedestrian about self-determination. And among those not held hostage by populism, some preferred to politicise a bid for reclamation of the public space.

    And so, a strong pushback by Anambra State governor, Charles Soludo on the lingering Monday sit-at-home protest in Anambra State, and indeed the southeast, sparked heated debates in the last week of January. Soludo’s order for the sealing of Onitsha main market for one week had the trappings of a Donald Trump move – surprise, audacity, and with the objective of redefining the subject.

    The traders, remnant of the IPOB leadership – the group behind the imposed disobedience – and their apologists were caught off guard by the move. Anger, emotion, and finger-pointing dominated reactions. Neutral voices raised the issue of personal freedom within the orbit of law and society. Amidst the storm, Soludo succeeded in shifting the balance on the subject.

    It was a necessary but hazardous task that the Anambra governor waded into. The trying circumstance of the matter was another case of who will bell the cat. Who will brave through the evil forest to retrieve the twin babies mercilessly left to die? The Onitsha market knot was one infused with power of chain reaction. By its strategic positioning as commercial hub east of the Niger, Onitsha main market symbolised not just the face of markets in the region, but the fate of trade as well.

    On the surface, Monday boycott of buying and selling at Onitsha main market bordered on economic impact. But the controversial observance had political and social implications as well. By their three dimensions, the Monday ritual posed challenges of governance. Together, these manifestations of separateness, of a parallel order, constituted a leadership test. Perhaps, other southeast state governors had their different approaches to a common problem. Their steps, if they were not timid and tentative, would have emerged as measures to reckon with. The difference now is that Soludo has moved from the exploratory stages of engagement to now take the bull by the horns.

    A lot of the opposition to Soludo’s initiative thrived on specious argument. Much stock was placed on the presumed indictment of denying traders means of livelihood with the one week market closure. The charge of insensitivity, of putting families on hunger path is a line that’ll whip up emotions any day. But this accusation in the face of available facts is disingenuous. It’s akin to saying that omelette can be made without breaking eggs. Why didn’t he use other options? Why didn’t he engage the traders? Such stuff sound like effort to slyly send someone on a wild goose chase. The governor since coming into office in March 2002 severally engaged stakeholders, including traders towards overcoming the sit-at-home cul de sac. In any case, where lay the greater threat to the economic wellbeing of the traders? Since imposition of the lockdown in 2021, the traders had suffered 225 days of no sales. Without Soludo’s decisive action, the wasted business days would continue on the 300 track. This staggering loss cannot be compared to the one-off seven day shutdown. The former was a disaster, the latter a corrective surgery.

    Much capital was also made about security being a principal factor in the continued Monday “sit at home”. Still, rationalising desertion of markets on Mondays on account of security inadequacy does not preclude the government from restoring the hijacked market day. The linkage reinforces the need for government action. Government’s security responsibility does not involve encouraging the people to live in fear. A government’s mandate on security is not about abandoning citizens to restrictions on their lives by non-state actors. The task of security of lives and property is about the freedom of the people to go about pursuing their legitimate aspirations. Located in this perspective, Soludo’s markets’ reopening reflects integrated security architecture.

    Do we need to stress that the ubiquitous presence of gun-toting operatives is not synonymous with societal safety? But in demonstration of the priority accorded protection of the people, the Soludo administration has invested in different forms of security resources – with good results to show for it. The Agunechemba outfit continues to play an active complementary role to the police. Reduced crime rate is obvious in Anambra State today. The sense of improved security led to resumption of trading in markets on Mondays in most parts of the state. Schools are in session every Monday. Commercial vehicles ply their routes on Monday. So, there is something out of sync about insecurity being behind Onitsha main market Monday closures. It was most unlikely that the state government would have embarked on the Onitsha mission without security threat level assessment.

