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  • How African culture holds back entrepreneurship and growth

    How African culture holds back entrepreneurship and growth

    While respect for and adherence to culture and values are deeply embedded in African society, the tendency for deference and not challenging authority or convention harms entrepreneurship on the Continent, argues African industrialist and founder of diversified investment group, TRT Investments, Adam Molai

    No, it is un-African!” The radio caller’s voice was filled with conviction when asked if a man should consider taking his future wife’s surname – a woman who, as an only child, wished to keep her family name alive.

    This response sparked a lively debate, with most listeners expressing disbelief that an African man would take his wife’s name. This moment of cultural reflection led me to consider how deeply embedded our cultural values are and how, while they imbue a sense of identity and belonging, they can also hold back development and entrepreneurship across Africa.

    Culture and values are undeniably ingrained in the African psyche. Concepts like “Ubuntu” underscore communal life, while respecting elders, centralizing decision-making and refraining from challenging authority are cornerstones across much of Africa. But while these traditions build community and a sense of belonging, they also pose significant obstacles to entrepreneurship.

    How?

    Respecting elders, for example, can stifle the innovative spirit crucial for entrepreneurship. In many African families, young entrepreneurs hesitate to question authority or change direction, especially within family businesses. Challenging the older generation’s decisions might prompt a rebuke of the nature of: “This business paid for your schooling; where do you get off challenging my authority?” Unfortunately, such dynamics discourage the questioning and experimentation vital to business innovation.

    Additionally, the ability to break norms and introduce new approaches – disruption – is a hallmark of successful entrepreneurs. Think of Uber, born from Garrett Camp and Travis Kalanick’s frustration with taxi access in Paris, or Amazon, where Jeff Bezos leveraged the internet to provide affordable books. Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak’s Apple and Bill Gates and Paul Allen’s Microsoft also emerged from their founders’ willingness to question the status quo. These entrepreneurs created global companies and changed the world by challenging and disrupting, not deferring.

    Group decision-making, common in African cultures, can hinder agility and slow down processes. Family businesses, for instance, may expect everyone to contribute, but ultimately, a central figure often decides. This approach limits adaptability – something today’s fast-paced world demands.

    Entrepreneurs need flexibility to respond to threats and seize opportunities, which centralised, group-based decision-making can stifle. Furthermore, embracing new technologies is essential to modern businesses, but many elders are reluctant to adopt innovations, leaving potential untapped.

    Read Also: Tension in Anambra over disappearance of Anglican Archbishop

    From an early age, African children are often taught to respect authority without question. This focus on obedience and submission discourages the critical thinking and boldness essential for entrepreneurship. Innovation is rooted in questioning the status quo, yet cultural norms can see challenges to authority as disrespectful.

    Like many others, I grew up with a strong inclination not to challenge authority. It’s something I had to unlearn, recognising that placing collective interests above an individual’s authority is sometimes necessary. Respect does not mean accepting stagnation or refusing to ask why things are done the way they were decades ago.

    If they wish to be successful, African entrepreneurs must confront the elephant in the room: culture. While tradition brings value and a sense of identity, it can restrict growth. Entrepreneurs need to find ways to innovate within the cultural framework; otherwise, their ideas may fail to resonate. Solutions that respect cultural contexts can gain acceptance more easily than radical changes.

    Managing change wisely can also help break down cultural barriers. Rather than merely focusing on the need for change, promoting the benefits of new approaches may encourage acceptance.

    Entrepreneurs must also learn to compartmentalize, separating culture and spirituality from business imperatives. Personally, I experienced this challenge when operating in the tobacco industry. It went against my spiritual upbringing, but I reminded religious leaders that while I respected their beliefs, my business decisions required a pragmatic approach.

    In the end, success often demands that we navigate, sometimes subvert, cultural limitations. African entrepreneurs must be willing to question traditions and even challenge deeply-ingrained cultural norms if they are to thrive and drive progress on the Continent.

  • Osun 2026: Crossroads and consequences (1)

    Osun 2026: Crossroads and consequences (1)

    My experience as a Branch Internal Auditor in a now-consolidated commercial bank during the 2000s taught me the importance of accountability and oversight in institutions. In this role, I identified exceptions, assessed their impact, and recommended corrective actions. This skillset has since informed my understanding of the need for transparency and accountability in governance and political institutions. 

    Akinwumi  Olojo, my former Line Boss and the bank’s Chief International Auditor, would often remind us that a governor paying salaries is merely fulfilling his contractual obligation to the electorate. “Thanking him for doing his job,” he’d say, “is akin to praising a student for attending school.”

    At a time like this, Olojo’s aphorism, “Delayed or defaulted salaries are symptoms of institutional distress”, readily comes to mind. This adage underscores the critical role Internal Auditors play in ensuring organizational accountability, efficiency and good governance. In the context of democratic governance, this principle is equally applicable – and perhaps even more crucial. Well, I will come back to that later! 

    That said, it is no longer news that, after a clutch of off-cycle gubernatorial elections, the 2026 contest in Osun State looms large. Anambra State, of course, looms in-between. The issues in Osun, coming so close to the 2027 general elections, will test the waters as to the wind and the political current on the road to the presidential election a year later.

    Obviously, Osun is currently in a state of political flux! It is at the moment with no defining or dominant political headwind and all eyes can see it! The All Progressives Congress (APC), the main opposition party, is still reeling from its unexpected loss in the governorship election two years ago. Indeed, it is difficult to define the party since it is hardly portraying itself as a cohesive, effective opposition. It’s a classic case of ‘when the going gets tough, the tough get going’ – but in this case, Osun APC seems to be stuck in neutral. It’s also a case of ‘better the devil you know’ – but in this case, the devil is reveling in the trappings of power and further tightening its grip on the state.

    Unless Osun APC can offer a compelling alternative to the current arrangement that has become conveniently mired in the miasma of ‘Owambe’, the state’s anomie will likely worsen. This could lead to a low voter turnout in 2026, which might not be surprising because, even Ondo State with heightened political activities had a voter turnout of an unacceptable 27%. This scenario goes against the grain of the typical Yoruba values of enlightened self-interest and the use of politics as an avenue to push the progressive agenda associated with the quest to make ‘life more abundant.’ 

    The trouble with July 16, 2022 was that those who were gifted with testing the temperature of the turmoil and the tumult of the issues plaguing the then ruling party chose not to wake up from their slumber while those who claimed to have been surrounded by the vibrant green of nature and the singing of birds simply went back to sleep. Somewhere, somehow, Osun APC lost the plot and it was as if the gods were angry!

    With 2026 fast approaching, Osun APC needs to decide on zoning for its 2026 governorship candidate to avoid a chaotic primary election. If not managed carefully, this could lead to severe electoral consequences. With the PDP likely to present a unified front, leveraging incumbency power, APC will be at a disadvantage. For his own good, the candidate must be a unifier and must be experienced. This time, the party must also be expansive and avoid premature triumphalism. After all, it’s precisely the absence of expansiveness and the shedding of the spirit of accommodation that led to PDP’s victory in 2022.

    Read Also: Osun NSCDC nabs four men for alleged rape of minors

    Tajudeen Lawal is the state APC chairman. He is optimistic about the party’s chances in the 2026 election. He believes the current administration’s poor performance has created an opportunity for APC to succeed. The prince from Ile-Ife, Osun State, is confident that Osun APC, on his watch, is resilient and well-equipped to withstand any anti-democratic forces that may try to undermine it, just as it did during the 2022 governorship election.

    According to Bola Oyebamiji, former Osun State Commissioner for Finance and current Managing Director of the Federal Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA), Osun APC must “deploy strategies and synergize” to win the 2026 election. He advises the party to “conduct a SWOT analysis of its strengths and weaknesses in the 2018 and 2022 elections.” 

    Oyebamiji expresses confidence in the party’s solidity and leadership, stating that, if the party continues to improve, it will win in 2026. He also assures that APC is ready to contest and win the forthcoming local government elections, despite the state’s election umpire being perceived as biased towards the government.

