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  • As Simon Ekpa comes to judgement

    As Simon Ekpa comes to judgement

    • By Zayd Ibn Isah

    Simon Ekpa, the self-styled leader of the Biafra secessionist movement, appears to be facing his long-overdue reckoning following his arrest by the Finnish government on allegations of terrorism. Ekpa has consistently stirred the hornet’s nest for years with his incendiary remarks and actions, so much so that his name has become synonymous with terror in the once peaceful and thriving south-eastern region of Nigeria.

    Ekpa rose to prominence after the erstwhile leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu, was arrested in Kenya and extradited to Nigeria to face justice under the administration of former president, Muhammadu Buhari. Like Kanu, Ekpa’s leadership and influence enabled the perpetration of a cycle of violence and instability that has made lives nasty, brutish and short (apologies to Thomas Hobbes).

    Even now, following his arrest, IPOB has emerged to distance itself from Simon Ekpa, vehemently denying any affiliation with him and declaring that he was never a member of the group, let alone its leader. Whether this claim is believable remains to be seen. However, one thing is certain: Ekpa’s self-proclaimed sit-at-home orders, enforced through fear and brutality, have crippled the region’s economy and inflicted unimaginable suffering on the people he claims to represent. Schools, markets, and businesses have been forced to close and innocent lives have been lost—all in the name of a misguided separatist agitation.

    Ekpa was reportedly appointed to oversee the affairs of Radio Biafra following Kanu’s arrest in June 2021. However, after being dismissed from the role, he formed his own faction. From that point onward, Ekpa began issuing orders, including the controversial sit-at-home directives, which IPOB’s leadership has publicly and repeatedly disavowed.

    This faction, led by Ekpa, has been linked to escalating violence in the region, including attacks on security forces and the destruction of public property. Recently, Ekpa declared himself the “Prime Minister” of the Biafra Government in Exile (BGIE) and oversaw the formation of an armed group called the ‘Biafra Liberation Army.’ What Ekpa and his followers fail to grasp is that justice cannot be built on a foundation of injustice and blind brutality. There is no strategy for agitation more self-defeating than one that amounts to cutting off your nose to spite your face.

    Read Also: Economy fully on rebound with Tinubu’s reforms, says Omokri

    Throughout history, true leadership has required accountability and a commitment to the welfare of one’s people, rather than the reckless perpetuation of fear and violence. This is something Simon Ekpa fundamentally failed to understand—until his recent arrest.

    The consequences of IPOB’s activities are staggering. A recent report estimates that sit-at-home orders and violence have cost the south-eastern economy over N5 trillion in lost productivity over the past two years. Small businesses, which form the backbone of the region’s economy, have borne the brunt of the crisis, with thousands closing their doors permanently. Education has also been severely disrupted, with countless children missing significant periods of schooling due to fear of attacks. Healthcare systems, already strained, have seen delays in critical services as movement is restricted on declared sit-at-home days.

    Now, Simon Ekpa has come to judgement—not equity. For he who comes to equity must come with clean hands. Ekpa’s hands are stained with the blood of innocent Nigerians in south-eastern Nigeria. At the height of his reign, as stated earlier, he declared himself “Prime Minister” and created an office—a position he later denied in a Finnish court. Imagine a king denying his kingdom! What manner of “Prime Minister” is this? If Simon Ekpa were Moses, I doubt he would have been able to lead his people to the Promised Land.

    This is someone who was almost running a parallel government from Finland, barking orders to his foot soldiers at home, who wreaked havoc at will. Faced with the prospect of jail, he is now backtracking. Doesn’t this betrayal of trust confirm the allegations of using the secessionist agitation to enrich self and cronies?

    If there is anything his arrest and subsequent remand in prison have demonstrated, it is that the long arm of the law, though sometimes delayed, is relentless. Interpol’s involvement in investigating his activities sends a strong message: incitement to violence and terrorism knows no borders. Nations that once served as safe havens for such agitators are waking up to the consequences of harbouring individuals who incite chaos abroad.

    Simon Ekpa’s rhetoric and actions have exposed the dangerous intersection of diaspora activism and local instability. From his Finnish base, he exploited digital platforms to spread propaganda and issue directives, while the real cost of his commands was borne by Nigerians on the ground. This disconnect between the instigator and the affected is emblematic of the broader challenges posed by globalized radicalism. Tragically, this chaos was allowed to go on for far too long.

    As Simon Ekpa faces the prospect of repatriation to face the full wrath of the law, it is imperative to reflect on the broader implications of his actions. The Southeast, a region historically known for its industrious spirit and resilience, has been hijacked by a narrative of violence, stagnation, and division. Yet, the people of the region deserve better. They deserve leaders who prioritize dialogue over belligerence and unity over division. It is high time right-thinking Nigerians in the Southeast rise up to counter rhetoric that unfairly cripples the progress of their homelands.

    This moment should also serve as a wake-up call to Nigerians at home and in the diaspora. While grievances and aspirations are valid in any democracy, the methods employed to address them must remain lawful and constructive. Ekpa’s judgement should not only be seen as a reckoning for his actions but also as a deterrent to others who might consider taking a similar path.

    His arrest also reminds me of another self-acclaimed secessionist leader, Adeyinka Grandson (now forgotten), who was advocating for a Yoruba nation with his platform, Young Yorubas for Freedom. He spoke ill of other tribes, especially the major tribes, on social media, but it wasn’t long before he got his comeuppance. He is now serving a four-year jail term in a UK prison. Sadly, the country is bedevilled by secessionist agitations left, right, and centre, more than 60 years after independence. Almost all the regions feel marginalized. And this has given rise to mutual suspicion.

    As the curtain begins to fall on Simon Ekpa’s campaign of terror, one can only hope that his arraignment will herald a new dawn for peace, progress and genuine leadership for the Southeast. More of his ilk should now understand that the perpetration of violence and instability will no longer be tolerated. Nigerians have already endured a great deal due to ongoing reforms under the new dispensation. While they hope for a light at the end of the tunnel, they cannot afford to suffer more pain and loss from the likes of Simon Ekpa. At this juncture, there must be a resounding reminder that no one is above the law and that the path to freedom should never be paved with the blood and tears of the innocent citizens.

    Finally, the jubilation that greeted Simon Ekpa’s arrest in Finland points to the fact that many Nigerians are still committed to a peaceful, prosperous and indissoluble country. As I always say, what binds us together is stronger than what tears us apart. The fault lines are always there, but, as someone once said, we will continue to disagree to agree, but never to disintegrate. Just as our national anthem reminds us, “though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand”.

    •Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com

  • Lagos’ 2025 Budget of Sustainability

    Lagos’ 2025 Budget of Sustainability

    • By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    The common accounting tool governments, companies, organizations, and several other institutions across the world use for planning and controlling what they must do to satisfy the people and customers and succeed in governance, business and other areas of human endeavours is the budget.

    Budgets provide a measure of the financial results a company expects from its planned activities. By planning for the future, government officials, chief executives, managers, administrators, and others in leadership positions learn to anticipate potential problems and how to avoid them. Instead of subsequently facing problems, they can focus their energies on exploiting opportunities.

    In the last five and half years, the Lagos State government has changed the paradigm not only in budgeting but its implementation in the country. The state has not only effectively monitored budget implementation, it has consistently delivered a budget performance in excess of 70%. It has been the policy of the government to embark on periodic budget reviews.

    Repeated monitoring, critical examination, and diligent application of the process have impacted positively on budget performance in the state. The idea of periodic budget assessment speaks volumes to the pro-activeness of the government as it affords it a scientific basis for measuring its performance in a consistent manner while putting pressure on government departments and agencies to meet budgetary targets.