    For some other critics, it was a straightforward, people have right not to open their shops, if they so choose. That is correct. But it’s also the case that rights go with responsibilities. When organisations entice us with mouth-watering prizes to buy their products, it comes with a caveat. The line “terms and conditions apply” at once protects the interests of the firm as well as limits the claims of the customer in the bargain. Shop holders at the market asserting their right to lock up the stalls as it suits them must contend with the power of government as owner of the property to state the clauses for their use.   Government has the option of revoking the allocations of recalcitrant traders. What answer have those who insist on the personal right to lock shops on Monday to the right of those who want to open their stores the same Monday?

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    Access to the market has been locked against the latter group for about five years now. Does their plight not deserve redressing? A responsible government endeavours to cater for the common good. An objective assessment of Soludo government’s response to the markets closure cannot but situate it in the public interest. The restoration was to the state’s and Southeast’s overall benefit.

    There are two probable interests at the root of opposition to Soludo’s action. The first would be the fanatical supporters of IPOB. They are unable to face reality; the impracticality of their goals and the shift by Nnamdi Kanu, the jailed leader of the organisation. Kanu is reported to have called for discontinuation of the Monday protest. But the hard-line school would prefer to blame other actors than concede the failings of the movement. It’s unacceptable to cripple the southeast in the name of liberation struggle. Every progressive Igbo rejects Nigeria’s injustice to the southeast and believes in Biafra of the mind. Even as some did not share the agenda of an independent state, Ralph Uwazurike’s MASSOB was well received because of its persuasive approach. The necessity of protest was appreciated. Trouble began with IPOB’s introduction of violence into the crusade. No benefit has accrued from the resort to violence. Sadly, pockets of the confrontation bloc, unwilling to lose their emergency privileges, continue to invest in disorder. The diatribe issued by a rogue leadership of IPOB condemning Soludo’s thankless job, is a reminder of the group’s desperation for relevance.

    Politics is at the centre of the other front that railed against the (Onitsha) market stabilisation policy. The problem was not about the propriety of the measures but about who would take the credit. Reopening of markets on Monday in the southeast is sure to be counted a mighty job, drawing accolades for architects of the feat. But Soludo, the potential executor, is considered a rival by certain political interests in the region. Media forces aligned to this political movement led the rush to belittle the Onitsha market repositioning. The irony is that a continuation of the “sit at home” isolates the southeast from mainstream national politics. By severing the isolationist cord of “sit at home”, Soludo has sent out a message of confidence in the region. Soludo’s breakthrough boosts the quest for a Nigerian president of southeast origin.

    •Afuba writes via <afubaifeanyichukwu@gmail.com>

  • Tinubu’s diplomatic offensive and the harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

    Tinubu’s diplomatic offensive and the harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

    By Jude Obioha

    In Nigerian politics, perception often travels faster than facts. Few issues illustrate this better than the chorus of criticism surrounding President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign trips. For months, critics have framed his diplomatic engagements as excessive travel, as political optics over substance. But that narrative is increasingly collapsing under the weight of tangible outcomes. The truth is that Tinubu’s foreign engagements are not leisurely excursions; they are deliberate economic and geopolitical missions, and Nigeria is already harvesting the dividends.

    Democracy indeed demands scrutiny, and no president should be immune from public questioning. Yet accountability must be grounded in evidence. After nearly three years in office, the president’s diplomatic drive has begun to reshape Nigeria’s global standing, unlock investments, deepen security cooperation, and reposition the country as a confident actor on the international stage. What critics dismiss as frequent travel is, in reality, a recalibration of Nigeria’s foreign policy, moving from its hitherto passive diplomacy to assertive economic statecraft.

    Consider the administration’s approach to global partnerships. Tinubu has revived Nigeria’s relevance as a strategic player across multiple power blocs by working simultaneously with the United States, China, the European Union, Türkiye, Brazil, and the Gulf states, amongst others, without surrendering national autonomy. For decades, Nigeria oscillated between dependence and isolation. Under Tinubu, engagement is now transactional but mutually beneficial and balanced, guided by national interest rather than old master–servant dynamics. The renewed geopolitical confidence is evident in security cooperation, intelligence sharing, and the willingness of global partners to treat Nigeria as a regional anchor in West Africa’s fragile security landscape.