    Babajide Omoworare, a former Senator, believes that APC should be more of “ko ara re s’ihin”, not “ko ara re s’ohun” – that, “beyond punishing errant party members, it must oil its mediatory and conciliatory machinery and work as a team.” He also notes that the party’s current reward system, which is flawed and unfair, must be reviewed to accommodate clarity, transparency and justice. “Monkeys should not be working while baboons are eating.” Omoworare emphasizes that politics and electioneering require strategic planning and attention to detail. He also urges the party “to decide whether to focus on zoning positions or winning elections.”

    Dotun Babayemi is confident that Osun APC is on the right track, citing the party’s current unity of purpose and concerted effort as a significant strength. He cites the outcomes of the recently concluded governorship elections in Edo and Ondo States as evidence of the party’s influence and leadership efforts at all levels. He notes that the party is strongly represented in all local governments across the state, and areas of concern are being addressed. With the 2026 election on the horizon, Babayemi is confident that APC will emerge victorious.

    Olalekan Badmus, the former Osun State Commissioner for Regional Integration and Special Duties, and current Executive Director, Marine and Operations at the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), is confident about the party’s chances in 2026. According to him, APC is actively working to return to power, with regular weekly meetings across wards, local governments and the state executive committee. Badmus notes that the party’s Apex Leader’s mentees are giving back to society and benefiting party members. “The party is also consulting widely to regain its winning momentum, and attracting political heavyweights to boost its chances, and the Elders’ Council is ready to intervene when needed.

    Great party, good promises! However, it’s worth noting that winning elections demands a profound understanding of the complexities of power, the nuances of human nature and the unpredictable dynamics of the political landscape. In the game of politics, promises are merely the currency of persuasion, but it’s the ability to deliver, to adapt, and to evolve that ultimately determines success.

    In the spirit of unvarnished candor, which is the oxygen that sustains the flame of true democracy, it’s time for Osun APC to strip away the politics and confront the realities! It’s time to tap into new opportunities, refresh its vision, re-energize its grassroots connections, and regain its relevance among the electorate. By doing so, the party will turn its current challenges into opportunities for growth, emerging stronger, more united, and more focused.

    • To be concluded.
  • Transforming Nigeria’s economic landscape: Leveraging Tinubu’s tax reform for sustainable growth in digital age

    Transforming Nigeria’s economic landscape: Leveraging Tinubu’s tax reform for sustainable growth in digital age

    • By Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

    Nigeria stands at a crucial juncture in its economic development journey, grappling with the challenges of regional divide, opposition from key stakeholders, and the need for comprehensive tax reforms to propel growth and sustainability in the digital age. Against this backdrop, the proposed Tax Reform by Bola Tinubu presents a unique opportunity to revitalize Nigeria’s economy, foster competitiveness, and drive innovation. This article delves into the potential benefits of the tax reform, explores examples from global North nations, and offers recommendations for maximizing its impact on businesses, individuals, and overall economic development in Nigeria.

    Firstly, the proposal of Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill marks a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s fiscal landscape, with its proactive and bold approach towards restructuring the country’s financial framework. In comparison to past fiscal legislation, such as Gowon’s Decree 15 of 1967, which significantly altered the fiscal identity of the country, and Ironsi’s Decree 34 of 1966, Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill stands out as a paradigm-shifting initiative credited to Tinubu. This transformative legislation not only signifies a departure from traditional fiscal policies but also paves the way for sustainable economic development and growth in Nigeria. By embracing this statement, we can delve deeper into the potential of tax reform to enhance economic stability and advance the country’s path towards sustained prosperity.

    Intriguingly, Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill is a groundbreaking piece of legislation that has the potential to transform Nigeria’s economy and drive sustainable development. By implementing bold and proactive measures, this reform seeks to address longstanding fiscal challenges and create a more conducive environment for business growth and investment.

    One of the key aspects of this reform is its focus on simplifying the tax system and making it more efficient and transparent. By streamlining tax processes and eliminating unnecessary bureaucracy, businesses will be able to operate more effectively and contribute to the country’s economic development.

    Furthermore, this reform aims to promote fiscal responsibility and accountability, ensuring that government revenue is used efficiently and effectively for the benefit of all Nigerians. By improving tax collection and enforcement mechanisms, the government will be able to fund important infrastructure projects and social programs that are essential for sustainable development.

    It is important to recognize the significance of Tinubu’s leadership in driving this initiative forward. His vision and commitment to reforming Nigeria’s tax system have been instrumental in pushing this legislation through and setting the country on a new path towards economic prosperity.

    Essentially, Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill represents a paradigm shift in Nigeria’s fiscal landscape and has the potential to unlock new opportunities for growth and development. By embracing this legislation and supporting its implementation, Nigeria can pave the way for a more sustainable and prosperous future for all its citizens.

    The questions then arise, how does Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill pave the way for a transformative change in Nigeria’s fiscal system, comparable to the impact of Gowon’s Decree 15 of 1967, and how does it differ from Ironsi’s Decree 34 of 1966, especially in the context of the rapidly evolving digital age? This bold and proactive legislation, credited to Tinubu, may well be the catalyst needed to drive economic development and sustainability in Nigeria for years to come.

    Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill stands out as a proactive and bold move that has the potential to revolutionize Nigeria’s fiscal policies and pave the way for sustainable economic development. Comparing this bill to previous fiscal legislation, such as Gowon’s Decree 15 of 1967 and Ironsi’s Decree 34 of 1966, sheds light on the transformative nature of this new proposed reform, especially in the context of the digital age.

    Gowon’s Decree 15 of 1967 significantly altered Nigeria’s fiscal identity by introducing centralized control over fiscal policies, which had a lasting impact on the country’s economic landscape. This decree aimed to streamline taxation and revenue collection, but it lacked the foresight to adapt to changing global economic trends and technological advancements.

    Ironsi’s Decree 34 of 1966, on the other hand, sought to unify Nigeria’s tax system under a single national tax authority. While this was a step towards simplifying tax administration, it failed to address the complexities of a rapidly evolving economy and the challenges posed by the digital age.

    In contrast, Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill takes a more proactive and forward-thinking approach by embracing digital innovation and leveraging technology to enhance tax compliance and revenue generation. By incorporating digital platforms and data analytics into the tax system, this reform has the potential to improve transparency, efficiency, and accountability in fiscal management.

    Moreover, the emphasis on sustainability in Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill underscores the commitment to long-term economic growth and development. By promoting a more equitable and inclusive tax system, this legislation aims to create a favourable environment for businesses to thrive and contribute to the country’s overall prosperity.

    Essentially, Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill represents a paradigm shift in Nigeria’s fiscal policies, offering a promising path towards economic advancement in the digital age. Embracing this reform will not only modernize the tax system but also lay the foundation for a more resilient and sustainable economy in the years to come.

    Read Also: League of northern democrats sets up expert panel to review tax reform bills

    Additionally, in what ways could the implementation of Tinubu’s Tax Reform enhance the resilience and strength of Nigeria’s economy, bridging regional divides and overcoming potential opposition from governors in certain northern states of the country? Despite the challenges posed by this dichotomy, could the comprehensive vision of this tax reform ultimately lead to a more unified and prosperous economic future for Nigeria as a whole?

    Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill has the potential to benefit the robustness of Nigeria’s economy by promoting a more efficient and equitable tax system that bridges regional divides and fosters economic growth nationwide. Despite the opposition from some northern states’ governors, the implementation of this reform could have several positive impacts on the economy as a whole:

    1. Increased Revenue Generation: By modernizing the tax system and leveraging digital tools for better compliance and enforcement, the Tax Reform Bill can lead to increased revenue collection. This additional revenue can be used to fund infrastructure projects, social programs, and other initiatives that benefit all regions of Nigeria.

    2. Enhanced Investment Climate: A more transparent and efficient tax regime can boost investor confidence and attract both domestic and foreign investments. This influx of capital can stimulate economic activity, create jobs, and drive growth across the country, regardless of regional divides.