    While presenting the 2025 budget estimate to the House of Assembly on Thursday, November 22, Sanwo-Olu described the performance of the current year’s budget as “excellent”, noting that the 2024 budget had been implemented to the tune of N1.423 trillion, representing 84 percent performance as at the end of the third quarter.

    The governor proposed a total of N3.005 trillion estimates, earmarking a huge capital investment of N908.7 billion to the Economic Affairs sector—a cluster of key MDAs, comprising Tourism and Creative Arts, Agriculture, Transportation, Works and Infrastructure, Industry and Investments, Wealth Creation and Employment, Energy and Mineral Resources, Waterfront Infrastructure, and Commerce.

    The 2025 Appropriation Bill, christened “Budget of Sustainability” represents a 32.5 percent increase over the current year budget of N2.3 trillion.

    The increment, Sanwo-Olu said, reflected the growing citizens’ demands for sustainable interventions in programmes and projects that would further raise productivity and energise economic growth in the state.

    Read Also: Economy fully on rebound with Tinubu’s reforms, says Omokri

    In response to citizens’ demands, the governor said the proposed budget was structured to ensure stability, stewardship, and social equity around five key pillars, including infrastructure sustainability, economic diversification, social inclusion and human capital development, environmental sustainability, governance, and institutional reforms.

    He noted that sustaining investment in infrastructure in key areas of priority would enable the state to build up momentum for more growth, stressing that his administration’s infrastructural drive would further get a boost in the coming fiscal year.

    According to him, the government had completed 30 road projects, including bridges, across the state, which had all been scheduled for commissioning from the beginning of next month.

    The governor also announced that Lagos had sealed a Memorandum of Understanding with the federal government’s Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI) to kick-start exploratory work on the development of the 68-km Green Line, which will connect Marina to the Lekki Free Trade Zone—a fast-growing industrial corridor in Lagos.

    Thus, the 2025 budget is not just a fiscal document but a blueprint for continuity, resilience and shared prosperity for every Lagosian. As a key economic hub, Lagos stands at a crossroads: a nexus of challenges that test its resolve and opportunities that call for bold action.

    In crafting this budget, the government has listened to the citizens’ voices, studied the global and local economic realities, and reaffirmed its commitment to ensuring that Lagos continues to thrive sustainably for generations to come.

    Therefore, through the budget, the government will be making significant progress in revitalising cultural, religious, and recreational infrastructure across the state. These initiatives are aimed not only at preserving the rich cultural heritage of Lagos but also at unlocking the tourism economy by creating spaces for recreation and artistic expression.

     The recently signed MoU with the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI) to kick-start exploratory work on the development of the 68-km Green Line portends a bright future for the State.

    The 2025 budget proposal consists of a recurrent expenditure of N1.239 trillion, representing 41 percent of the total budget, and a capital expenditure of N1.766 trillion, which represents 59 percent of the budget.

    It is to be financed through a combination of projected revenue inflow of N2.597 trillion, and a deficit financing of N408.9 billion. The revenue sources include Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) projected to be N1.971 trillion, and federal transfers of N626.1 billion.

    The budget’s deficit would be financed through external and internal loans and the issuance of bonds, which would be within the state’s fiscal sustainability parameters.

    Based on sectoral allocation analysis, the government will be spending N233.176 billion on the Environment, N204.005 billion on Health, N208.376 billion on Education, N124.073 billion on Security, Safety, and Public Order, while Social Protection will gulp N47.077 billion.

    On the whole, the budget is not just a statement of intentions but a practical, actionable framework designed to impact lives. There is something for everyone in the budget. From students and entrepreneurs in Yaba to the farmers and fishermen in Epe and Badagry, from the business executives and market women on Lagos Island to the factory workers in Ikorodu, the budget is all about the people of Lagos alone.

    To effectively implement the proposed budget, there is a need to continue to explore public-private-partnership strategies in the provision of infrastructure, and social services, and the conversion of challenges to opportunities within the context of scarce resources. Globally, the development of any megacity like Lagos is the responsibility of both the public and private sectors.

    It is inspiring that the result of a recent impact assessment done by the government shows that critical sectors such as Health, Education, the Environment, and Security are experiencing marked improvements.

    In terms of literacy level, for example, the level in the state is above the national average. In terms of life expectancy, Lagos State is above the national average. The implication of this is enhanced security, improved healthcare, and invariably better quality of life. The number of patients to doctors is also improving as reflected in life expectancy.  Equally, the number of stillbirths and deaths is also gradually reducing.

    It is, thus, quite cheering that the state’s 2025 Budget proposal is coming at a time when the focus of the government is on sustaining and surpassing the gains of the past five and half years through the completion of several ongoing projects such as the Phase 11 of the Lagos Blue Light Rail, Massey Street Children’s Hospital, General Hospital, Ojo and Opebi-Ojota Link Bridge, among others.

    From all indications, with the availability of the required financial resources, the government will accomplish its objective of sustaining a rising Lagos.  Over the years, it has demonstrated enough capacity to implement projects.

    To ensure the total success of the state’s 2025 budget, the people need to be fully involved in its implementation. For instance, they need to speak up whenever they notice any anomaly in the implementation of projects in their localities. The projects in their localities are theirs and are principally meant for them so they should monitor them to ensure that money being spent is well spent.

    •Ogunbiyi is the Director of Features at the Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa Ikeja.

  • Defining issues in research and policy linkages incountry-level development management in Africa

    Defining issues in research and policy linkages incountry-level development management in Africa

    • By Tunji Olaopa

    We now live in a world that is daily undergoing what has been called a polycrisis—crisis situations that are not only fundamental, but are also interlinked in ways that affects several regions of the world. In administrative terms, the polycrisis define a VUCA—vulnerable, uncertain, complex and ambiguous—policy environment where governments have to anticipate challenges before they even happen. With the COVID-19 pandemic, public administrators and public managers are confronted with the contexts of a new normal in all aspects of public administration. And in maneuvering through the landmines of this new normal in governance, governments and administrative contexts all across the world depend significantly on public policy professionalism and expertise that ensure that what governments intends for their citizens are what get implemented by public servants. Successful governments all over the world, in other words, achieve good governance by paying critical attention to their public policy architecture.

    Public policy indeed emerged as a fully developed field of study in the nineteen century, and within the context of a flurry of theoretical and practical development that came after the Second World War. Several contextual issues—the emergence of statistical analysis, management science, social science research methodologies, as well as the emergence of research institutes, policy schools and several think tanks—instigated a series of significant developments that consolidated policy analysis and policy-engaged research as a critical dimension of the policy inputs into government work and into public administration. By the time American universities began cooperating with think tanks, from the Brooking Institution to the Rand Corporation, policy makers, development workers, policy managers, public administrators and even policy researchers were all totally inundated within a robust policy ambience that generated seminars, workshops, public policy courses and discourses which enabled capacities to ground the policy process on solid evidence-based research protocols.

    The public policy framework that we just sketched briefly above provides the handle by which the government in developed societies cumulate the benefits of their intellectual capital. This is the sense in which policy makers and researchers/academics collaborate to facilitate policy-research linkage that burrow into the transdisciplinary and interdisciplinary nature of public policy research to ground development planning and good governance. Unfortunately, Africa’s contribution to the global public policy and research experience is almost next to nothing. What the current global framework demonstrate is that most African states fixate on the hardware of development in terms of infrastructural development indices—roads, schools, hospitals, etc.—with no critical attention to the intangibles that serve as the bedrock for development and governance itself, from human capital and the rule of law to institutional stability and the quality of education.