    The economic dividends are equally compelling. The president’s visit to China delivered more than ceremonial handshakes; it secured billions in investments aimed at industrialisation and job creation. The $3.3 billion Brass Industrial Park and Methanol Complex alone has the potential to reduce petrochemical imports and strengthen local manufacturing capacity. Agreements with automotive and technology giants are advancing local vehicle assembly, smart city development, and digital infrastructure, which are practical steps toward modernising Nigeria’s urban economy. Added to these are currency cooperation initiatives designed to ease pressure on the naira, making the picture clear: diplomacy is being weaponised for economic stabilisation.

    In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Tinubu’s diplomacy resolved a tense standoff that had grounded flights and restricted visas for Nigerians. The restoration of travel ties was only the beginning. A sweeping economic partnership now offers the UAE duty-free access to thousands of Nigerian products as well as new infrastructure financing and investment frameworks across defence, agriculture, and logistics. The symbolism was powerful: Nigeria negotiated from a position of strength, securing concessions without immediate conditions for debt repayment; an outcome that restored confidence among investors and citizens alike.

    Brazil provided another strategic breakthrough. The $1.1 billion Green Imperative Project promises agricultural mechanisation on a scale Nigeria has long struggled to achieve. At the same time, direct Lagos–São Paulo flights under a renewed aviation agreement could unlock billions of dollars in investment at the same time, by the end of the decade. Meanwhile, partnerships in renewable energy, biotechnology, and local drug manufacturing position Nigeria to reduce import dependence and expand its technological capacity.

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    Türkiye, often overlooked in public discourse, represents one of the most consequential security partnerships. Agreements covering advanced drone technology, intelligence cooperation, and specialised military training directly strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism operations. Trade relations are also projected to more than double, reflecting a pragmatic blend of defence and economic diplomacy.

    Beyond the numbers, Tinubu’s diplomatic posture has demonstrated crisis management. When tensions escalated with the United States over Nigeria’s “Country of Particular Concern” designation, the administration chose dialogue over confrontation. Through structured engagement coordinated by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria secured deeper defence collaboration and access to much-needed security equipment, as well as training, logistics, and intelligence sharing. It was diplomacy with measurable outcomes.

    None of this suggests that criticism should cease. Nigerians are right to demand transparency, cost-efficiency, and clear metrics for every foreign trip. But fairness requires acknowledging results. The administration’s travels have delivered investments, restored diplomatic bridges, opened markets for Nigerian products, and strengthened security alliances at a time when global competition for capital and influence is intense.

    The gloves may be off in Nigeria’s political discourse, but facts must remain the referee. Tinubu’s foreign trips are not a distraction from governance; they are a core instrument of his diplomatic, economic and security strategy. In a rapidly shifting global order, a president who stays home risks leaving his country behind. By contrast, Nigeria’s current diplomatic offensive is gradually yielding a bounty, one that could define the nation’s economic and geopolitical trajectory for years to come.

    •Obioha is the Director of Strategy, Hope Alive Initiative (HAI), a group dedicated to good governance in Nigeria

  • Otu: The day academia and media spoke with one voice

    Otu: The day academia and media spoke with one voice

    • By Linus Obogo

    In a rare and radiant alignment of honour, symbolism and renewed purpose, Cross River governor, Prince Bassey Edet Otu, recently found himself robed in a double garland of national affirmation, one woven by the contemplative hands of academia and the other forged by the vigilant lens of the media. It was a moment where thought and testimony, reflection and reportage, converged to speak with one voice about leadership that has chosen substance over spectacle and service over self.

    The conferment of a Doctor of Humanities (Honoris Causa) by Modibbo Adama University, Yola, alongside The Sun Newspaper Governor of the Year Award, did not merely celebrate achievement; it consecrated a leadership journey defined by conscience, compassion and consequence. In the choreography of national recognition, the coincidence of these two honours carried a resonance too deliberate to be dismissed as mere happenstance. It was, in every sense, a national endorsement delivered through two of society’s most discerning institutions.