    3. Improved Resource Allocation: A fair and effective tax system ensures that resources are allocated efficiently, benefiting all regions of Nigeria. By closing loopholes and reducing tax evasion, the government can allocate funds where they are most needed, addressing development disparities between regions and promoting overall economic stability.

    4. Sustainable Development: The emphasis on sustainability in the Tax Reform Bill underscores the importance of long-term economic planning and environmental conservation. By promoting sustainable practices and incorporating green incentives into the tax system, the reform can drive environmentally friendly growth that benefits all regions of the country.

    5. Social Inclusivity: A more equitable tax system that considers the needs of all citizens, regardless of their geographic location, promotes social inclusivity and reduces inequalities. This can lead to improved social cohesion and stability, fostering a conducive environment for economic development nationwide.

    Coherently, despite the opposition from some northern states’ governors, the implementation of Tinubu’s Tax Reform Bill has the potential to benefit the robustness of Nigeria’s economy by promoting sustainable growth, enhancing investment climate, and ensuring equitable resource allocation across regions. By bridging regional divides and fostering economic development nationwide, the reform can pave the way for a more prosperous and inclusive future for all citizens of Nigeria.

    Let’s consider examples of comparable tax reforms in the Global North and how these initiatives have affected businesses and individual citizens in those nations. By examining the experiences of other countries, what insights can be gleaned to anticipate the potential outcomes and implications of Tinubu’s Tax Reform in Nigeria?

    One notable example of tax reform from a Global North nation is the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) passed in the United States in 2017. The TCJA was a comprehensive overhaul of the U.S. tax system, aiming to simplify tax payments, stimulate economic growth, and make the U.S. more competitive globally. The reform reduced corporate tax rates, introduced new deductions for businesses, and simplified individual tax brackets.

    The impact of the TCJA on businesses and individual citizens in the U.S. has been significant. Here are some key effects:

    1. Businesses:

    I. Lower corporate tax rates (from 35% to 21%) have boosted corporate profits and incentivized investment in the U.S.

    II. The introduction of bonus depreciation and enhanced expensing provisions has encouraged businesses to invest in new equipment and technology.

    III. The repatriation tax holiday allowed U.S. multinational corporations to bring back foreign earnings at a reduced tax rate, leading to increased investments and stock buybacks.

    2. Individual Citizens:

    I. Many individual taxpayers saw a reduction in their tax liability due to lower tax rates and increased standard deductions.

    II. Some deductions and credits were modified or eliminated, impacting taxpayers differently based on their specific circumstances.

    III. The TCJA also repealed the Affordable Care Act’s mandate, which required most Americans to have health insurance, potentially impacting healthcare coverage and costs for citizens.

    Overall, the TCJA has had a mixed impact on businesses and individual citizens in the U.S. While it provided tax relief for many businesses and individuals, it also faced criticism for disproportionately benefiting the wealthy and adding to the national debt.

    In analyzing the impact of similar tax reform in Global North nations like the U.S., it is essential to consider the specific context, goals, and socioeconomic conditions of each country. Lessons learned from such reforms can be valuable for Nigeria and other countries seeking to implement tax reforms that promote economic growth, equity, and sustainability.

    How can we strategically advance Tinubu’s Tax Reform to include credible value additions that enhance competitiveness for businesses? By ensuring seamless economic operations and leveraging the dividends of democracy, how can Nigeria strengthen its path to long-term economic development and sustainability in the digital age?

    To move forward with Tinubu’s Tax Reform and enhance its value propositions for businesses, promote competitiveness, and ensure economic sustainability in Nigeria’s digital age, the following recommendations can be considered:

    1. Enhance Digital Infrastructure: Invest in improving digital infrastructure and connectivity to support businesses’ transition to digital operations. This includes expanding broadband access, promoting digital literacy, and establishing secure digital payment systems.

    2. Simplify Tax Processes: Streamline tax compliance processes and provide educational resources to help businesses understand and adhere to tax regulations effectively. Implement technology-driven solutions such as online tax filing platforms to make compliance easier for businesses.

    3. Incentivize Innovation: Offer tax incentives for businesses that invest in research and development, innovation, and technology adoption. Encourage the adoption of emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, blockchain, and data analytics to drive efficiency and competitiveness.

    4. Support Startup Ecosystem: Create a conducive environment for startups and small businesses by offering tax breaks, funding opportunities, and mentorship programs. Foster innovation and entrepreneurship to drive economic growth and job creation.

    5. Promote Skills Development: Invest in workforce training programs to equip individuals with digital skills and expertise needed for the evolving digital economy. Ensure that the workforce is prepared for the demands of the digital age to support businesses’ growth and competitiveness.

    6. Implement Data Privacy Regulations: Enact data protection laws and regulations to safeguard businesses and consumers’ data privacy rights. Ensure compliance with global data privacy standards to build trust and credibility in the digital marketplace.

    7. Encourage Foreign Investment: Offer tax incentives and policies that attract foreign investors to Nigeria’s digital economy. Create a business-friendly environment that fosters foreign direct investment and enhances the country’s competitiveness on the global stage.

    8. Monitor and Evaluate Impact: Establish mechanisms to monitor the implementation and impact of the tax reform on businesses, economic development, and sustainability. Regularly assess the effectiveness of the reform measures and make necessary adjustments to optimize outcomes.

    By implementing these recommendations and leveraging the opportunities presented by the digital age, Nigeria can strengthen its path to economic development and sustainability, create competitive advantages for businesses, and deliver dividends of democracy through Tinubu’s Tax Reform.

    In conclusion, the Tax Reform proposed by Bola Tinubu holds immense potential to reshape Nigeria’s economic landscape, bridge regional divides, and usher in a new era of growth and sustainability. By leveraging digital technologies, incentivizing innovation, and fostering a supportive business environment, the reform can create competitive advantages, empower businesses, and drive economic development. Stakeholders must rally behind the reform, address opposition through dialogue and collaboration, and diligently implement the recommended strategies to unlock the full benefits of the reform for Nigeria’s prosperity in the digital age. Embracing change, fostering innovation, and ensuring inclusivity will be pivotal in realizing the dividends of democracy and strengthening the path to economic development and sustainability in Nigeria.

  • How Modi transformed India-Africa engagement

    How Modi transformed India-Africa engagement

    • By Sanjay Singh

    It was a moment of great pride for India when the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, conferred Nigeria’s highest civilian award, the ‘Grand Commander of the Order of Niger’, on Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This honour recognised Modi’s statesmanship and significant contributions to fostering ties between the two countries through his visionary leadership.

    Two aspects of this recognition stand out. Firstly, Modi is the first foreign leader to receive this award since 1969. Secondly, this accolade underscores India’s emergence as a global powerhouse, highlighting the trust and recognition Modi has gained for his commitment to the Global South. The only other foreign dignitary to receive this honour was Queen Elizabeth, shortly after Nigeria gained independence.

    The G20 Invitation

    One of the most cherished moments during India’s hosting of the G20 summit in September last year was Prime Minister Modi’s invitation for the African Union, represented by Chairperson Azali Assoumani, to join the G20 as a permanent member. The African Union, comprising 55 member states, now holds the same status as the European Union—the only other regional bloc with full membership. This move symbolised India’s dedication to fostering inclusive global governance and amplifying Africa’s voice on the world stage.

    India’s relationship with African nations has deep roots, but despite decades of diplomatic rhetoric, these ties often remained lukewarm. To Modi’s credit, he has revitalised India-Africa relations, making them a priority and pursuing multi-dimensional partnerships. Many view this as India’s strategic response to China’s growing influence in the region.

    Modi has ushered in a new era of multilateralism by bringing the concerns of the Global South into the mainstream international discourse. His approach reflects a commitment to ensuring that developing nations have a say in shaping the global narrative. To an external observer, it appears that Modi has personalised diplomacy while keeping India’s national interests paramount.