    And to arrive at a cogent diagnosis of what had gone wrong with the failure of the continent to contribute to the global policy framework, we need to peer deep into the exogenous nature of the policy dynamics on the continent. Africa’s policy protocol is poor for three major reasons. The first is principally ideological—Africa’s insertion into and fixation with the western neoliberal economic paradigm, and especially the Washington Consensus, that dictates supposedly universalist recommendations and conditionalities which are always at odds with local and regional economic and developmental realities. The second unfortunate reason that circumscribe Africa’s poor policy-research nexus is essentially political. It derives from the fact of bad politics that sees politicians formulating policies to satisfy clientelist interests and patronages, rather than fulfilling the social contract and servicing the common good. This is also further complicated by the stringent conditionalities that politicians and the political class needed to embed into the policy formulation framework that in the final analysis hurt public interest.

    This political perspective undermines the technicist view of policy formulation and implementation as a straight and linear process. On the contrary, it is often smeared by political consideration that are not always salutary. The last reason has to do with the conflicting time-frame that conditions the policy-research relationship. On the one hand, politicians and the governments need a quick turnaround time on policy implementation that provide political capital, but on the other hand, policy researchers build their policy intelligence and recommendations on long-term incubation of policy ideas and paradigms for action. In other to undermine the gross uncertainties that often characterize policy design and implementation, policy must be preceded by research and intelligent evaluation and assessments. 

    Africa’s development is therefore caught in a bind. Given the macroeconomic shocks that have kept assailing the world before and after the COVID-19 pandemic, many African governments have failed (a) to ground the framework and protocols of their policymaking practices on economic and statistical rationalities; and (b) rather than exploring and exploiting local capacities to design and formulate policies that align with local interests and needs, many of these governments have ceded or outsourced the policy initiatives to donors to articulate solutions that are far from and sometimes totally disconnected from local realities. One sorry fact about the African policy management crisis is that a significant proportion of usable development statistics about African countries are generated and funded by foreign development agencies, from the World Bank to the United Nations. The chances of achieving successes with such hastily drafted and non-indigenous policy recommendation becomes very low because it becomes top-down in ways that undermine the ability of the local population to own the policies.

    Nigeria presents a rather symptomatic example of this general analysis. At the height of Nigeria’s first development plan after independence (1962 to 1968), the World Bank seconded Prof. Wolfgang Stolper as a technical adviser to assist with the design and implementation of the NDP. In 1966, Stolper penned his experiences in a book, Planning without Facts: Lessons in Resource Allocation from Nigeria’s Development. Stolper’s central experience which grounds his arguments in the book is that the first national development plan was articulated without the benefit of a data and statistical culture around which evidence-based development practices are founded. And so, given this paucity of data, development becomes a process of optimizing as one goes along. In other words, since there are no statistical analysis to optimize a long-run scientific projection, one is forced to depend on series of short-runs decisions and planning that limits the extent of the future one can predict. This lack of statistical parameters makes sustainable development a mirage for policy makers. And it is therefore not surprising that from the first NDP (1962 to 1968) to the 1992-1994 rolling plan, Nigeria has barely been able to articulate a sustainable development that impact good governance for Nigerians. And so, insecurity, terrorism, climate-change-induced disasters and macroeconomic challenges that other countries are managing with success go out of hand for Nigeria.

    We can therefore conclude that Nigeria has been beating about the development bush because we lack a cogent understanding of what development demand—a strong collaboration between policymakers, researchers and think tanks. The policy-research linkage demands a significant relationship between the government and research institutes, tertiary institutions and think tanks that bring a certain sophistication to leadership and the change space of distributed leadership. This collaboration enables the leadership of a state navigate the VUCA administrative environment and the demands of a knowledge and technology society. And that linkage comes with its own unique peculiarity in the Nigerian policy space. On the one hand, consecutive governments in Nigeria don the toga of anti-intellectualism that sees the research industry as interlopers in the policy process rather than as staunch allies and stakeholders. While researchers do not often generate solutions to governance problems, they have the capacity to articulate different scenarios that enable government to better understand different problems that can enhance better policy choices. On the other hand, researchers and scholars also face significant challenges in their commitment to government policy demands. For example, such researchers stand the risk of lower scholarly performances in terms of academic parameters and scholarly rating. Indeed, such scholars also generate some level of suspicions as to the genuineness of their research findings.

    Resolving the disconnect between policy and research on the continent demands some critical imperatives in terms of how policy and research are framed for governance and development purposes that connect policy makers, policy researchers and research centers and institutes. The core imperative is that policy management must be a cumulation of policy research, strategic intelligence and pragmatic statecraft cum intuition that scientifically and practically guide the path of governance projection. And this demands that government needs cogent collaborative plans that focus the research profile of research organizations and think tanks. This is crucial because these organizations, institutes and centers are usually torn between the imperatives of conducting research and the demand of generating policy intelligence and scenarios simply as publications to earn promotion. There is therefore the need for a blueprint that helps research institutes to maneuver between external partners, civil society organizations and the organized private sector in their mandate to mobilize resources, and the necessity of their autonomy as institutes and centers that generate objective and evidence-based data and statistical analyses that government can use.

    Read Also: Climate activists in Africa, others demand $5trn as reparation from polluter countries

    The other dimension to the resolution of the policy-research disconnect is that research institutes and the universities need to also revisit their mandates and modus operandi. The town and gown initiative becomes an imperative that balances the need for research with the demand of development. The town-and-gown framework generate a dynamic of co-creation that expands the depth of what research implies. For instance, universities and tertiary institutions, as well as think tanks, can no longer ignore the fundamental implications of expanding the traditional content of who a faculty member is through the integration of the expertise of professors of practice and scholar-practitioners as a mean of jumpstarting a seamless interdisciplinary and interdependent policy-research partnerships. On their parts, the public service in African states must also invest enormously in the professionalization of planning and policy analysis departments. Such departments will be manned by a special core of experts and consultants that will lead the research onslaught into developing future research and scenario planning on what needed to be done to make the public service to be world class in spirit and in truth.  

  • Why the Nigeria Mines Rangers Service Bill should be killed

    Why the Nigeria Mines Rangers Service Bill should be killed

    • By Abdullahi Omanibe

    Nigeria faces a daunting challenge of illegal mining, losing an estimated $9 billion annually, Nigeria is grappling with the severe challenge of illegal mining, which drains an estimated $9 billion annually from the nation’s economy, according to the House of Representatives Committee on Solid Minerals Development.

    Recognizing these monumental losses, the Federal Government has consistently taken a firm stance against illegal mining.

    One of its notable measures has been the establishment of the Special Mining Marshals under the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC).

    These marshals have been working relentlessly to clamp down on illegal miners who exploit the country’s valuable mineral resources, effectively fleecing the nation of its collective wealth.

     The NSCDC’s Mining Marshals have recorded significant successes, dismantled illegal operations and brought perpetrators to justice.

    Despite these strides, the Nigerian Senate recently passed a bill proposing the creation of the Nigeria Mines Rangers Service (NMRS), an entirely new agency.

    This move, rather than complementing ongoing efforts, risks undermining existing progress, creating redundancies, and diverting scarce resources at a time when the government is prioritizing cost-cutting and streamlining.

    The NMRS Bill is not just unnecessary; it is counterproductive and poses a direct threat to the efficiency of Nigeria’s fight against illegal mining.

     This bill, championed by Hon. Onawo Ogoshi, aims to combat illegal mining, enforce mining regulations, and respond to emergencies within the sector. However, these functions are already being effectively carried out by the NSCDC Mining Marshals, whose trained personnel have dismantled illegal mining camps, arrested operators, and seized illegal mining equipment.

     Recent successes, such as the dismantling of 34 illegal mining camps in Kogi and the arrests of over 300 operators, demonstrate that the existing framework is not only functional but robust.

     Proponents of the bill argue that establishing a specialized agency akin to the Mines Rescue Service in other countries would bolster efforts to combat illegal mining and improve emergency response in the sector. While this idea may seem appealing on the surface, it represents a significant misstep when considered within Nigeria’s unique context.