    The honorary doctorate, bestowed during the university’s combined 29th and 30th convocation ceremonies, shimmered with profound symbolism. Within the sanctum of scholarship, where ideas are interrogated, values refined, and nations intellectually midwifed, Governor Otu was affirmed as a leader whose public life harmonises authority with humanity.

    Universities do not merely confer degrees; they pronounce judgments on character, legacy, and the intellectual and moral footprint of leadership. In that solemn academic space, Cross River’s governor was celebrated not for transient political victories, but for a governance philosophy that recognises human dignity as the soul of development.

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    The university’s decision stood as an academic benediction on a career marked by inclusion, institutional strengthening, ethical restraint and humane governance. It was a declaration that leadership, when guided by integrity and empathy, transcends administrative routine to become a moral enterprise worthy of scholarly reverence. In honouring Governor Otu, Modibbo Adama University spoke not only to the present, but to posterity, signalling that governance anchored in values deserves to be archived, studied and emulated.

    Almost in poetic succession, the media’s own laurel followed. At the glittering Eko Hotels and Event Centre in Lagos, under the klieg lights of national attention, The Sun newspaper crowned Otu its Governor of the Year. This was the media, Nigeria’s relentless chronicler of governance and guardian of public accountability, projecting his stewardship onto the national canvas.

    Unlike academia, which reflects in quiet contemplation, the media speaks in the language of immediacy and impact. Its verdict is forged from observation, public sentiment, policy outcomes and the lived experiences of the people. That The Sun chose Governor Otu was therefore not incidental; it was an editorial affirmation that the direction of governance in Cross River State has begun to register palpably in the national consciousness.

    This second honour echoed the first, reinforcing a compelling narrative: that the quiet, deliberate work unfolding in Cross River State is resonating far beyond its borders, drawing commendation from platforms that both document and shape the national conscience. It affirmed that steady governance, often unaccompanied by noise—can still command attention when anchored in results and restraint.

    Yet, in a moment ripe for personal exaltation, Governor Otu chose the higher ground of collective gratitude. With disarming humility, he dedicated both honours to the people of Cross River State, those at home and in the diaspora, whose faith, patience and resilience continue to animate the government’s reform agenda. He acknowledged the contributions of traditional institutions, the legislature, the judiciary, members of the executive council, public servants and development partners whose collaboration has helped steady the ship of progress.

    In his words and bearing, the awards were transformed from personal laurels into shared victories, mirrors reflecting the collective labour and communal hope of an entire people. This posture of gratitude revealed a defining trait of his leadership: an instinct to decentralise glory and distribute ownership of progress.

    More significantly, the governor framed the twin recognitions not as destinations, but as renewed summons, solemn charges to labour harder, serve deeper and lead with heightened sensitivity to the human condition. It was an implicit acknowledgment that honours elevate responsibility, and that public affirmation increases the moral burden of leadership. In doing so, he redefined the moment from celebration to consecration.

    The symbolism was unmistakable. Academia and the media, twin sentinels of truth, values and accountability, had converged to affirm a leadership philosophy anchored in service rather than spectacle, impact rather than rhetoric. Their convergence sent a subtle but powerful message: that governance rooted in ethical clarity and people-centred policy still commands respect in an age often distracted by theatrics.

    As eminent Cross River indigenes, captains of industry, public intellectuals and national figures gathered in solidarity across both ceremonies, the atmosphere swelled with pride and promise. The moment glowed not merely with celebration, but with resolve. It spoke of trust earned through consistency, of momentum sustained by purpose, and of a leadership newly energised by affirmation.

    Beyond the ceremonies and citations, these twin honours etched a deeper truth into the public narrative of Governor Otu’s stewardship—that true greatness in public office is not measured by the titles that adorn one’s name, but by the lives one uplifts, the institutions one strengthens, and the hope one restores.

    They affirmed that governance, at its noblest, is an act of stewardship—temporary in tenure, but enduring in impact.

    In this glittering convergence of recognition, service found its echo, and leadership, guided by conscience, took another confident step toward legacy. The day academia and the media spoke with one voice will be remembered not merely as a moment of honour, but as a milestone in the evolving story of a governor whose quiet resolve continues to inspire national attention.