    An Old Association

    Modi’s interest in Africa predates his tenure as Prime Minister. Before 2014, as Chief Minister of Gujarat, Modi initiated efforts to engage with African nations. While the Gujarati community has long-standing ties with Africa, official engagement between Gujarat and African countries had been minimal. In 2009, Modi visited Uganda to invite investors to the Vibrant Gujarat Global Investors Summit. In 2011, he hosted Rwanda’s Prime Minister, Bernard Makuza, at the summit, fostering investment alliances that laid the groundwork for deeper bilateral relations. These connections have strengthened further during Modi’s time as Prime Minister as his government expanded its foreign policy initiatives.

    Consider the following milestones that have bolstered India’s relations with Africa under Modi’s leadership:

    In 2015, India hosted the 3rd India-Africa Forum Summit in New Delhi, which saw participation from African nations increase more than fourfold, signalling a shift towards deeper and more comprehensive engagement.

    During the COVID-19 pandemic, India’s unwavering support reinforced its “first responder” philosophy, supplying vaccines and essential medical supplies to at least 25 African nations.

    In 2022, former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga expressed his gratitude to Modi, sharing how Ayurveda restored his daughter’s eyesight. Odinga even encouraged Modi to bring Ayurveda to Africa, suggesting it could harness indigenous plants for therapeutic use and benefit countless people.

    Read Also: Modi’s visit: Nigeria should expect more investment from India, says official

    Over the past decade, India has significantly boosted its development partnership with Africa, investing over $12.37 billion in 206 infrastructure projects across 43 African countries.

    Nearly 40,000 Africans have received training in India through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) program over the last 10 years.

    India launched the second phase of its tele-education and telemedicine project, and since 2019, more than 15,000 youth from 22 African countries have received scholarships for various technical degree and diploma courses.

    For many Indians, their understanding of Africa is rooted in its connection with Mahatma Gandhi. While Gandhi laid the philosophical foundation for India-Africa solidarity, some argue that Modi has transformed that vision into actionable, impactful policies, making it a cornerstone of India’s global strategy.

    •           This article was first published in www.ndtv.com
  • Tax Reform Bills: Separating fiction from facts

    Tax Reform Bills: Separating fiction from facts

    By Abdulrahman Yusuf Muhammad

    On October 3, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu transmitted the tax reform bills to the National Assembly for consideration and passage into law. The bills, a product of months of work by the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reform seek to significantly reform the Nigerian tax landscape, eliminate multiple taxes, simplify tax compliance, foster the ease of doing business and improve efficiency in tax administration in Nigeria.

    The four bills under the tax reform bills are; the Nigerian Tax Bill, the Nigerian Tax Administration Bill, the Nigerian Revenue Service Bill and the Joint Revenue Board Bill.

    The Nigerian Tax Bill seeks to consolidate all taxes within the providence of the federal government which were previously administered under the separate tax laws into one piece of legislation. In doing so the bill proposes to repeal 11 tax laws and one subsidiary legislation and amend 13 tax laws and two subsidiary legislations.

    If passed into law, the Nigerian Tax Bill will usher a significant change to the tax rate for various classes of taxes. Income taxes for both individuals and companies will witness a significant reduction. The threshold for income tax liability has now been increased to N800,000 per annum as opposed to the present N300,000 per annum. In the same vein, the turnover threshold for small companies for income tax liability has been increased to N50 million. Thus, companies with a turnover of N50 million are exempted from paying income tax. Under the extant tax regime, the minimum threshold is N25 million. Also, the company’s income tax rate will regress gradually from the present 30% to 27.5% in 2025 to end at 25% by 2026. 

    The Nigerian Tax Bill seeks to eliminate certain special deductions such as the NITDA levy, the NASENI Levy and the TETFUND Tax and consolidate them into a single Development Levy. Equally, the bill proposes to make changes to the VAT rate, VAT sharing formula among the tiers of government and even attribution for the purpose of derivation, the VAT rate will witness a progressive increase from the current 7.5% to 10% then 12.5% in 2025 and 2026 respectively to then culminate at 15% in 2030 in line with ECOWAS recommendation for VAT rates for member states. The VAT sharing formula among the tiers of government which used to be 15%, 50% and 35% to the federal, state and local governments respectively will now change to 10% to the federal government, 55% to the state governments and 35% to the local government. Under section 40 of the extant VAT Act, 20% of the VAT generated is shared based on derivation 50% based on equality and 20% based on population. The new model proposes that 60% will be shared based on derivation.

    Read Also: BPP unveils framework to professionalize procurement in Nigeria

    Even before the transmission of the bills to the National Assembly, the bills have suffered stiff opposition. First, the National Economic Council (NEC) chaired by the vice president advised the president to withdraw the bills and engage in wider consultation. Then the Northern Governors Forum in a terse statement opposed the bills claiming that the bills if passed into law would put the North at a disadvantage. The forum then called for wider consultations on the bills. Other socio-political organisations have raised their voices against the tax reform bills. It is surprising that neither the National Economic Council, the Northern Governors Forum nor other opponents of the bill have advanced plausible and constructive reasons for opposing the tax reform bills. Judging however from all the statements that have been issued, the key problem is on the VAT reform.

    The grouse of the opponents of the bill is anchored on the VAT sharing formula under the bill which prescribes that 60% of VAT generated shall be shared based on the derivation as provided under section 77 of the Nigerian Tax Administration Bill. The opponents of the bill have heavily objected to this provision of the bill because the 60% derivation is believed to be skewed for the benefit of Lagos which is the major contributor to the VAT pool. For example, data from the National Bureau of Statistics showed that Lagos State’s contribution to the VAT pool in August is a humungous 56% of the VAT generated. By this argument, Lagos State will be entitled to take a significant chunk of the VAT generated in the VAT pool. By the time Lagos State takes its deep bite into the VAT pool on account of derivation. The remaining 36 states including the FCT will be left with crumbs and peanuts when what is left in the VAT pool is shared among the remaining states.

    But this argument could have been true if derivation is considered under the extant dispensation, where derivation is attributed to the location where the VAT return was filed and not the actual location where the VATABLE supply is consumed. It is because of the operation of the present model that Lagos State gets the highest VAT contribution because a good number of the major companies in Nigeria are headquartered in Lagos and their VAT returns are filed centrally through Lagos State regardless of the place of actual consumption of the VATABLE supply.     

    However, the conclusion of the opponents of the VAT reform is incorrect. Under the new derivation model, VAT derivation will be attributed to where the VATABLE supply is consumed. Section 22 (12) of the Nigerian Tax Administration Bill provides that for attribution; “all VAT returns shall provide details of derivation of taxable supplies by location in a manner prescribed by the service.”

    It is clear from this provision of the Tax Administration Bill that regardless of where the VAT return is made, for the purpose of derivation, attribution will be to the location of consumption of the VATABLE supply. Thus, states will now enjoy all VAT paid in their location returned to the state where the VATABLE supplied was consumed.

    The only way to understand whether the proposed sharing formula under the tax reform bills is to the disadvantage of other states is to gather the data of the actual VAT consumption of all the states in the country and do a mock distribution using the proposed formula, compare with what the states are receiving under the present sharing formula. It is only through this comparative analysis that states can ascertain whether they would be better off or worse off under the old mode and vice versa. Anything short of this can only be bogus and baseless.

    While the opponents of the bills especially the governors of the northern states have concentrated their attention on the VAT reform, my candid view is that the area of great worry and concern to the northern governors and indeed other states should be the income tax reform which has the effect of taking out a good number of eligible income taxpayers from the personal income tax net. This will significantly reduce the revenue generated by non-commercially viable states that are mostly populated by salary earners whose salary/income is below the threshold for personal income tax liability under the Nigerian Tax Bill. States in this category will lose the revenue once generated from the personal income tax stream.