    Read Also: Sen. Onyesoh urges Senate to empower NSCDC to tackle illegal mining

    The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) already has a dedicated and well-trained Special Force specifically tasked with addressing illegal mining and related challenges. This unit has been operationally effective, demonstrating its capability to fulfill the very functions proposed for the new agency.

     Establishing another agency, such as the Nigeria Mines Rangers Service (NMRS), would not enhance the fight against illegal mining but instead create unnecessary duplication of roles. It would introduce additional layers of bureaucracy, complicating coordination and slowing down decision-making processes.

    Moreover, overlapping responsibilities between the NMRS and existing entities, particularly the NSCDC, are likely to result in jurisdictional conflicts.

    Such disputes could erode the hard-earned interagency collaboration that has been instrumental in the fight against illegal mining, ultimately undermining national security efforts. Rather than fostering synergy, the creation of a new agency risks fragmenting responsibilities and fostering inefficiencies, all at a significant financial cost to the government.

    This approach, while perhaps well-intentioned, ignores the reality that enhancing the operational capacity of existing structures, like the NSCDC Special Force, would yield far greater benefits without the drawbacks of redundancy and mismanagement. Critically, the proposed NMRS faces overwhelming opposition from stakeholders, including the Federal Ministries of Solid Minerals, Interior, and Justice, the Nigeria Army, the Immigration Service, and the NSCDC. During the November 7, 2024, public hearing, these entities unequivocally rejected the bill, citing its redundancy and the duplication of existing agency functions.

    The Federal Ministry of Solid Minerals rightly pointed out that the Mining Surveillance Taskforce already coordinates multiple security agencies to address illegal mining.

    The consensus is clear: strengthening existing agencies is the solution, not creating new ones.

     The timing of this proposal is equally concerning. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has prioritized reducing government expenditures and streamlining agencies to cut costs.

    Establishing the NMRS contradicts this fiscal prudence, introducing additional financial burdens through recruitment, training, infrastructure, and operational costs.

    Nigeria’s mining sector contributes a meagre 0.17% to the GDP; the focus should be on bolstering its contribution, not diverting resources to create a redundant agency. Furthermore, introducing the NMRS opens the door to corruption and rent-seeking behaviours, risks the government cannot afford as it battles pressing economic challenges. Instead of fostering development, the bill risks creating a bureaucratic quagmire that hinders progress.

    Also, instead of creating a new agency, the government should focus on strengthening the NSCDC’s Mining Unit by enhancing its resources, training, and operational capacity to tackle illegal mining more effectively.

    Additionally, improving the regulatory framework through the enforcement of the Minerals and Mining Act, 1999, would ensure adherence to environmental and safety standards while addressing underlying issues in the sector.

    Furthermore, engaging the private sector is crucial to stimulating investments and fostering innovation, which can boost the mining sector’s contribution to the nation’s economy. Without mincing words, the NMRS Bill is an ill-advised proposal that undermines existing structures, wastes resources, and diverts attention from the critical task of strengthening Nigeria’s mining sector.

    The Senate must heed the concerns of stakeholders and prioritize fiscal responsibility and efficiency.

    Rejecting this bill is not just a matter of practicality but a necessary step toward sustainable governance and economic growth.

    This is the moment for decisive leadership. Let us consolidate our resources, strengthen existing agencies, and work collectively towards building a mining sector that truly contributes to Nigeria’s prosperity.

    The NMRS Bill must be rejected—outrightly and without compromise.

  • Nuisance without value

    Nuisance without value

    • Obasanjo points a finger at others, but his other four fingers condemn him

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is again on his notorious binge, talking down, with merry malice, on his successors in power, so he could look good.

    In a recorded speech, at the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum, at Yale University, USA, Obasanjo dubbed President Bola Tinubu as “Emilokan”; and his predecessor, President Muhammadu Buhari, as “Baba Go Slow”. He thus traded insults and crude name-calling like a coarse politician, in the basest of stumps; and not an “elder statesman” that he always loves to posture.

    In all of this holy posturing Obasanjo, notorious for his immaculate white hypocrisy, over-reached himself by his chosen topic: “Leadership Failure and State Capture in Nigeria.” A self-docking never sounded so savage! 

    In post-1999 Nigeria, no one is guiltier than Obasanjo of state capture; and as a failed leader, despite his eternal droning. But he crossed the red line by going abroad to proclaim, as “failing” the country that gave him everything;

    the country he violently spurred to satisfy his elephantine greed. That’s beyond redemption — or pardon.

    “As the world can see and understand, Nigeria’s situation is bad,” the arch finger-pointer thundered to his audience, among who was Peter Obi, the failed candidate that Obasanjo backed for the 2023 presidential election; and one of the most ardent election deniers thereafter. “The failing state status of Nigeria is confirmed and glaringly indicated and manifested for every honest person to see.”

    That’s a new low in Obasanjo’s graceless ranting — for every honest person to see!

    But back to “state capture”, which could be defined as rigging state policies for illicit personal benefits. 

    Long before state capture re-echoed internationally with the odyssey of former South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma, there was the Operation Feed the Nation (OFN), which Gen. Obasanjo launched as military Head of State. The handmaiden, to implement OFN, was the Land Use Decree (now codified as the Land Use Act, LUA). LUA vested all lands in the state governors, who can then appropriate the land for public use.

    While OFN was noble and LUA was no crime, LUA further proved for Obasanjo a veritable instrument, as former junta head and two-term elected president, to capture the state, while he continues to pose as the saint.

    LUA paved the way for Obasanjo’s own OFN — Obasanjo Farms Nigeria! Though Obasanjo spoke of some bank loans to buy large swath of lands, all over the country, it was clear LUA made such acquisitions easier. Or how much did Obasanjo earn as Head of State that, after his military tour of duty in 1979, he became one of the biggest land owners nationwide, the acquiring agent his very own OFN — Obasanjo Farms Limited? Is there a more brazen example of state capture?

    Maybe, there is! That goes back to Obasanjo’s grand but rotten stunt, as outgoing two-term elected president. 

    First, he used LUA to corner choice land at Abeokuta, now named the Olusegun Obasanjo Hilltop Estate, Abeokuta. After, he suborned government contractors, major oil players, top banks and blue chip companies, not to mention intimidated state governors and even local councils, to “donate” to his Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) — and Resorts — which he bragged was “first in Africa”!

    Presidential libraries are a noble American concept. US presidents use presidential libraries to historicise their tenures, via honest donations, after they had left office. But by sheer greed, Obasanjo turned this noble concept on its head! Yet, he points fingers at others as state captors! Meanwhile, none of his three successors — the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and President Muhammadu Buhari, has such slur attached to their names! 

    For context, PMB even built the Wole Soyinka Train Station, virtually facing the OOPL in Abeokuta, Ogun State — a stark irony juxtaposing a brazen state captor with another that planted assets that served everyone — rich, poor and

    in-between. But PMB never cavilled at anyone! Besides, none of Obasanjo’s successors boasts post-power personal trophies. Obasanjo hauls two (OFN, for his military years; OOPL, for his elected presidency) — both running into trillions of Naira! How much did he earn as junta head and two-term elected president?

    Yet, it’s Obasanjo that drones and

    grates over state capture! In his insufferable hypocrisy, he condemns himself with his own words! It’s Karma playing jokes on his spiteful soul. The irony is he is the last to notice, as he dances naked in the public, during his seasonal malicious binges.

    At the Achebe event, Obasanjo called for the sack of Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu, the chair of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC); and declared the 2023 election a travesty — because Peter Obi lost; and a desperate Obasanjo was calling for instant cancellation of results?

    That post-election panic, and the slur at Yale, both encapsulate Obasanjo’s cave electoral sense of justice, in his unfortunate years as president. For starters, which INEC chair is worse than Prof. Maurice Iwu, with whose criminal collusion, Obasanjo delivered his “do or die” election of 2007? 