    Congratulations, Your Excellency, as the echoes of your governance heroics continue to inspire, reassure and resonate across Nigeria.

    •Obogo is Chief Press Secretary and Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to Governor Otu.

  • How President Tinubu’s NELFUND provides equal access

    How President Tinubu’s NELFUND provides equal access

    • By Dare Ojepe

    In a country where identity often arrives before ability, it is no small thing when a public policy chooses to listen differently. Nigeria, with its many tongues and temperaments, has long struggled with the burden of translation of names into networks, of accents into access, of origins into opportunity. Too often, the gates of progress have opened not to merit but to familiarity. Yet, quietly and without fanfare, the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) is attempting something both simple and radical: it refuses to ask which village you come from before asking what future you seek.

    This is not a poetic exaggeration. It is a structural statement. For decades, the Nigerian youth has learned sometimes painfully that education support often comes with invisible footnotes. Who you know matters. Where you are from matters. How well you can navigate informal corridors matters. In this landscape, talent without connection becomes stranded, ambition without exposure becomes muted, and potential waits endlessly for interpretation. NELFUND enters this fraught terrain not as a miracle worker but as a system designed to remove unnecessary filters between effort and opportunity.

    The most striking thing about NELFUND is not the money; it is the method. It does not speak Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, or any of our proud dialects. It speaks something rarer in our public life: equal access. The application process does not pause to admire surnames or interrogate ethnic origin. It does not ask who sent you or who can vouch for you behind closed doors. It asks one central, democratic question: are you a Nigerian youth seeking education and willing to take responsibility for your future?

    That question alone is a quiet revolution.

    In a nation where public intervention is often confused with charity, NELFUND insists on dignity. This is not a handout dressed in benevolence; it is a loan anchored in trust. It assumes that young Nigerians, when given a fair starting point, will rise not as dependents but as partners in national development. It replaces the politics of pity with the economics of possibility. And in doing so, it subtly reshapes the psychology of education, from entitlement to investment.

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    Critics, of course, will ask whether equal opportunity truly exists in a deeply unequal society. It is a fair question. Equal opportunity does not mean equal outcome, and NELFUND makes no such promise. What it offers instead is something more honest: the same starting gate. It does not guarantee arrival; it clears the road. The race remains demanding, but at least the rules are visible, and the whistle is blown for all at the same time.

    There is also something profoundly national about the design. A student in Jalingo fills the same form as one in Surulere. A young woman in Aba submits the same details as a young man in Ogbomoso. No middlemen hover. No informal toll gates appear. The digital window does not recognise accents or skin tone; it responds only to data. In a country accustomed to whispered processes and selective hearing, this plainness feels almost radical.

    Yet, the deeper significance of NELFUND lies beyond administration. It sends a message, subtle but firm; that belonging is not conditional. That you do not need to sound like power to access support. That your background is not a disqualification. In a polity where identity has often been weaponised, this policy offers a counter-narrative: you are Nigerian enough to be considered, full stop.

    This matters for the youth, not just materially but psychologically. When systems are perceived as fair, effort increases. When rules are clear, cynicism weakens. When access is not mediated by tribe or proximity to influence, ambition begins to look inward rather than sideways. The question shifts from “who can help me?” to “how can I prepare myself?” That shift, multiplied across millions, is how nations quietly change course.

    Of course, no policy should be shielded from scrutiny. Transparency must remain non-negotiable. Loan recovery mechanisms must be humane but firm. Financial literacy must accompany access, lest opportunity becomes burden. NELFUND must continually prove that its promise of neutrality is not just aspirational but operational. Vigilance, not applause, is the civic duty of citizens.

    Still, it is important to acknowledge progress when it appears, especially in modest clothing. In a country of many languages, it is refreshing to encounter a policy that speaks fairness fluently. NELFUND may not solve all the structural problems of Nigerian education, but it addresses a foundational one: the exclusion that begins before learning even starts.

    When support no dey ask which village you been come from, hope becomes less complicated. And sometimes, that is exactly where national renewal begins.

    •Ojepe is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Youth Engagement.