    A community review of the tax bills submitted to the National Assembly indicates that the positives of the bills outweigh the negatives and any perceived shortcomings. Especially considering thus far no constructive criticism has been proffered to highlight any shortcomings in the bill.  The federal government must however soften its pedals on the bills given that many states have raised concerns regarding the bill. It is better to take a strategic pause to address any genuine misgivings about the bills to obtain the buy-in of all the stakeholders for the interest of the effective implementation of the bill than to proceed with a hurry that may derail all the positives that the bill may yield in the politics that may play out in the process of passing the bill into law.    

    •Yusuf, ACArb, ACTI writes from Kano.

  • Is Nigeria really into serious sports development?

    Is Nigeria really into serious sports development?

    By Andrew A. Erakhrumen

    Organised sporting activities tend to mimic some real life occurrences and human responses, or is it the reverse? Sports mean different things, occupy different spaces and serve different purposes, in different person’s life and living.

    The last Olympic Games in Paris, France, had its opening and closing ceremonies on July 26 and August 11, respectively. The contingent that represented Nigeria at the Games was unable to bring home a medal! Not a medal was won at Paris! One may not win, sometimes; that is sport for you! When you win, do enjoy the associated good and work harder to stay atop but if it does not go as planned, return to the drawing board! That is the way to go!

    Certainly, we wanted medals for our athletes but became unhappy when undue pressure was mounted on some of them at the Games. This is because we were not oblivious of some negative undercurrents that might have eventually contributed to the shoddy outing at the Games.

    In this light, sport enthusiasts and pundits opined that Nigeria went on usual jamboree to squander about N12billion on a fruitless project! In the midst of the hullabaloo caused by the alleged unproductiveness, the-then minister of sports and youth development, Senator John Owan Enoh, set up a seven-member investigative committee to address “…..the organisational failures that affected the country’s athletes at the 2024 Paris Olympics….. [leading] to the omission of Favour Ofili at the 100-metre event for Nigeria [and]…..Ese Ukpeseraye, who had to borrow a bike from her German counterparts to represent Nigeria in a cycling event.”

    Giving its report, the committee believes that it is “…..very mindful not to WRONGLY INDICT anyone on the basis of conflicting inconclusive evidence”. Therefore, it states, based on “conclusive evidence…..that the Secretary General of the Athletics Federation of Nigeria (AFN), Rita Mosindi, was NEGLIGENT in her duty of communicating to the Ministry of Sports Development and the Nigeria Olympic Committee information about Favour Ofili’s event status in a reliable and timely manner. [Consequently,] Mosindi should be PENALISED by the appropriate authority…..”

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    Furthermore, “…..conclusive evidence also revealed that the Technical Director of AFN, Samuel Onikeku, demonstrated POOR JUDGEMENT by not reporting nor acting on the information about the non-registration of his own athlete, Favour Ofili, for the women’s 100 metres event when he first got a “hint” of the “rumour”.  Ofili’s situation might have been rescued if the Technical Director had reported or acted immediately on the information that he received. [Thus,] Onikeku should be SANCTIONED by the Board of which he is a member…..[Hence,] AFN by vicarious implication should pay the athlete, Favour Ofili, a symbolic compensation of N8million only (about $5,000) for the disappointment and depression that she suffered on account of her omission from the women’s 100 metres event…..[whereas] the cyclist, Ese Ukpeseraye, should write a FORMAL APOLOGY to the Nigeria Cycling Federation (NCF) for the embarrassment that she caused the Federation and the Nigerian contingent to the Paris 2024 Olympic Games on account of the unauthorised post that she made on social media X (Formerly Twitter) about the bicycle that she used for the cycling track event at the Olympics…..”

    Other findings and recommendations exist in that Olympics investigation committee’s report under reference. We have heard similar things in the past! The above-mentioned unfortunate events and names were merely used as a metaphor in describing some of the rottenness in Nigeria’s sport sector!

     Well now, is it not sensible for a serious country to have started preparations for 2028 Los Angeles Olympics? Nigeria is noted for its expertise in “fire brigade” approach to almost everything! Why, then, should we be wondering that things kept nose-diving for the country? Success does not just happen without diligence but if it does by happenstance, surely it is almost always unsustainable! There are examples in aspects of our national life!

    Like it is commonly said: failing to plan is tantamount to planning to fail! We remember the 1980s/1990s when athletes from Caribbean countries like Jamaica, the Bahamas, Trinidad & Tobago, were giving established and famous athletes that included those from countries like (East) Germany, USA, USSR, etc., a run for their money on the tracks. Those “unknown” countries in athletics were collectively perceived, then, as a flash in the pan! What an absolute incorrectness because by the late 1990s/early 2000s, some phenomena not seen coming emerged from Jamaica on the sprinting tracks! One of these sprinters is Usain St. Leo Bolt (Usain Bolt). Note: this opinion should not be perceived as an attempt at disrespecting other great athletes, too numerous to mention, such as Jesse Owens (1913–1980), Florence Griffith Joyner (1959–1998), Carl Lewis, Innocent Egbunike, Sunday Bada (1969–2011) Chioma Ajunwa, just to mention a few. Rather, it is to stress the value of sound planning, focus and consistency in sports – by forward-thinking people.

    All the mentioned and unmentioned athletes in this article are doubtlessly great in their various ways. They all have track records; for example, by examining the earlier races Usain Bolt participated in, one should observe that it was not by chance that, after a disappointing showing at the 2004 Athens Olympics owing to injury, he was able to later break the 100m sprint world record (WR) setting a new one of 9.72 seconds at a Grand Prix meet in New York in 2008. The WR (before Bolt’s 9.72 seconds) was 9.74 seconds held by Asafa Powell (also a Jamaican). At the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, Bolt went ahead to break his WR (of 9.72 seconds) to set a new one of 9.69 seconds, winning gold in the 100m finals.

    On August 16, 2009, Usain Bolt, at the World Athletics Championships (WAC) in Berlin, again, broke his 9.69 seconds WR in 100m sprint by 0.11 seconds, to set another with a time of 9.58 seconds; a WR that has not been broken as at the time of writing this piece!

    The following were some of the spoken words by ecstatic commentators on that day: “….. 9.58! Smashing the world record! Unbelievable! He’s done it again a year later rewriting the world record again! That’s the most incredible piece of sprinting the world has ever seen! Absolutely breath-taking! He didn’t just break his world record, he absolutely shattered it! Is there anything this man is not capable of? We’ve just seen something that’s just remarkable…..”

    Bolt also set two other, yet unbroken, WRs of: 19.19 seconds in 200m at the same 2009 WAC in Berlin and 36.84 seconds in men’s 4x100m relay done with Nesta Carter, Michael Frater and Yohan Blake at the 2012 London Olympic Games. This piece is not only about athletes’ feats but to also remind people about the importance of encouraging needed support for, and excellence in, sports.

    Today, it is clear that Jamaica is a force to reckon with in track and field events. Their achievements there have not been by wishful thinking! They worked hard, were focused and gave support to athletes. In the just concluded 2024 Paris Olympic Games, it took a dramatic photo finish to determine the gold medallist in the 100m men’s final between USA’s Noah Lyles (9.784 seconds) and Jamaica’s Kishane Thompson (9.789 seconds). Lyles took the victory by 0.005 seconds! Fred Kerley won bronze in 9.81 seconds! Thompson is a Jamaican to watch out for on the tracks.

    All we have been talking about, here, are historical events. We expect those events to be learnt from and encourage stakeholders in Nigeria’s sports development toward excellence. History is always readily available to teach serious learners on how to avoid pitfalls of the past but can also brutally punish people by repeating its negative forms if not learnt from! A word is enough for the wise on the foregoing.

    • Prof. Erakhrumen teaches at the University of Benin.