    Pray, which election, in this current Fourth Republic, counting from 1999, is worse than 2003 (when Obasanjo, by military capture — that word again! — clobbered a second term), and 2007: which he unleashed on the country, following his failure to achieve an illicit third term?

    The late Yar’Adua (God bless his noble and gentle soul!) was so embarrassed by the brazen steal that made him president! He thus instituted electoral reforms, which have progressively birthed the BIVAS (Bimodal Voter Accreditation System) and IReV (INEC Results Viewing portal). This twin-technology has eliminated the PDP-era ghost voters, that delivered the Obasanjo-era fraudulent landslides. Was it an accident that PDP only survived one post-reform poll, and that was 2011?

    It’s these strides towards saner polling that Obasanjo now freely bad-mouths as a “travesty”! 

    But the rot was deeper than Obasanjo-era brazenly skewed polls. He patented the all-mighty principle of legislative “simple minority”, which felled no less than four PDP governors whose faces the imperial president didn’t like. That was aside subjugating an elected governor — Oyo’s Rashidi Ladoja — under Obasanjo’s Oyo Garrison Commander, the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu! Had Obasanjo succeeded in his third term bid, only God knows what would have happened to Nigeria’s democracy today.

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    He who lives in glass houses, that English saying goes, should not throw stones. But Obasanjo does but recklessly throw stones! His brand of corruption is transparent, yet he glories in it and sits beside the damning evidence, pelts others with stones, and kids himself his glass house of transparent fraud will never ever be shattered. Delusional!

    On the economic plain, he shelled out US$ 12 billion to buy out US$ 18 billion debt and he dubbed himself an economic whiz! Yet, had he invested that crude oil windfall in critical infrastructure, wouldn’t Nigeria’s current struggles have been averted? So, is he not fairly docked as the grandfather of the “failing” Nigeria of his spiteful dreams?

    As ex-junta head, Obasanjo started his treasured malice with his release of ‘Not My Will’ in 1990. In that post-junta power memoir, he insulted the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo and traduced Gen. Yakubu Gowon, two grand personages that have more nobility in their fingernail, than Obasanjo would ever have in his entire grubby essence. Awolowo is long dead — but is more adored than the ever-grouching Obasanjo. Gowon just turned 90. Both have retained their honour and respect, without uttering a word, yet Obasanjo continues to rant, in grand delusion that his salvation rests in destroying others — all for respect he will never get.

    It’s a delusion the old man would pursue till the end of his days — and just as well! It’s spiritual comeuppance for

    making too many bad choices, yet feigning they were the best ever. It’s a grand nuisance without the slightest value.

  • India: Unlikely peace broker between Russia and Ukraine

    India: Unlikely peace broker between Russia and Ukraine

    • By Anita Inder Singh

    While US President Elect Donald Trump claims that his administration will end the Russia-Ukraine war in short order, President Volodymyr Zelensky’s hope that India can influence Russia and reduce its capacity to wage war against Ukraine by stopping its huge purchases of cheap Russian oil is either a case of wishful thinking or diplomatic rhetoric.

    Zelensky has qualified that hope by voicing displeasure and disappointment with India’s abstention from UN General Assembly resolutions condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, asserting that India cannot be neutral between aggressor and victim. Apparently, he realizes that his hope is at odds with India’s national interest because India intends to continue buying large quantities of Russian oil which he says have helped Russia to shore up its war economy.

    Since Russia mounted its illegal invasion of Ukraine in 2022, India has established itself as one of Russia’s two largest oil buyers and has much to gain from keeping on good terms with Russia.

    India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar explained on Aug. 17, 2022 that in a country with a GDP of $2,000 per capita (the latest World Bank figure is $2,485) people could not afford higher energy prices. “It is my obligation… my moral duty to ensure that I get them the best deal I can,” he said.

    The significant reality is that India has not bought Russian crude on the cheap. India paid $80 per barrel, about 30 percent more than the G7’s price cap, in 2023. It has paid Russia for oil in US dollars, UAE dirham and, reluctantly, even in yuan, the currency of China, its Asian archrival and territorial challenger. Last July, India overtook China as  Russia’s largest oil customer.

    For the first time Russia sent its so-called fifth generation fighter to a public air show outside the country, but the display of Moscow’s technological prowess backfired spectacularly.

    The reason? The Russia-India tie is mutually advantageous. Russia has been India’s largest arms retailer for more than half a century. But China is Russia’s top strategic and economic priority.

    During his official trip to Russia last July, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed Russia as India’s “all weather friend” and “trusted ally.” The unanswered question is when and how Russia became such a close partner, especially when New Delhi often evokes its strategic autonomy and subscribes to the rules-based order, which is an American construct.

    Add to that Moscow’s recent threats of nuclear strikes on any country helping Ukraine – and many in India and the West might wonder why ‘strategically autonomous’ New Delhi praised a warmongering Russia as an ally, which entails binding commitments. The biggest surprise was that India joined Russia in referring to the conflict “around Ukraine” – rather than in Ukraine – in the statement issued after the Modi-Putin meeting.

    Like China, India has continually abstained from condemning Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, while insisting that it is not neutral but on the side of peace (a phrase also used often by China). During his official visit to Kyiv in August, Modi told Zelensky that India supports Ukraine’s territorial integrity. But in June, India rejected the plan presented by Zelensky at his Swiss peace summit, which called for the preservation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

    Zelensky asked several countries, including India, to host a second peace summit, with a caveat: Ukraine would not hold a peace summit in a country that had not signed its Swiss communique. And he is clear that neutrality means “that you’re with Russia.” That implies that despite his respect for a large country like India and its prime minister, Zelensky doesn’t entertain high expectations for Indian peacemaking between Russia and Ukraine.

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    Zelensky’s skepticism is realistic. As president of the G20 in 2023, India staged a diplomatic coup by preventing the group from condemning Russia in its final declaration. The US and its European allies accepted India’s stance and signed the declaration. India’s position was a contrast to that of Indonesia as president of the G20 in 2022, when its statement in Jakarta lambasted, ‘in strongest terms’, Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.

    Moreover, while claiming to be a global peace facilitator, India has yet to present a peace plan to end the war in Ukraine. New Delhi insists that Russia and Ukraine “will have to negotiate” but cannot prevail upon them to do that.

    Meanwhile, India, like China, is giving Russia critical dual technology, which can be used for civilian and military purposes. Recently, the Financial Times and Bloomberg reported that the components sent by India to Russia include parts for telecommunications and other electronic goods, making them subject to Western export controls.

    Dual technology exports by India to Russia have angered the US, EU and Japan. Last November, the Bengaluru-based Si2 Microsystems came under the sanctions scanner for its alleged role in supplying dual-use technology to Moscow. Innovio Ventures also features in reports as the supplier of at least $4.9 million worth of electronic goods, including drones, to Russia. The US has imposed sanctions on more than 19 Indian companies for sustaining Russia’s war in Ukraine. New Delhi has responded that the Indian entities did not violate domestic laws but that it would “sensitize Indian companies to applicable export control provisions.”

    At the very least, Putin will only agree to negotiate if Ukraine makes significant territorial concessions to Russia. That makes India’s talk of supporting Ukraine’s territorial integrity and the UN Charter meaningless, especially since post-Soviet Russia itself recognized Ukraine’s statehood in 1991, but is now intent on making a land grab. Dependent on Russia for military and oil supplies, New Delhi lacks real clout over Moscow. Given Russia’s longstanding plan to extinguish Ukraine, any Indian help in peacemaking remains on an infinite horizon.

    •This article was first published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Lagos and the 2025 budget of sustainability

    Lagos and the 2025 budget of sustainability

    • By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    The common accounting tool governments, companies, organizations, and several other institutions across the world use for planning and controlling what they must do to satisfy the people,  and customers and succeed in governance, business and other areas of human endeavours is budgeting.

     Budgets provide a measure of the financial results a company expects from its planned activities. By planning for the future, government officials, chief executives, managers, administrators, and others in leadership positions learn to anticipate potential problems and how to avoid them. Instead of subsequently facing problems, they can focus their energies on exploiting opportunities.

    In the last five and half years, the Lagos State Government has changed the paradigm not only in budgeting but in its implementation in the country. The State has not only effectively monitored budget implementation, it has consistently delivered a budget performance in excess of 70%. It has been the policy of the government to embark on periodic budget reviews.

    Repeated monitoring, critical examination, and diligent application of the process have impacted positively on budget performance in the state. The idea of periodic budget assessment speaks volumes of the pro-activeness of the government as it affords it a scientific basis for measuring its performance in a consistent manner while putting pressure on government departments and agencies to meet budgetary targets.

    While presenting the 2025 budget estimate to the House of Assembly on Thursday, November 22, Sanwo-Olu described the performance of the current year’s budget as “excellent”, noting that the 2024 budget had been implemented to the tune of N1.423 trillion, representing 84 percent performance as at the end of the third quarter.

    The Governor proposed a total of N3.005 trillion budget estimates, earmarking a huge capital investment of N908.7 billion to the Economic Affairs sector—a cluster of key MDAs, comprising Tourism and Creative Arts, Agriculture, Transportation, Works and Infrastructure, Industry and Investments, Wealth Creation and Employment, Energy and Mineral Resources, Waterfront Infrastructure, and Commerce.

    The 2025 Appropriation Bill, christened “Budget of Sustainability,” represents a 32.5 percent increase over the current year budget, totaling N2.3 trillion.

    The increment, Sanwo-Olu said, reflected the growing citizens’ demands for sustainable interventions in programmes and projects that would further raise productivity and energise economic growth in the State.

    In response to citizens’ demands, the governor said the proposed budget was structured to ensure stability, stewardship, and social equity around five key pillars, including infrastructure sustainability, economic diversification, social inclusion and human capital development, environmental sustainability, governance, and institutional reforms.

    He noted that sustaining investment in infrastructure in key areas of priority would enable the State to build up momentum for more growth, stressing that his administration’s infrastructural drive would further get a boost in the coming fiscal year.

    According to him, the Government had completed 30 road projects, including bridges, across the State, which had all been scheduled for commissioning from the beginning of next month.

    The Governor also announced that Lagos had sealed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Federal Government’s Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI) to kickstart exploratory work on the development of the 68-km Green Line, which will connect Marina to the Lekki Free Trade Zone—a fast-growing industrial corridor in Lagos.

    Thus, the 2025 budget is not just a fiscal document but a blueprint for continuity, resilience, and shared prosperity for every Lagosian. As a key economic hub, Lagos stands at a crossroads: a nexus of challenges that test its resolve and opportunities that call for bold action.

    In crafting this budget, the government has listened to the citizens’ voices, studied the global and local economic realities, and reaffirmed its commitment to ensuring that Lagos continues to thrive sustainably for generations to come.

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    Therefore, through the budget, the government will be making significant progress in revitalising cultural, religious, and recreational infrastructure across the State. These initiatives are aimed not only at preserving the rich cultural heritage of Lagos but also at unlocking the tourism economy by creating spaces for recreation and artistic expression.

     The recently signed MoU between the State government and the Federal Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI) to kickstart exploratory work on the development of the 68-km Green Line, which will connect Marina to the Lekki Free Trade Zone, portends a bright future for the State.

    The 2025 budget proposal consists of a recurrent expenditure of N1.239 trillion, representing 41 percent of the total budget, and a capital expenditure of N1.766 trillion, which represents 59 percent of the budget.

    It is to be financed through a combination of projected revenue inflow of N2.597 trillion, and a deficit financing of N408.9 billion. The revenue sources include Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) projected to be N1.971 trillion, and federal transfers of N626.1 billion.

    The budget’s deficit would be financed through external and internal loans and the issuance of bonds, which would be within the State’s fiscal sustainability parameters.

    Based on sectoral allocation analysis, the government will be spending N233.176 billion on the Environment, N204.005 billion on Health, N208.376 billion on Education, N124.073 billion on Security, Safety, and Public Order, while Social Protection will gulp N47.077 billion.

    On the whole, the budget is not just a statement of intentions but a practical, actionable framework designed to impact lives. There is something for everyone in the budget. From students and entrepreneurs in Yaba to the farmers and fishermen in Epe and Badagry, from the business executives and market women on Lagos Island to the factory workers in Ikorodu, the budget is all about the people of Lagos alone.

    To effectively implement the proposed budget, there is a need to continue to explore public-private-partnership strategies in the provision of infrastructure, and social services, and the conversion of challenges to opportunities within the context of scarce resources. Globally, the development of any megacity like Lagos is the responsibility of both the public and private sectors.

    It is inspiring that the result of a recent impact assessment done by the government shows that critical sectors such as Health, Education, the Environment, and Security are experiencing marked improvements.

    In terms of literacy level, for example, the level in the state is above the national average. In terms of life expectancy, Lagos State is above the national average. The implication of this is enhanced security, improved healthcare, and invariably better quality of life. The number of patients to doctors is also improving as reflected in life expectancy.  Equally, the number of stillbirths and deaths is also gradually reducing.

    It is, thus, quite cheering that the State’s 2025 Budget proposal is coming at a time when the focus of the government is on sustaining and surpassing the gains of the past five and half years through the completion of several ongoing projects such as the Phase 11 of the Lagos Blue Light Rail, Massey Street Children’s Hospital, General Hospital, Ojo and Opebi-Ojota Link Bridge, among others.

    From all indications, with the availability of the required financial resources, the government will accomplish its objective of sustaining a rising Lagos.  Over the years, it has demonstrated enough capacity to implement projects.

    To ensure the total success of the State’s 2025 budget, the people need to be fully involved in its implementation. For instance, they need to speak up whenever they notice any anomaly in the implementation of projects in their localities. The projects in their localities are theirs and are principally meant for them so they should monitor them to ensure that money being spent is well spent.

    • Ogunbiyi is the Director of Features at the Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa Ikeja.
  • Eight key reforms in Aviation, Aerospace sector under Keyamo

    Eight key reforms in Aviation, Aerospace sector under Keyamo

    • By Opeoluwa Dapo-Thomas

    In a democracy, accountability is cardinal. Citizens often grow impatient with high expectations. After only a month in office, the Minister of Petroleum is expected to increase oil production from 1.5 million to 2.5 million barrels a day, the Minister of Power is expected to provide 24/7 electricity without raising tariffs, and the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development is expected to reduce airfare prices by decree, because it is unacceptable that a flight from Lagos to Abuja is more expensive than from London Gatwick to Amsterdam Schiphol.

    However, for citizens to see these outcomes, government officials must first lay the groundwork through policies, legislation, budgetary allocations, private investment, and political will. Unfortunately, these reforms take time to manifest, but it is easy to observe the puzzles coming together in the Aviation Sector under Festus Keyamo (SAN).

    The aviation sector is riddled with challenges. These include high operational costs, inadequate infrastructure, and difficulty in expanding airline fleets. During a recent two-day media chat, Minister Festus Keyamo shed light on several key reforms aimed at addressing these issues, focusing on safety, infrastructure, support for local operators, human capacity development, and revenue generation.