  • Gambari at 80: A modest proposal

    Gambari at 80: A modest proposal

    By Wale Adebanwi

    As we patiently waited with others for the elevator to arrive on the ground floor of the Nigerian Mission to the United Nations in New York on a September morning (only one of the elevators was working!), a few people who recognized him seemed to gasp as they realized that such an eminent global citizen and former head of the Mission was standing there unassumingly. That was Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, global diplomat, statesman, retired professor of International Relations, ex-Under Secretary-General (Political) of the United Nations, ex-External Affairs Minister, ex-Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, immediate past Chief of Staff to the President, Ilorin prince, gentleman extraordinaire, and one of the humblest (global) eminent persons you will ever encounter.

    We were at the Nigerian Mission House on Kudirat Abiola Corner, Second Avenue, New York, last September, the week preceding the United Nations General Assembly, to inquire about connecting with two visiting African heads of state. More precisely, Professor Gambari was with me at the Nigerian Mission to help facilitate an invitation for the two African leaders to visit my university. Since he left the Mission in late 1999, he had avoided, as much as possible, causing a distraction by visiting the imposing Mission house. But he did so that day for my sake. That’s the measure of the man. He would often go to any length to help anyone who needed his help. And he would do so as elegantly, smoothly, or inconspicuously as the occasion demanded. Indeed, Gambari’s modesty is legendary.

    Though the underlying aim of this tribute is to ask that the tireless, peripatetic, and newly minted octogenarian, who celebrated his 80th on November 24, be put to further service, I would like to place my personal experience of the life and times of this immensely considerate man in some context to not only re-emphasize his global eminence but also to underscore his good-nature and generosity of spirit. Indeed, much more can be added to the glowing tributes already rendered. Yet, there is no need to repeat what they eloquently attested to in a late tribute as this. Still, it is necessary to contextualize the present request that comes in the guise of a tribute.

    Gambari’s accomplishments have already been exhibited, acknowledged, celebrated, and catalogued by the United Nations, African Union, and ECOWAS, and in Nigeria, South Africa, Myanmar, Sudan, etc. And he continues to be honoured for his contributions to global peace and security. Indeed, Gambari brought a calm intensity to the meticulous and often veiled art of diplomacy and international relations. As he worked in the halls of the United Nations and presidential palaces around the world, negotiating complicated or convoluted deals either with probable or improbable leaders, some of them wily and cruelly recalcitrant (like General Sani Abacha, the Myanmar Generals, and the ex-Sudanese dictator, Omar al-Bashir), some graceful or gracefully detached, and some others haughtily imperious or dismissive  (like Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice), what he brought to bear on his multi-various tasks was not only deep knowledge and diplomatic savvy, but also personal convictions and refinement. He was not only part of that golden era of Nigeria’s foreign policy making and implementation when the nation, despite being under the reign of soldiers, exerted itself in the sub-region, the continent, and the world at large, but he also translated and effectively deployed his experience when he joined the United Nations. Even in periods that were not his finest moments, such as defending Nigeria in the global forum under the homicidal regime of General Abacha, he tried not to be an obnoxious reflection of the despicable general he was representing.

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    Over the last three decades, I have witnessed the respect he has attracted in his personal and professional life. For instance, when President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration replaced him as the Head of Nigeria’s Mission at the United Nations in late 1999, I was in New York on a fellowship at the New School for Social Research (briefly renamed New School University). Professor Gambari invited me to every one of the countless farewell cocktails or dinners held in his honour by his colleagues. Almost every head of the diplomatic mission manoeuvred to find a date to host Gambari. From the most exclusive dinner in the beautiful penthouse home of the Lichtenstein envoy to the UN, to which only about 12 of us were invited, including the Dean of UN Ambassadors and the ambassadors of the US, Canada, and Gambari’s most graceful and even more self-effacing wife to the larger dinner hosted by African permanent representatives to the UN, and another by the Nigerian Mission attended by the Secretary-General of the UN, Kofi Annan, the testimonies to Gambari’s effectiveness as Nigeria’s ambassador to the global forum, the depth and breadth of the relationships he cultivated, and his immense contributions to global peace and security were not only heart-warming, they made one proud to share his national identity.

    However, such was the high number of invitations to dinners and cocktails that Gambari received and to which he invited me along that I was afraid that my academic fellowship in New York ran the risk of turning into an excuse for gastronomical excursions and excess. And that I might, at the end of the dinners, find it difficult to return to my more proletarian tastes. I found some excuses to miss a few, which Gambari diplomatically accepted.

    What is remarkable about the Ilorin prince is that he is as comfortable in the hallowed halls of the UN and among global leaders as he is in the world’s remotest parts and among everyday folks. Even those young enough to be his sons, Gambari calls brothers and not just friends. And he shares with his younger “brothers” some of his intriguing experiences around the world, the sweetest of which he sometimes narrates in his inimitable Ilorin-Yoruba accent.

    Such was the nature of his accomplishments that about 30 years ago, my friend, Laolu Akande, arguably Nigeria’s most effective education reporter and later editor and recently vice-presidential spokesman, embarked on a project of writing Gambari’s biography during our years as reporters. Recently, Laolu and I reflected that the man was only 50 when we were already persuaded that he deserved a biography. Since then, we have had the privilege to know the man genuinely. I recall an occasion around 1995 when he and his now late former student-turned-friend, Mr. Wale Adeeyo, stopped over to see Laolu and I at the Tribune House in Imalefalafia, Ibadan. The two were on a trip to some place outside Ibadan when we called to request a brief chat regarding our book project. When they arrived at the Tribune House, we couldn’t find a suitable space in Tribune to host them. He then asked that we get into the car to find a suitable space. A few minutes later, as we drove towards the back entrance of Liberty Stadium, Adeeko, who loathed wasting others or his own time, suggested that they shouldn’t drive us too far away from our office and that they stopped to find a place to chat briefly. Adeeyo, who knew the modesty of his former teacher too well, requested from a woman selling some odds and ends by the roadside if we could sit on her spare bench for a while. She obliged. Gambari sat there with us for a short interview.

    When we were done, Adeeyo gave the woman a generous gift. The woman could not have imagined that the man sharing her bench was Nigeria’s permanent representative at the United Nations. By the way, please do not ask me what happened to the book we were writing. As anyone who has worked in this line of business would attest, some of the most critical writing projects risk regretful abandonment.

    This brings me to the primary purpose of this tribute: a modest proposal. Given Gambari’s experience, unceasing readiness to serve his country, and the current state of Nigeria’s international reputation and diplomatic influence, President Bola Tinubu’s administration would be well-served to leverage these. For instance, the president can set up an Eminent Persons Foreign Policy Advisory Board comprising the three most distinguished Nigerian diplomats alive today: Professor Ibrahim Gambari, former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, and former Minister of External Affairs, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi. These three can suggest the most transformative steps that can be taken to reinvigorate Nigeria’s international influence. Even without the attendant blessings of excess crude dollars of the past that helped in leveraging Nigeria’s regional, continental, and global influence, the president could restore the glorious years of Nigeria’s foreign policy if he listened to the counsel of these three great men.

    Meanwhile, in whatever part of the world this felicitation finds Gambari, here’s a belated happy 80th birthday!

    •Adebanwi is Presidential Penn Compact Professor of Africana Studies and Director of Centre for Africana Studies, University of Pennsylvania, USA.

  • Nigeria in the French orbit

    Nigeria in the French orbit

    By Olabode Lucas

    Last week, our President Bola Ahmed Tinubu made a three-day high-profile visit to France and President Emmanuel Macron of France left no stone unturned to give our president a red carpet treatment. Our president who was accompanied by his wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu had in his delegation to France, some ministers, state governors and some movers and shakers in our business world like Aliko Dangote, Tony Elumelu, Jim Ovia and Ishyaku Rabiu. From the Orly Airport to Elysee Palace and in all the highly organised events, the French government under Emmanuel Macron, warmly welcomed President Tinubu and his team. This visit came 20 years after a Nigerian president visited France. In fact, the reception for President Tinubu in France was so grand that the French Ambassador in Nigeria, Marc Fonbanstier enthused that no African leader had been so received before by President Macron. The warm personal chemistry between President Tinubu and President Macron was very obvious during the visit, while Elumelu and Macron discussed like old friends.