    Key Reform

    1.            Cape Town Convention (CTC) Compliance

    A major reform to drive down airfares in the long term is Nigeria’s improved compliance with the Cape Town Convention (CTC). This international treaty makes it easier for airlines to lease and finance aircraft, solving one of Nigeria’s long-standing issues: the difficulty airlines face in expanding their fleets through leasing. In what looks like poetic justice, the treaty needed some of the country’s top legal officials and the President’s appointment of the SAN to the aviation industry which is primarily about law, legalese, treaties, conventions, agreements has paid off. Under Keyamo’s leadership, Nigeria’s CTC compliance score increased from 49% to 70.5%, and thanks to the update of the Irrevocable Deregistration and Export Request Authorization (IDERA) regulations, there’s more upside for the West African giant. This increased compliance restored investor confidence in the sector, reducing the cost of doing business and setting the foundation for more competitive airfares.

    2.            Passenger Rights and Consumer Protection

    The minister also launched a consumer protection portal through the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA). This portal is designed to prioritize and address passenger complaints about delayed flights, baggage issues, and other inconveniences. This reform aims to hold airlines accountable and improve overall passenger experience.

    3.            Bilateral Agreements and Aviation Diplomacy

    Nigeria’s aviation sector has benefited from strengthened bilateral relations. The Minister successfully negotiated and expanded Bilateral Air Service Agreements (BASA) with several countries, allowing Nigerian airlines to access more international routes. Air Peace route to London was well delivered. There is more pressure to secure a slot at London Heathrow to establish reciprocity between the two nations. These agreements foster collaboration with foreign airlines, boosting tourism, trade, and economic growth, while ensuring foreign airlines can also operate in Nigeria under reciprocal terms. The UAE-Nigeria relationship has also been properly managed by the Minister.

    4.            Positioning Nigeria as an African Aviation and Trade Hub

    Festus Keyamo started his tenure by mediating with foreign airlines and IATA over trapped funds. After that chapter closed, he has focused on positioning Nigeria as a key aviation hub in Africa, in competition with established hubs like Ethiopia and South Africa. Through diplomatic efforts with international aviation bodies, the Minister is working to improve infrastructure and safety standards, further enhancing Nigeria’s global aviation standing. There are also talks of a world-class aerotropolis. An ecosystem that focuses on airport’s commercial, logistics, and aeronautical infrastructure at the core. Hotels, restaurants and businesses to make Nigeria on the same level with its peers globally.  From a trade perspective, in a conversation with his counterpart in Saudi Arabia, he positioned Nigeria’s seven dedicated cargo airports in a bid to restore the servicing of the cargo operations between Saudi and Nigeria and assured the country of capital repatriation with the new liberalized FX market.

    5.            Infrastructural Improvements and preparing the groundwork for airport concessionaires

    Recognizing the importance of improving airport infrastructure, Keyamo initiated the relocation of foreign airlines from the old terminal at Murtala Muhammed International Airport to the new terminal, which handles 60% of Nigeria’s international traffic. His bold actions have already seen improved service delivery. Additionally, the construction of a second runway at Abuja Airport is a significant step in accommodating growing passenger numbers and improving efficiency. The plan to concession airports aims to further modernize Nigeria’s aviation infrastructure.

    6.            Cost Reduction Measures

    Another reform that has flown under the radar is the minister’s focus on cutting costs in the sector. Early in the administration, Keyamo ordered the relocation of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) headquarters from Abuja to Lagos, saving the agency over N500 million in travel expenses. More recently, after an energy audit, it was revealed that the government spends around N1 billion monthly on diesel to power airports in Lagos and Abuja. By transitioning these airports to solar energy, long-term operational costs will be significantly reduced.

    7. Safeguarding Nigeria’s interest with the controversial Nigerian Air

    One of the key debates in the aviation sector is the future of Nigerian Air. While national carriers have been symbolic in some countries, Keyamo’s approach has been pragmatic. Rather than pushing for a nationalistic airline to solve all the sector’s problems, the focus has shifted to creating an environment where Nigerian airlines can thrive through international treaties and legal frameworks.

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    There are other efforts by the Minister that would bring yields in the long-term;

    8.            Security and Regulatory Oversight

    Illegal charter operations were previously rampant in Nigeria’s aviation industry, undermining the regulatory framework. Keyamo has taken steps to address this by setting up a task force to eliminate these operations, ensuring a more secure and compliant aviation environment. There is now synergy with the National security adviser in fixing these issues.

    •              Reducing airlines expenses by supporting the margins offered through aviation fuel by local refineries’.

    •              Providing support for domestic MRO (Maintenance, Repair and Operations) infrastructure  which would reduce airlines overhead expenses.

    •              Making airports viable through Cargo airports. This would improve trade and revenue generation.

    Through these reforms, Festus Keyamo is laying the foundation for long-term improvements in Nigeria’s aviation sector. The groundwork he’s laying—from increased investor confidence to reduced operational costs—could lead to more competitive airfares and a stronger aviation industry.

  • Media, democracy and the public interest

    Media, democracy and the public interest

    There has been another addition to President Bola Tinubu’s media team. The president has also restructured his media team in a bid to “enhance efficiency within the government’s communication machinery.” Thanks be to God!

    Well, we are not here to look into the costs and benefits of this new addition at a time when Nigerians are clamouring for a review of the cost of the machinery of the government and the implementation of the Oronsaye Report on the cost of governance. Our focus is on the strategic relationship between government and citizens, as explored in ‘Media, democracy and the public interest’.

    Politics, as Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci noted, involves shifting the territory of discourse to advance one’s project. In a democratic setup, the government employs this principle – shifting the territory of discourse – to present its stance and persuade the public. Therefore, it is our considered opinion that, in a very difficult economic dysfunction, Tinubu should have emulated the British Prime Minister James Harold Wilson, who on getting elected in a very difficult economic crisis in 1964, chose as his Chief Media Spokesman, not a traditional media spokesperson but a young Economics professor to carry the public along as brutal decisions had to be made to navigate the crisis. It was a game-changing appointment! The Tinubu-led government should still consider this!

    That said, the government’s response to the economic crisis, caused by decades of policy mishaps and ill-advised decisions, is necessary and inevitable. However, while this response brings short-term pain, it also sparks disaffection among citizens. To address this, a democracy facing economic turmoil needs constant, clear explanation of the situation and the importance of reforms. These “explainers” should emphasize how reforms benefit the majority of working individuals and their families. The government must now concentrate on the team of explainers, as consistent and clear messaging is crucial for building public trust and understanding.

    The Tinubu government must now determine the territory of the debate rather than adopting a perceived reactive position. This is what governments in very difficult economic circumstances have always done and indeed are expected to do. New forms of messaging must be explored in a creative and imaginative pursuit of wooing the audience and in the process capturing and moulding hearts and minds.

    As the Canadian communication theorist Marshall McLuhan notably argued, “The medium is the message.” The government must determine a cost-effective medium to use for its messaging explainers and constant reminders. A review of strategy, methods and effectiveness must be carried out. This is very important for a country at a critical juncture like ours. Resorting to insults and profanity may bring momentary comfort, but it accomplishes nothing meaningful and can have devastating repercussions.

    Daron Acemoglu, Turkish-American economist and 2024 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics winner noted in ‘Why Nations Fail’, that nations must navigate critical junctures. Nigeria at a pivotal moment presents the Tinubu government with a historic opportunity to redefine the country’s political economy and be interpreted as the game-changing administration. To achieve this, the government must engage the majority and build a lasting national consensus. This requires revitalizing messaging and the positive redirection of the territory of the debate to support its visionary project.

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    The relationship between democracy and the press is a sacred one. As the fourth estate, the press promotes democratic values like freedom, equality and justice. Ideally, it acts as a catalyst for change, barking loudly when those in power overstep their boundaries. However, when the press becomes beholden to special interests or political ideologies, it can create an echo chamber amplifying misinformation and drowning out dissenting voices. When the delicate dance turns into a tug-of-war between the pursuit of truth and the pursuit of profit, the tension can lead to a watered-down version of the truth, where sensationalism reigns supreme and fact-checking takes a backseat.

    It also needs to be noted that the power of the press is a double-edged sword – it can either uphold or undermine democracy, depending on how it is wielded. When the press is free to report the truth without fear or favour, democracy flourishes. But when the press is compromised or manipulated, democracy suffers. It’s a simple equation, but one that requires constant vigilance to maintain. As citizens, it’s our responsibility to ensure that the press remains a force for good, holding those in power accountable and providing us with the truth, no matter how uncomfortable it may be.

    Presently, the Nigerian media landscape is a complex web of economic struggles, government influence and the quest for survival. Unfortunately, the media has been browbeaten into submission, forced to prioritize government patronage over objective reporting. Media owners and practitioners are caught between a rock and a hard place, desperate to stay afloat amidst economic crisis. The allure of government adverts and sponsorships is too great to resist, even if it means injuring journalistic integrity.

    In this precarious environment, social media has emerged as a beacon of hope, offering a cheaper and relatively punishment-free alternative. However, traditional media outlets remain terrified of losing government patronage, which could spell financial disaster. The example of Lagos-Abeokuta Road, a death trap that’s been ignored by mainstream media, highlights the consequences of this fear. TVC, for instance, cannot afford to lose the one-hour program sponsored by the Ogun State Government. This predicament raises fundamental questions about the role of media in a democratic society. Take, for instance, how can journalists maintain objectivity when their livelihoods depend on government favour? The economic crisis has only exacerbated this issue, as companies slash advertising budgets and media outlets scramble for scraps.

    The situation is dire, with industrial firms pulling out and leaving Nigeria’s media landscape impoverished. Media outlets struggle to stay afloat, compromising their independence, patronage and sponsorship come with strings attached, stifling objective reporting, and the public views media content with skepticism, eroding trust in institutions. How then can the media reclaim its role as a watchdog, holding those in power accountable and fostering a more informed, engaged citizenry?

    In an address to the All Nigerian Editors Conference, recently, the president highlighted the pivotal role of the media in Nigeria’s democracy. He acknowledged that the country’s democratic experience wouldn’t have been possible without the media’s tireless efforts. He therefore urged media practitioners to continue holding elected officials accountable, promoting transparency and mutual respect.

    Obviously, Tinubu’s emphasis on cooperation between the government and media is a step in the right direction. By recognizing their intertwined roles, both parties can work together to empower citizens, strengthen democratic institutions and foster a more informed society. As experts have noted, Nigeria’s democratic progress hinges on the media’s ability to hold leaders accountable and promote transparency. In other words, if the president’s ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’ must work in a way to unlock Nigeria’s vast potential, it’s crucial that press freedom and accountability remain the cornerstones of this vision.

    Harold Wilson’s ability to simplify complex issues was pure genius. Despite not being a journalist, he could explain intricate concepts in an accessible way, making him understandable to everyone, including a market vendor. Nigerian states and local governments can learn from Wilson’s approach. Currently, they struggle to articulate their stance on the minimum wage debate. Emulating the Federal Government’s communication strategy would help clarify their positions and foster better public understanding.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Food security: Why Nigeria needs 43 agriculture ministers

    Food security: Why Nigeria needs 43 agriculture ministers

    • By Gabriel Okoduwa

    With the current hunger in Nigeria, I wish to propose something unconventional, but drastic that may help improve Nigeria’s economy through agriculture. The federal government should appoint 43 ministers of agriculture.

     Each of the six geopolitical zones should have coordinating Minister of Agriculture.  The 36 states and FCT should have Minister of State for Agriculture. All the 43 ministers of agriculture must be lecturers from the Faculty of Agriculture; a senior lecturer and above. The Minister of State for Agriculture must be from the state he is assigned to. And the coordinating agriculture minister of each geo-political zone must be from that zone.

     Each Minister of State is to identify the crops the state have comparative advantage and ensure such crop is produced in large quantities.

    Since the land belongs to the governor, each Minister of State in collaboration with the governors and commissioner of agriculture of that state must find a way to make idle land available to farmers. Each Minister of State is to device a means that work for that state to achieve it.

    We must learn to promote reward based on productivity to reduce corruption in Nigeria instead of being just hypocrite. To achieve this, five percent of every incremental production of all the farmers that have benefitted from the program of the government should belong to the ministers and all the civil servants, agencies, government officials, and other public officials that were involved in the program. Incremental production in this case means if a farmer was producing 100kg of crop before the new system, if the production increase to 150kg, the five percent of 50kg which is 2.5kg should be given to the ministers of agriculture, commissioner of agriculture and other public official involved in the process.

    Stealing of input (capital for farmers, fertilizers, seedlings, land etc. must be treated as terrorism or treason as reward has already been made available from the output.

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    All the ministers will be rated yearly. Anyone that cannot significantly increase the output from its state in one year will be replaced.

    The Minister of Finance and Coordinator of the Economy will be the supervisor of all the Minister(s) of Agriculture from each of the geopolitical zone. They will provide him/her progress report every two months. And the consolidated report will be presented to the president every quarter. The Minister(s) of State for Agriculture don’t need to attend every Federal Executive Council, (FEC) meeting in Abuja. Only those specially invited for specific reason are expected in Abuja. The six ministers of agriculture in each geopolitical zone are the only automatic members of FEC.

    Some people may shout this will cause a major increase in the cost of governance. If we try it for two years and it does not produce output that far exceeds the increased cost of governance, we can scrap it.

    We need to understand that, to make drastic progress in Nigeria, we need drastic and unconventional ideas. Today we rely so much on declining crude oil. Comparing us to other parts of the world, the only area we can harness very fast is agriculture. Let the whole country go into farming. Let get the people engage in productivity.

    We must ensure we don’t use the improved productivity to reduce the price of food items in the market. The price of food doesn’t need to decrease. We need to maintain a good profit margin for farmers to ensure a lot of people go into farming. The increase in activities and employment from the farming will naturally increase the purchasing power of Nigerians and will make it easy for people to buy the food at high price. To achieve this, government must be willing to buy excess output to maintain high price. Government should also ensure enough storage facilities and processing facilities are built to ensure wastage is reduced.

    The minister of state should try to influence the state governors to prioritise grading and maintaining farm roads over beautifying the state capital and other nice things which do not lead to increased productivity.

     Some people may say this is duplication of the work of the commissioner of agriculture in a state and Permanent Secretary/representative in the federal and state Ministry of Agriculture in a state. For academic argument or in ideal situation, it may look that way. In reality and practicality, considering where we are as a nation, it is not. Nigerians don’t blame governors for poor economy. Governors are generally insulated or immune. Almost all Nigerians put the blame of poor economy on the federal government hence governors have no motivation to push economic agenda. Governors will rather focus on doing city roads and beautifying the state capital where most of the vocal educated class live. This helps them to be popular and win election.

    The push for economic revolution must come from the federal government for now. Also commissioners of agriculture are just there in name only. Many of them are not empowered by the governors to drive policy. They are just occupying space. Having someone with some federal power pushing the governor on behalf of the president will go a long way. The likely conflict that may arise will help make agriculture a major discussion and create awareness and seriousness. The psychology of having 43 ministers focussing in agriculture will send a clear message of seriousness and urgency.

    It is time Nigeria stopped thinking only the North can produce food. It is time the whole country starts working hard to create food security, opportunity and economic growth through agriculture. Netherland that is not up to the size of Southwest both in landmass and population makes more than three times through agricultural export what Nigeria makes from oil. Agriculture can replace oil. The money may come through effort and sweat unlike oil that is almost free money. But the gain will help push the country in the right path for future generations.

    Also, the states should apply similar approach and have Commissioner for Agriculture in every Local Government Area.

    •Gabriel, PhD writes from Lagos via Ibhagab@gmail.com.