    During the visit, the two presidents had bilateral discussions on economic and political issues. There were agreements on infrastructural development and food security. A branch of Zenith Bank was opened in Paris and the UBA obtained a license to operate in France. Our business leaders too participated in France-Nigeria business fora.

    Despite the above, we cannot forget that since our independence in 1960, the relationship between Nigeria and France had gone through turbulent waters. Some observers may even describe the relationship as adversarial despite the fact that Nigeria is the largest trading partner of France in West Africa. Immediately after independence in 1960, Nigeria faced unexpected hostility from France under the imperious President Charles De Gaulle. At this time, France under De Gaulle started testing atomic bomb in the Sahara Desert with little regard for the effect such action would have on the health of people in countries near the Sahara Desert. Nigeria under the moderate Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was bold enough to cut diplomatic relationship with France. Nigeria was the only country that took this action and De Gaulle considered this as unpardonable impudence from a fledgling independent country and he never forgave Nigeria for this action of Balewa.

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    De Gaulle had his revenge during our debilitating civil war in the late sixties. Although France did not recognise Biafra, De Gaulle encouraged the secessionist enclave through diplomatic support and France virtually became the operating centre for Biafra in Europe. President De Gaulle encouraged Houphouet Boigny of Ivory Coast to recognise Biafra but he could not convince Hamani Diori of neighbouring Niger and other leaders of Francophone West African countries to do the same. The French foreign policy in Africa was usually based on the morbid fear that Nigeria would influence the Francophone countries especially those in West Africa against France. This fear prompted France under De Gaulle to put a wedge between Nigeria and those countries. France did everything possible to frustrate the formation of ECOWAS and its efforts failed due to the determination of General Gowon of Nigeria and Gnassingbé Eyadéma who by then had forged strong personal relationship.  However, the initial wobbling of the organisation at the take-off had an imprint of France. France also showed its hatred for the people of Nigeria during the heinous regime of Sani Abacha. France did nothing to condemn the atrocities of this evil regime because Abacha gave Total, a French company contract running to millions of dollars for turnaround maintenance of Nigeria’s four refineries. Nothing came of this politically motivated contract.

    There is no doubt that the new love France under Emmanuel Macron is showing to Nigeria is because France has lost tremendous influence among its former colonies like Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Chad and Senegal. The only Francophone West African country still attached to the apron string of France is Ivory Coast. The leaders of these other countries are fed up with the political and economic subjugation of their countries by France right from the time of their so-called independence. At independence, these countries were forced to join the French Community and leaders like Sekou Toure of Guinea and Modibo Keita of Mali who refused the dictates of President De Gaulle at independence were harassed and isolated by France. Pliable leaders like Houphouet Boigny of Ivory Coast, Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal, Maga of former Dahomey now Republic of Benin,  Hamani Diori of Niger and Maurice Yameogo of former Upper Volta now Burkina Faso were imposed on the people to carry out the biddings of France and any rebel like Slyvanus Olympio of Togo was promptly removed from power.

    France, which was booted out as a colonial power in South East Asia in the fifties, administered its African colonies with scant regard for human dignity and did everything to subjugate the aspirations of the people. This was similar to its policy in Haiti in the eighteenth century. France is no doubt responsible for the present political and economic dislocations of Haiti through its past heinous colonial policy in that hapless country. The chicken has now come to roost for France in its former colonies in West Africa. The new young leaders of countries like Niger, Chad, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Senegal have thrown out the toga of French oppression on their countries. They want a new lease of life for their countries after many years of French subjugation. In their desperation to get rid of French influence, these leaders are now embracing Russia; however, time will tell whether this is a good option.

    There is no doubt that on the surface the trip of President Tinubu to France was a successful one, but Nigeria should be wary of the intention of France. Some experts in international relations have described France foreign policy in Africa as amoral. There is no way that Nigeria should be a replacement for the French military bases removed from those francophone countries under the nebulous guise of fighting terrorism in West Africa. Nigerians will never accept any foreign military base on their soil. Nigeria is too important in Africa for that type of un-progressive and dangerous venture. The Anglo Defence Pact signed by our leaders before independence in 1960 came to grief before it became operational because of the loud protest of the people led by the then vibrant Students Union of the then University College Ibadan. Any trade agreement or any type of agreement with France should be well scrutinized so as to prevent us from being given poisoned chalice. This is the time to look at the French horse gift in the mouth so that Nigeria would not be suffocated in the orbit of France like its former West Africa countries.

    •Professor Lucas writes from Old Bodija, Ibadan.

  • Forging ahead: The evolving Nigeria-South Africa alliance

    Forging ahead: The evolving Nigeria-South Africa alliance

    By Sunday Dare

    As Nigeria and South Africa convene the 11th session of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission (BNC) in Cape Town, it is imperative to reflect on the historical and evolving contours of their relationship. This milestone session, coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the BNC, serves as a testament to the resilience, ambition, and shared vision of Africa’s two largest economies. It is also a fitting moment to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for his unwavering commitment to fostering robust ties with Africa’s other “big brother,” South Africa.

    With the BNC serving as a platform for dialogue and cooperation, the two nations are poised to reaffirm their roles as co-architects of a continent driven by shared prosperity, peace, and purpose. Their ability to navigate the currents of history while embracing the opportunities of the future demonstrates that this partnership is, indeed, coming of age.

    Established in 1999, the Nigeria-South Africa BNC is a structured platform aimed at enhancing cooperation across political, economic, and social sectors. Over the years, the commission has evolved into a key mechanism for dialogue, addressing shared challenges, and fostering sustainable development.

    This year’s session, encompassing eight working groups, highlights both nations’ commitment to addressing mutual priorities: These key priorities include political consultations (ensuring stability in regional and global contexts), consular and migration Issues (addressing concerns such as xenophobia and facilitating smoother relations), banking and finance (exploring avenues for economic integration), defence and security (tackling transnational crimes and terrorism), as well as manufacturing and trade (including strengthening intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, AfCFTA). Also covered are mines and energy (leveraging natural resources for mutual benefit, social sector development (promoting education, healthcare, and culture), and trade and Investment (expanding business opportunities for both nations).

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    The pragmatic effort to address specific issues in trade, security, and development stresses the responsibility of both leaders to focus on concrete outcomes over rhetoric. More importantly, it reflects the basic principles of African Renaissance. Championed by scholars like Cheikh Anta Diop and Thabo Mbeki, the African Renaissance envisions a continent reclaiming its rightful place in global affairs through unity, cultural revival, and economic development. The BNC is a practical manifestation of this vision. Certainly, Presidents’ Tinubu and Cyril Ramaphosa are evoking the shared identity and destiny of Nigerians and South Africans in fostering an African Renaissance. The BNC serves as a practical example of liberal institutionalism, fostering dialogue and collaboration in a structured manner. As Martin Luther King Jr once stated, “We must learn to live together as brothers or perish together as fools.” This underscores the imperative for sustained collaboration through institutions like the BNC.

    Shared history

    The history of Nigeria-South Africa relationship runs through the period of anti-Apartheid Solidarity of 1960 – 1965, through post-Apartheid engagement that started in 1999. Nigeria was a leading supporter of South Africa’s liberation movement. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria committed substantial financial and diplomatic resources to the anti-apartheid struggle, offering refuge and education to South African exiles like Thabo Mbeki. The Bi-National Commission, established in 1999, institutionalized bilateral cooperation. However, relations have faced challenges, including xenophobic attacks in South Africa and trade imbalances.

    The current nature of the two countries’ economic relations shows that Nigeria’s oil exports and South Africa’s industrial expertise complement each other. Opportunities under AfCFTA and energy collaboration highlight the untapped potential of this relationship. Looking ahead, it is rather easy to see that with strong historical ties and shared visions, Nigeria and South Africa are well-positioned to lead Africa’s socio-economic transformation.

    From anti-apartheid solidarity to economic collaboration

    The Nigeria-South Africa relationship is a tale of resilience, solidarity, and transformation, deeply rooted in shared historical, political, and economic narratives. As Africa’s largest economies, the two nations have carved distinct yet intertwined paths that highlight their roles as both leaders and collaborators in shaping the continent’s destiny. From Nigeria’s pivotal support during South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle to their evolving economic partnership, this relationship embodies the essence of African unity. Yet, it has not been without its challenges, marked by moments of friction and unresolved tensions.

    Nigeria-South Africa relations in the post-apartheid era reflects collaboration, along with some measure of frictions. With apartheid dismantled in 1994 and Nelson Mandela’s election as South Africa’s first democratic president, the dynamic between the two nations transitioned from solidarity to collaboration. However, this new era was also punctuated by moments of tension.

    Collaborative achievements

    The establishment of the Bi-National Commission in 1999 formalized a structured approach to bilateral engagement. Both nations played pivotal roles in initiatives such as the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), advancing the African Renaissance.

    South African corporations such as MTN, Shoprite, and Multichoice became prominent players in Nigeria’s economic landscape, fostering trade and investment.

    Sources of tension

    Recurrent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa have strained relations, spotlighting socio-economic grievances and perceptions of competition. Occasional policy disagreements, such as South Africa’s visa denial to Nigerian officials during Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency, have highlighted gaps in mutual understanding.

    While South African businesses thrive in Nigeria, Nigerian firms face significant barriers in South Africa, fuelling perceptions of unequal benefits.

    Pragmatic mutual exploration of trade and economic potentials has since taken over. As Africa’s two largest economies, Nigeria and South Africa are uniquely positioned to lead the continent’s economic transformation.

    Current dynamics

    Nigeria primarily exports crude oil and natural gas to South Africa, while South Africa exports machinery, manufactured goods, and processed foods. South African firms dominate in sectors like telecommunications (MTN), retail (Shoprite), and media (Multichoice).

    Opportunities for growth

    The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) presents opportunities for deeper trade integration, particularly in technology and industrial goods. Nigeria’s energy surplus and South Africa’s demand create possibilities for collaboration in oil, gas, and renewables.

    Joint infrastructural and developmental initiatives can drive economic growth across Africa.

    Vision for the future

    Despite historical and contemporary challenges, the Nigeria-South Africa partnership remains a cornerstone of African diplomacy. The 25th anniversary of the Bi-National Commission serves as an opportunity to recalibrate their relationship and unlock its potential for mutual and continental benefits.

    As Thabo Mbeki poignantly remarked: “We share a common destiny as Africans. Only through unity and cooperation can we rise above our challenges and achieve greatness.”

    This sentiment captures the essence of Nigeria-South Africa relations—a partnership poised to redefine Africa’s trajectory toward peace, prosperity, and global relevance.

    •Dare is Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communications

  • Setting the tone for national youth confab

    Setting the tone for national youth confab

    • By Jasper Uche

    Beyond the cynicism in some circles about the proposed national youth conference, the opportunity that comes with it should be grabbed with both hands. It could serve as a potent tool for pulling back the youth from the scant belief in their fatherland. While United Nations defines the youth as persons between the ages of 15 and 24, some of its member-states based their classifications on socio-cultural, institutional, economic and political considerations.

    The African Youth Charter and Nigeria’s National Policy on Youth categorized the youth as persons between 18 and 35 years, as according to UNESCO, “youth is a more fluid category than a fixed age-group.”  In some climes, the term ‘young-adults’ is also a special category to accommodate young people above 35 but below the age of 50, who are not yet employed, still living with their parents, and/or are yet to find their feet socio-economically.

    Youth marginalization is clearly seen in recruitment for public offices. A 2016 UN report indicates that 73 percent of countries of the world “restrict young people from running for houses of parliaments, even when they can vote.” The global outcry cascaded down to Nigeria with a push led by YIAGA Africa for the ‘Not- too-young-to-run-bill’, which was passed and signed into law in mid-2018. But the cost of nomination forms by the two major political parties – APC and PDP, in the last two general elections, in part, took the mileage gained out of the new law through the back door.

    The proposed youth confab should therefore, interrogate the problems of Nigerian youths holistically. And the first step towards veering the conference away from credibility crisis is the yardstick for choosing the conferees. The membership should be inclusive of all segments that the youth are actively involved. Such areas include: the civil society, media, ethnic/socio-cultural groups, National Youth Council, political parties (at least with an elected governor), community and faith-based associations, NYSC, students’ union governments, and young people with disabilities (PWDs). Instructively, the PWDs saved the country from total disgrace by earning the only seven medals won at the last Paralympic games in Paris.

    Young-adults from the academia, professional organizations, organized private sector (OPS), creative economy, agricultural cooperatives, digital/tech hubs, climate change activists, sports professionals, and the human rights community, should also be part of the conference. Gender sensitivity has to be considered in all nominations.

    The conference should run with a code of conduct similar to the Chatham House Rule to ensure no-holds-barred engagements. It should be elevated with contending developmental ideas, and not just another jamboree of ‘national cake’ sharing, or a ploy to taunt young radical voices. Hence, clear sanctions should be emplaced against fighting and physical abuse, ethnic slurring/hate languages, as well as other forms of irresponsibility at plenary and committee sessions.

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    First, issues around early child-cum-youth education and development of their critical thinking skills should be strongly advocated. A free, compulsory and qualitative primary and secondary education for all Nigerian children and youths, to curb the high rate of out-of-school syndrome, should be made justiciable. Street hawking or commercial activities during school hours by school-age children and youth should be criminalized. Certainly, this would entail that education budgets of federal and states governments have to scale up to a workable threshold.

    Second, the confab should recommend an urgent review of the curricula of our tertiary schools to reflect contemporary knowledge realities, so that the nation’s graduates will acquire problem-solving skills. China recently made a move to convert its 600 universities to polytechnics in order to produce senior technicians and highly-skilled workers “rather than over-academic and highly theoretical studies.” 

    Third, for political inclusion, the confab should adopt part of the recommendations of a Nigerian think tank, Agora Policy, inter alia, “establish a fund to promote youth leadership development, civic engagement and political participation through fellowships, internships and mentorship initiatives.”  Thus, a percentage of elective and appointive offices should by law be reserved for young people, while adults of over 70 years (the retirement age of professors and judges) should not hold public offices. The ongoing legislation for ‘independent candidacy’ should be supported.

    Four, for massive job creation and enterprise development, the confab should recommend the establishment of solar-powered tech/digital hubs in all the 109 senatorial districts in Nigeria to harness energies and latent talents of young people hitherto lured into cybercrimes. The Sahel region, which part of Nigeria belongs, has “more solar energy production capacity than other regions of the world.”  Besides, an incentivized agriculture through cooperatives of 25-member each for the youth in various agricultural production will unleash competitiveness, as governments provide access to markets. We can learn from the Israeli strides in agriculture through her rural communities.

    Five, a recommendation for government to collaborate with the private sector and set aside one trillion naira (N1 trillion) youth development fund annually for the next ten years. It will be competed for in a ‘You-WIN’ model where winner-start-ups can earn between N5million to N10 million. This has the capacity of funding business initiatives of no less than one (1) million youths every year.

    Six, to reduce cost of governance and free up resources, there should be a recommendation for unicameral legislature. The development commissions which are virtually in all regions now can close the interventionist gaps in defunct constituencies. Also, as a huge drain in the public till, security votes by governors and other public officers should have a national template backed by law, and should be de-classified and audited after three years of usage for public scrutiny.

    Seven, the confab should urge governments to incentivize and tone down criminalization of young people’s ingenuities in artisanal refining of crude oil, artisanal mining of gold, and hacking of systems. These unauthorized self-help initiatives could be cultured, standardized and licensed for wealth creation, legally.

    Indeed, President Tinubu does not need to blow this opportunity. This confab must not end up as another talk shop. Its resolutions should be sent as an executive bill to the National Assembly.

    •Dr Uche writes from Abuja.